# LongBench v2 / 66f40501821e116aacb307e8

task_id: a0926353-fd7c-5757-876a-b382835d07d7
task_key: train--66f40501821e116aacb307e8
task_revision_id: 3

{"choice_A":"Then we finished drinking coffee, me and a guest, miss, yesterday morning.","choice_B":"Then we finished drinking tea, me and a guest, miss, yesterday morning.","choice_C":"Then we finished drinking coffee, me and a guest, miss, today morning.","choice_D":"Then we finished drinking coffee, me and a guest, mrs, today morning.","context":"A grammar of\nKalamang\nEline Visser\nlanguage\nscience\npress\nComprehensive Grammar Library 4\n\n\nComprehensive Grammar Library\nEditor: Martin Haspelmath\nIn this series:\n1. Jacques, Guillaume. A grammar of Japhug.\n2. Grimm, Nadine. A grammar of Gyeli.\n3. Maurer-Cecchini, Philippe. A grammar of Tuatschin: A Sursilvan Romansh dialect.\n4. Visser, Eline. A grammar of Kalamang.\nThis series grew out of the grammars published in Studies in Diversity Linguistics, which are\nproudly mentioned:\n4. Berghäll, Liisa. A grammar of Mauwake.\n5. Wilbur, Joshua. A grammar of Pite Saami.\n7. Schackow, Diana. A grammar of Yakkha.\n8. Liljegren, Henrik. A grammar of Palula.\n9. Shimelman, Aviva. A grammar of Yauyos Quechua.\n11. Kluge, Angela. A grammar of Papuan Malay.\n12. Kieviet, Paulus. A grammar of Rapa Nui.\n22. Döhler, Christian. A grammar of Komnzo.\n23. Yakpo, Kofi. A grammar of Pichi.\nISSN (print): 2748-971X\nISSN (electronic): 2749-7798\n\n\nA grammar of\nKalamang\nEline Visser\nlanguage\nscience\npress\n\n\nEline Visser. 2022. A grammar of Kalamang (Comprehensive Grammar Library\n4). Berlin: Language Science Press.\nThis title can be downloaded at:\nhttp://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/344\n© 2022, Eline Visser\nPublished under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 Licence (CC BY 4.0):\nhttp://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/\nISBN: 978-3-96110-343-0 (Digital)\n978-3-98554-039-6 (Hardcover)\nISSN (print): 2748-971X\nISSN (electronic): 2749-7798\nDOI: 10.5281/zenodo.6499927\nSource code available from www.github.com/langsci/344\nCollaborative reading: paperhive.org/documents/remote?type=langsci&id=344\nCover and concept of design: Ulrike Harbort\nTypesetting: Eline Visser, Sebastian Nordhoff\nProofreading: Amir Ghorbanpour, Amy Amoakuh, Andi Hölzl, Heriberto\nAvelino, Bev Erasmus, Bianca Prandi, Cesar Perez Guarda, Christopher\nStraughn, Craevschi Alexandru, Fahad Almalki, Jeroen van de Weijer, Katja\nPolitt, Liam McKnight, Ludger Paschen, Maša Beslin, Matthew Windsor,\nNeneng Sri, Jean Nitzke, Phil Duncan, Siva Kalyan, Sune Gregersen, Thera\nCrane, Tihomir Rangelov, Yvonne Treis\nFonts: Libertinus, Arimo, DejaVu Sans Mono\nTypesetting software: XƎL\nA\nT\nEX\nLanguage Science Press\nxHain\nGrünberger Str. 16\n10243 Berlin, Germany\nlangsci-press.org\nStorage and cataloguing done by FU Berlin\n\n\nContents\nAcknowledgments\nix\nAbbreviations\nxi\nRingkasan Bahasa Indonesia [Indonesian summary]\nxv\n1\nIntroduction\n1\n1.1\nLocal setting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n1\n1.1.1\nPhysical geography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n1\n1.1.2\nLinguistic geography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n4\n1.2\nHistory of settlement and contact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n5\n1.3\nEthnographic and socio-economic remarks . . . . . . . . . . . .\n7\n1.4\nSociolinguistic situation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n13\n1.5\nPrevious accounts of Kalamang and its genealogical affiliations .\n17\n1.6\nThis study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n19\n1.6.1\nBackground to this study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n19\n1.6.2\nAims and theoretical framework\n. . . . . . . . . . . . .\n19\n1.6.3\nRelation with consultants, other speakers and the\ncommunity\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n21\n1.6.4\nData and research methods\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n25\n1.6.5\nRecording and data management . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n31\n1.6.6\nNotation systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n32\n1.6.7\nMalay and Indonesian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n34\n2\nShort grammatical overview of Kalamang\n37\n2.1\nPhonology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n37\n2.2\nMorphophonology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n38\n2.3\nNouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases . . . . . . . . .\n39\n2.4\nPronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n41\n2.5\nDemonstratives\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n43\n2.6\nVerbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n44\n2.7\nSimple clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n46\n\n\nContents\n2.8\nComplex predicates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n48\n2.9\nClausal modification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n48\n2.10 Topic and focus\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n49\n2.11 Areal linguistic context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n50\n3\nPhonetics, phonology and morphophonology\n55\n3.1\nPhoneme inventory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n55\n3.1.1\nConsonants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n55\n3.1.2\nVowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n65\n3.2\nPhonotactics and syllable structure\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n69\n3.2.1\nSyllable structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n70\n3.2.2\nPhonotactics of consonants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n71\n3.2.3\nPhonotactics of vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n72\n3.2.4\nVowel sequences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n72\n3.3\nProsody . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n74\n3.3.1\nStress assignment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n74\n3.3.2\nLength . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n85\n3.3.3\nIntonation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n86\n3.4\nMorphophonology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n96\n3.4.1\nLenition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n96\n3.4.2\nElision of k\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n97\n3.4.3\nAssimilation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n99\n3.4.4\nPalatalisation/assibilation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n101\n3.4.5\nMetathesis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n102\n3.4.6\nUnresolved morphophonological features\n. . . . . . . .\n102\n3.5\nThe phonology of interjections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n108\n4\nMorphological units and processes\n111\n4.1\nMorphological units . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n111\n4.1.1\nWord . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n111\n4.1.2\nBases and roots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n112\n4.1.3\nAffix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n112\n4.1.4\nClitic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n113\n4.1.5\nParticle\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n115\n4.1.6\nComparison with native speakers’ spelling . . . . . . . .\n116\n4.2\nMorphological processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n117\n4.2.1\nReduplication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n117\n4.2.2\nCompounding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n124\n4.2.3\nAffixation and cliticisation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n125\nii\n\n\nContents\n5\nWord classes\n129\n5.1\nVerbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n129\n5.2\nNouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n133\n5.3\nPronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n135\n5.4\nQuantifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n137\n5.4.1\nNumerals\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n138\n5.4.2\nNon-numeral quantifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n140\n5.5\nDemonstratives\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n140\n5.6\nPostpositions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n142\n5.7\nAdverbial modifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n143\n5.8\nQuestion words . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n144\n5.9\nConjunctions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n146\n5.10 Interjections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n147\n6\nNouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\n151\n6.1\nNoun subclasses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n151\n6.1.1\nProper nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n151\n6.1.2\nCommon nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n152\n6.2\nNoun derivation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n157\n6.2.1\nVerb-to-noun derivation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n157\n6.2.2\nAgentive nominalisation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n159\n6.2.3\nNominal compounds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n160\n6.2.4\nReduplication of nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n164\n6.3\nNoun phrase structure\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n166\n6.3.1\nNominal possessors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n166\n6.3.2\nQuantifiers\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n167\n6.3.3\nPossessive pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n169\n6.3.4\nDemonstratives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n169\n6.3.5\nAttributive use of predicates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n170\n6.3.6\nRelative clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n173\n6.4\nPostpositions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n174\n6.4.1\nIntroduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n174\n6.4.2\nObject =at ‘obj’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n175\n6.4.3\nComitative =bon ‘com’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n176\n6.4.4\nInstrumental =ki ‘ins’\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n178\n6.4.5\nBenefactive =ki ‘ben’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n178\n6.4.6\nSimilative =kap ‘sim’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n179\n6.4.7\nLocative =ko ‘loc’\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n179\n6.4.8\nLative =ka ‘lat’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n182\niii\n\n\nContents\n6.4.9\nAnimate locative/lative =konggo/=kongga ‘an.loc/an.lat’ 183\n6.5\nNominal coordination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n185\n7\nPronouns and person reference and address\n187\n7.1\nPronominal person reference and address . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n187\n7.1.1\nMorphosyntactic properties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n189\n7.1.2\nClusivity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n190\n7.1.3\nNumber . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n190\n7.1.4\n‘Alone’ pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n192\n7.1.5\nCollective pronouns\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n194\n7.1.6\nPossessive pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n194\n7.1.7\nPronominal address . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n195\n7.2\nNon-pronominal person reference and address . . . . . . . . . .\n195\n7.2.1\nKinship terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n195\n7.2.2\nNames . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n200\n7.2.3\nNon-pronominal address . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n201\n8\nQuantifiers\n203\n8.1\nNumerals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n203\n8.1.1\nClassifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n206\n8.1.2\nOther structural properties of numeral quantifiers\n. . .\n209\n8.2\nNon-numeral quantifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n210\n8.3\nQuantifier inflection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n212\n9\nPossessive and associative constructions\n217\n9.1\nOverview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n217\n9.2\nPossessive constructions with nominal possessors . . . . . . . .\n219\n9.3\nBasic possessive constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n220\n9.4\nPossessive constructions with a freestanding possessive pronoun\n222\n9.5\nDouble possessive marking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n223\n9.6\nPossessive constructions with a pronoun and possessive suffix .\n224\n9.7\nAssociative relations with =kin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n225\n10 Demonstratives\n229\n10.1 Basic forms and inflections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n229\n10.1.1\nThe basic forms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n229\n10.1.2\n“Empty” demonstrative affixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n231\n10.1.3\nManner, quality, quantity and degree suffixes . . . . . .\n232\n10.1.4\nPostpositions on demonstratives\n. . . . . . . . . . . . .\n233\niv\n\n\nContents\n10.2 Demonstrative function . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n234\n10.2.1\nProximal wa ‘prox’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n236\n10.2.2\nDistal me ‘dist’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n239\n10.2.3\nFar distal owa ‘fdist’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n245\n10.2.4\nAnaphoric opa ‘ana’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n247\n10.2.5\nElevational demonstratives yawe ‘down’ and osa ‘up’\n.\n248\n11 Verbs\n253\n11.1 Verb classes\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n253\n11.1.1\nRegular verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n254\n11.1.2\nIrregular verbs\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n254\n11.2 Verb derivation\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n261\n11.2.1\nNoun incorporation\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n261\n11.2.2\nNoun-to-verb derivation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n264\n11.3 Reduplication of verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n264\n11.4 Valency changing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n267\n11.4.1\nReflexive constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n267\n11.4.2\nReciprocal constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n269\n11.4.3\nApplicative constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n273\n11.4.4\nCausative constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n275\n11.5 Plural number . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n279\n11.6 Fossilised morphology\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n279\n11.6.1\nAustronesian loan verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n279\n11.6.2\nVerbs in -uk . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n281\n12 The clause\n283\n12.1 Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n283\n12.2 Verbal clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n284\n12.2.1\nValency\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n284\n12.2.2\nComparative constructions\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n290\n12.2.3\nExistential and possessive clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n291\n12.3 Non-verbal clauses\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n292\n12.3.1\nNominal clauses\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n293\n12.3.2\nDemonstrative clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n294\n12.3.3\nQuantifier clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n295\n12.3.4\nLocative and lative clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n295\n12.3.5\nEquative constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n296\n12.3.6\nSimilative constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n297\nv\n\n\nContents\n12.4 Non-declarative clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n300\n12.4.1\nInterrogative clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n300\n12.4.2\nImperative clauses\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n304\n12.5 Negative clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n305\n12.5.1\nNegation of declarative verbal main clauses . . . . . . .\n305\n12.5.2\nNegation in non-declaratives\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n307\n12.5.3\nNegation in non-verbal clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n308\n12.5.4\nDedicated negative verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n310\n12.5.5\nNegative polarity items\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n313\n12.6 Variation in clausal structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n314\n12.6.1\nElision of arguments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n314\n12.6.2\nReordering arguments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n317\n13 Complex predicates\n319\n13.1 Complex predicates with predicate linker =i\n. . . . . . . . . . .\n320\n13.1.1\nAspectual serialisation with koyet ‘to be finished’ . . . .\n321\n13.1.2\nMotion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n322\n13.1.3\nAction and result . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n324\n13.1.4\nDurative and ‘until’-constructions\n. . . . . . . . . . . .\n324\n13.1.5\nWith give-constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n326\n13.1.6\nWith become-constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n326\n13.2 Complex predicates with dependent verbs\n. . . . . . . . . . . .\n327\n13.2.1\nWith kuru ‘bring’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n327\n13.2.2\nWith bon ‘bring’\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n328\n13.2.3\nWith toni ‘say; think; want’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n329\n13.2.4\nWith eranun ‘cannot’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n330\n13.3 Complex source, goal and location predicates . . . . . . . . . . .\n330\n13.3.1\nComplex locative and lative predicates . . . . . . . . . .\n330\n13.3.2\nComplex causative predicates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n333\n13.4 Serial verb constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n333\n13.4.1\nSymmetrical SVCs\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n334\n13.4.2\nAsymmetrical SVCs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n335\n14 Clausal modification\n341\n14.1 Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n341\n14.2 Mood, aspect and modality marking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n344\n14.2.1\nMood\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n344\n14.2.2\nAspect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n353\n14.2.3\nModal markers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n360\nvi\n\n\nContents\n14.3 Adverbial modifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n363\n14.3.1\nManner adverbials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n364\n14.3.2\nAdverbials of degree . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n365\n14.3.3\nTemporal adverbials\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n366\n14.3.4\nToo/also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n369\n14.3.5\nMore, again . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n370\n14.4 Unresolved uses of =ten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n371\n15 Multiclausal constructions\n375\n15.1 Coordination-like clause combining . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n375\n15.1.1\nAsyndetic conjunction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n375\n15.1.2\nClause combining with conjunctions . . . . . . . . . . .\n377\n15.1.3\nTail-head linkage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n384\n15.1.4\nNon-final clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n387\n15.2 Complement clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n391\n15.3 Apprehensive constructions\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n395\n15.4 Conditional clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n396\n16 Information structure\n399\n16.1 Topic marker me . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n399\n16.2 Focus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n404\n17 Other topics\n407\n17.1 The structure of narratives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n407\n17.1.1\nOpening . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n410\n17.1.2\nSupplying background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n411\n17.1.3\nPresenting the protagonist(s) and participant tracking\n.\n413\n17.1.4\nDevices for structuring . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n416\n17.1.5\nFormulae\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n418\n17.1.6\nClosing\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n420\n17.1.7\nThe content of traditional narratives . . . . . . . . . . .\n422\n17.2 Formulaic expressions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n424\n17.3 Interjections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n425\n17.4 Ideophones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n429\n17.5 Placeholders and lexical fillers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n431\n17.6 Swearing and cursing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n435\nAppendix A: Text\n437\nAppendix B: List of bound morphemes\n443\nvii\n\n\nContents\nAppendix C: Corpus\n447\nAppendix D: Wordlist\n451\nAppendix E: Maps\n517\nReferences\n519\nIndex\n535\nName index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n535\nLanguage index\n. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n539\nSubject index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .\n541\nviii\n\n\nAcknowledgments\nThis grammar is a reworked version of my PhD thesis, A grammar of Kalamang:\nthe Papuan language of the Karas Islands, which I submitted at Lund University\nin 2020.\nThe research for this grammar would have been entirely impossible if it were\nnot for the kind reception by the Kalamang community and pleasant collabora-\ntion with so many of its members, especially in Mas village. Terima kasih Kala-\nmangsontum tebonggan. Terutama Abdul Malik Baraweri, Kamarudin Gusek, Bini\nRumatiga, Mujid Rumatiga, Abu Wambur, Abdul Yarkuran, Amir Yarkuran, Arfan\nYarkuran, Fajaria Yarkuran, Hapsa Yarkuran, Jusman Yarkuran, Kabasia Yarkuran,\nKamalia Yarkuran, Malik Yarkuran, Nurmia Yarkuran, Rahma Yarkuran, Sabtu\nYarkuran, Salim Yarkuran, Samsia Yarkuran, Sebi Yarkuran, Amran Yorkuran, Hair\nYorkuran, Jubair Yorkuran, Maimuna Yorkuran, Hawa Yorre, Jaleha Yorre, Naimun\nYorre, Yahya esun mu Masko, eba Anugerah esun mu Pakpao. Terima kasih atas\nminggalot, muap, rer, garung-garung, marmar, acara. An kiat konenen.\nThis grammar furthermore builds on the knowledge, guidance, advice and/or\nskills of the following people, many of whom went above and beyond what\nwas expected of them: Laura Arnold, Niclas Burenhult, Owen Edwards, Hanna\nFricke, Harald Hammarström, Anna Hed, Arthur Holmer, Merle Horne, Donald\nKillian, Marian Klamer, Jens Larsson, Sara Myrberg, Åshild Næss, George Saad,\nAntoinette Schapper, Sinta, Yunus Sulistyono, Rolf Theil, Mechthild Tronnier,\nTimothy Usher, Anders Vaa, Sophie Villerius and members of the Lund Language\nDiversity Forum. Thank you.\nField trips, equipment and conferences were sponsored by several Swedish\nfoundations, notably the Birgit Rausing Language Programme, Knut and Alice\nWallenberg Foundation, Roy and Maj Franzéns Foundation, Uno Otterstedts Foun-\ndation, and the Foundation in the Memory of Per Westling. A research visit of\nfive months to Leiden University was funded by the Swedish Royal Academy\nof Letters, History and Antiquities. For the fieldwork I received administrative\nsupport from the Centre for Endangered Languages Documentation (CELD) at\nthe University of Papua in Manokwari (UNIPA). I finished the manuscript of this\nbook as a Wenner-Gren Fellow, funded by the Wenner Gren Foundations.\nLastly, many thanks to the fast-answering, open-minded and skillful employ-\nees and reviewers at Language Science Press.\n\n\nAcknowledgments\nA.M. Baraweri\nA. Wambur\nAm. Yarkuran\nA. Yorkuran\nAr. Yarkuran\nB. Rumatiga\nF. Yarkuran\nH. Yorkuran\nH. Yarkuran\nH. Yorre\nJ. Yorre\nJ. Yorkuran\nJ. Yarkuran\nKab. Yarkuran\nKam. Yarkuran\nK. Gusek\nM. Yorkuran\nM. Yarkuran\nN. Yorre\nN. Yarkuran\nR. Yarkuran\nSab. Yarkuran\nSal. Yarkuran\nSam. Yorkuran\nS. Yarkuran\nFigure 1: Speakers and consultants\nx\n\n\nAbbreviations\nInterlinear glossing\nThroughout this work, I adhere to the Leipzig Glossing Rules (Comrie et al. 2015).\nAdditional abbreviations used are:\nan.lat\nanimate lative\nan.loc\nanimate locative\nana\nanaphoric demonstrative\napprh\napprehensive\nat\nattributive\natten\nattenuative\ndown\nelevational ‘down’\nemph\nemphatic\nenc\ninterjection of (annoyed) encouragement\nexist\nexistential\nfdist\nfar distal\nfil\nfiller\nhes\nhesitation\niam\niamitive (‘already’)\nint\ninterjection\nint.e\ninterjection of the form e\nint.pej\ninterjection expressing contempt or dissatisfaction\nints\nintensive\niter\niterative\nlat\nlative (combined ablative and allative)\nn\nunanalysed phoneme -n (§3.4.6)\nneg_exist\nnegative existential\nnfin\nnon-final\nobjqnt\nobject quantifier (quantifier modifying an object)\npain\ninterjection expressing pain\nph\nplaceholder\nplnk\npredicate linker\n\n\nAbbreviations\nq\nquestion word root tama\nred\nreduplication\nsim\nsimilative\nsurpr\ninterjection of surprise\nt\nunanalysed phoneme -t (§3.4.6)\ntag\nconfirmation-seeking interjection\nten\nunanalysed morpheme =ten (§14.4)\nvol\nvolitional\nup\nelevational ‘up’\nLanguages\nAN\nAustronesian\nPM\nPapuan Malay\nPMP\nProto-Malayo-Polynesian\nIntonation\nH\nhigh tonal target\nL\nlow tonal target\n*\npitch accent\n|\ndivision between breath groups\n%\nboundary tone\nKinship\nB\nbrother\nD\ndaughter\ne\nelder\nF\nfather\nH\nhusband\nM\nmother\nS\nson\nW\nwife\ny\nyounger\nZ\nsister\nxii\n\n\nOther abbreviations\nA\nagent-like argument of a transitive predicate\nk.o.\nkind of\nNP\nnoun phrase\nO/Obj\nobject\nP\npatient-like argument of a transitive predicate\nPred\nPredicate\nR/Recp\nrecipient\nS/Subj\nsubject\nT\ntheme\nV\nverb\nxiii\n\n\n\n\nRingkasan Bahasa Indonesia\nBuku ini adalah tentang tata bahasa Kalamang, sebuah bahasa kecil yang teran-\ncam punah. Dalam tata bahasa ini, saya menjelaskan fitur-fitur bahasa Kalamang\nsebanyak mungkin.\nBahasa Kalamang digunakan di Indonesia bagian barat, di dua desa di sebu-\nah pulau kecil di lepas pantai Papua. Ada kurang lebih 130 penutur bahasa Kala-\nmang dimana semua berusia diatas 30 tahun. Anak-anak tidak belajar bahasa Ka-\nlamang dari orangtua mereka. Karena ini, bahasa Kalamang diperkirakan akan\npunah dalam 50 tahun ke depan, ketika semua penutur fasih bahasa tersebut\nsudah meninggal dunia. Informasi lebih lanjut tentang lingkungan dan budaya\ntempat bahasa Kalamang digunakan dibahas dalam Bab 1, yaitu pendahuluan.\nDi Bab 2, ada ikthtisar tata bahasa Kalamang.\nDalam Bab 3, saya menjelaskan fonetis bahasa Kalamang. Vokal dan konson-\nan yang digunakan dan bagaimana pengucapannya akan dikupas lebih lanjut\ndalam Bab ini. Selain itu, bab ini juga membahas tentang penggabungan suara\ndan aturan untuk suara ketika terjadi perubahan kata. Sebagai contoh: ketika\nkita menambahkan sebagian dari sebuah kata yang berawalan huruf vokal, se-\nperti -an yang artinya ‘milikku’, menjadi sebuah kata yang berakhiran p atau t,\nmaka akhiran suara kata tersebut berubah menjadi w atau r. Dengan begitu, kita\nmendapat kata kip ‘ular’ tetapi kiw-an ‘ularku’ dan kalot ‘kamar’ tetapi kalor-an\n‘kamarku’.\nDi Bab 4, saya mendefinisikan beberapa sifat penting bahasa yang diperlukan\nuntuk menulis tata bahasa. Saya menjelaskan apa itu kata, akar kata, imbuhan,\nklitik, dan partikel. Saya juga membahas empat proses penting dalam membu-\nat sebuah kata: duplikasi ulang (pengulangan sebagian atau seluruh akar kata),\ngabungan kata (seperti min-kalot ‘tidur-kamar’, yang berarti ‘kamar tidur’), de-\nrivasi dan infleksi.\nDalam Bab 5, saya mendefinisikan kategori kata-kata yang ditemukan dalam\nbahasa Kalamang. Saya mengkategorikannya sebagai berikut, dengan masing-\nmasing satu contoh kata:\n• kata kerja – na ‘minum atau makan’\n• kata benda – teya ‘lelaki’\n\n\nRingkasan Bahasa Indonesia\n• kata ganti orang – ka ‘kamu’\n• kata pembilang – kaninggonie ‘sembilan’\n• kata demonstratif – wa ‘ini’\n• kata keterangan – koi ‘lagi’\n• kalimat pertanyaan – tamatko ‘dimana’\n• kata penghubung – eba ‘kemudian’\n• kata seru – some ‘tentu saja’ atau ‘sudah mu’\nBahasa Kalamang tidak memiliki kategori terpisah untuk kata sifat, tetapi kata\nsifat dapat dibuat dengan memberi klitik ten di akhir sebuah kata kerja. Misalnya,\nkata kerja welenggap, yang artinya ‘menjadi warna biru’ atau ‘menjadi warna\nhijau’, dapat diubah menjadi kata sifat welenggap-ten, yang berarti ‘biru’ atau\n‘hijau’. Seperti bahasa Indonesia, bahasa Kalamang juga tidak memiliki artikel.\nDi Bab 6, saya memberikan penjelasan mendetail tentang kata benda dan men-\njelaskan frasa-frasa dimana mereka biasa muncul: frasa benda. Saya menjelaskan\nbahwa beberapa kata dalam bahasa Kalamang tidak dapat digunakan tanpa ada-\nnya kata kepunyaan. Saya juga menjelaskan cara pembentukan kata benda, se-\nperti dengan duplikasi ulang atau penggabunagn kata. Dalam frasa benda, kata\nbenda muncul pertama, diikuti dengan kata pembilang, lalu kata kepunyaan dan\nkata demonstratif. Perhatikan frasa benda bahasa Kalamang berikut, dimana An-\nda bisa membaca bahasa Kalamang di baris pertama, terjemahan harafiah di baris\nkedua, dan terjemahan bebas di baris ketiga.\n(1)\nhukat\njaring_ikan\nkon\nsatu\nanggon\nmilik_saya\nyuwa\nini\n‘jaring ikan milik saya satu ini’\nDi akhir frasa benda dapat ditemukan postposisi yang mengindikasikan fung-\nsi dari frasa tersebut. Semisal, benda mati ditandai dengan klitik at, alat musik\ndengan ki dan lokasi dengan ko.\nBab 7 sampai 10 menjelaskan tentang kategori-kategori kata yang terdapat\ndalam frasa benda.\nKata ganti orang, yang bisa berada di awal frasa benda, bukan kata benda,\nadalah topik Bab 6. Kata ganti dasar dapat dimodifikasi untuk membuat arti yang\nberbeda. Sebagai contoh, kata ganti mu ‘mereka’ dapat diubah menjadi muhutak\nxvi\n\n\natau murain, yang memiliki arti ‘hanya mereka’, menjadi munaninggan ‘mereka\nsemua’ dan muin ‘milik mereka’.\nBab 8 membahas tentang kata pembilang. Beberapa hal lain saya menjelaskan\nbagaimana mereka terkadang memiliki imbuhan pengklasifikasi. Dalam bahasa\nKalamang Anda tidak bisa mengatakan ‘dua burung camar’. Sebaliknya, Anda\nharus menandai kata ‘dua’ dengan awalan yang menunjukkan sesuatu tentang\nkata bendanya, dalam hal ini yang menunjukkan bahwa benda itu makhluk hi-\ndup (bernyawa). Awalan pengklasifikasi untuk makhluk hidup adalah et, dan\ncontoh untuk hal ini dapat dilihat pada contoh nomor 2 di bawah ini.\n(2)\nkaskas\nburung_camar\net-eir\nhidup-dua\n‘dua burung camar’\nKata-kata demonstratif (Bab 10) juga memiliki bentuk yang berbeda-beda. Ben-\ntuk dasar dari kata-kata ini adalah wa ‘ini’, me ‘itu’, osa ‘itu yang disana’, opa ‘itu\nyang barusan’, osa ‘ini/itu yang di atas sini/sana’ dan yawe ‘ini/itu yang di bawah\nsini/sana’. Maka, ketika Anda membicarakan tentang seorang anak yang sudah\npernah Anda bicarakan sebelumnya, Anda bisa mengatakan tumun opa ‘anak\ntadi’. Jika Anda membicarakan sebuah jaring ikan di bawah tangga, Anda bisa\nmengatakan hukat yawe ‘jaring di bawah’.\nBab 11 menjelaskan tentang kata kerja. Penjelasan ini dimulai dengan gambar-\nan tentang kata kerja biasa dan kata kerja tidak beraturan. Kata kerja dapat di-\nbentuk dengan penggunaan kata benda dengan dua cara: dengan duplikasi ulang\n(mun ‘kutu’ menjadi munmun ‘menyelisik’) dan dengan penggabungan (kofir ‘ko-\npi’ + na ‘minum atau makan’ dapat menjadi kofirna ‘kopi-minum’). Kata kerja\ndapat menjadi kegiatan timbal-balik ketika diberi proklitik nau (tu ‘memukul’\nmenjadi nautu ‘saling memukul’), refleksif ketika diberi un (ganggia ‘mengang-\nkat’ menjadi unganggie ‘mengangkat diri sendiri’) dan kausatif (sebab-akibat)\nketika diberi, antara yang lain, di (bara ‘turun’ menjadi dibara ‘menurunkan’).\nBab 12 menjelaskan bagaimana membuat klausa dalam bahasa Kalamang. Urut-\nan pada umumnya adalah subyek, obyek, kata kerja. Ini berarti, Anda akan meng-\natakan temun emun koup, dengan arti harafiah ‘anak ibu peluk’ bukan ‘anak pe-\nluk ibu’. Beberapa klausa yang memiliki tiga frasa nominal, seperti dalam klausa\nyang menjelaskan tentang ‘memberi sesuatu’, dapat diungkapkan dengan sangat\nminimalis dalam bahasa Kalamang. Ma ma ‘dia dia’ memiliki arti ‘dia memberi-\nkan dia sesuatu’. Bagian dalam klausa dimana biasanya diisi kata kerja disebut\npredikat. Jadi, dalam klausa tumun emun koup ‘anak peluk ibu’, koup ‘peluk’ ada-\nlah predikat. Dalam bahasa Kalamang, seperti dalam bahasa Indonesia, predikat\nxvii\n\n\nRingkasan Bahasa Indonesia\ntidak selalu kata kerja. Dapat juga berupa kata benda (contoh 3), kata demonstra-\ntif (contoh 4) atau kata pembilang (contoh 5).\n(3)\nma\ndia\nse\nsudah\nguru\nguru\n‘Dia sudah (menjadi seorang) guru.’\n(4)\nma\ndia\nme\nitu\n‘Itu dia.’\n(5)\nim\npisang\nkansuor\nempat\n‘Ada empat pisang.’\nPredikat kompleks dijelaskan dalam Bab 13. Mereka menduduki posisi kata\nkerja tetapi mengandung lebih banyak bagian dibandingkan kata kerja. Terka-\ndang predikat kompleks mengandung dua kata kerja, seperti di kuru bara ‘mem-\nbawa turun’. Di lain waktu, predikat kompleks bisa terdiri dari lokasi dan kata\nkerja, seperti sara nakalko ‘naik di kepala’ (yang berarti ‘naik ke kepala’).\nDalam Bab 14, saya menjelaskan cara-cara yang berbeda untuk mengubah pre-\ndikat atau seluruh klausa. Misalnya, bagaimana cara membedakan antara peris-\ntiwa nyata (realis) dan tidak nyata (irrealis), konstruksi kalimat perintah dan\nlarangan, mendeskripsikan peristiwa sudah ataupun belum terjadi, mendeskrip-\nsikan peristiwa yang sedang terjadi, dan sebagainya. Satu fitur menarik adalah\nbahwa kalimat larangan ditandai dua kali: pertama dengan sebuah akhiran di\nkata gantinya dan kedua dengan sebuah klitik di predikat.\n(6)\nka-mun\nkamu-jangan\nnarabir-in\nberteriak-jangan\n‘Janganlah kamu berteriak!’\nKata keterangan juga dibahas dalam Bab 14 ini.\nBab 15 membahas klausa kompleks dan penggabungan klausa. Kata sambung\nyang berbeda-beda (kata-kata seperti ‘dan’ atau ‘tetapi’) dijelaskan di sini. Cara\nyang biasa digunakan untuk menggabungkan klausa disebut dengan tail-head-\nlinking. Dalam konstruksi ini, kata-kata terakhir dalam sebuah klausa diulang di\nawal klausa berikutnya untuk menciptakan kepaduan dalam, misalnya, sebuah\ncerita. Pada umumnya dapat terlihat seperti ini: ‘Saya menuruni bukit. Menuruni\nbukit dan mengeluarkan perahu saya. Mengeluarkan dan mulai memperbaikinya.\nxviii\n\n\nMemperbaiki kemudian saya berpikir saya ingin memanggil seorang teman. Me-\nmanggil seorang teman...’ Ini biasa terlihat dalam bahasa-bahasa Papua. Kepadu-\nan juga dapat diciptakan dengan meletakkan te atau ta setelah predikat sebelum\nmelanjutkan dengan klausa baru.\nDalam Bab 16 topik dan fokus fenomena juga dijelaskan. Dalam bahasa Kala-\nmang mereka ditandai dengan me dan a dan membantu pendengar untuk me-\nmahami informasi mana yang penting dalam sebuah klausa. Dalam contoh 7, me\nmenunjukkan bahwa an ‘saya’ adalah topik dalam klausa tersebut. Dalam con-\ntoh 8, akhiran a di an ‘saya’ dan mu ‘mereka’ meletakkan fokus pada kata ganti\norang untuk membuat kontras.\n(7)\nan\nsaya\nme\ntopik\nwatko\ndisini\nnawanggar\ntunggu\n‘Untuk saya, saya menunggu di sini.’\n(8)\nan-a\nsaya-fokus\nwatko\ndisini\nmu-a\nmereka-fokus\nmetko\ndisana\n‘Saya ada di sini, mereka ada di sana.’\nBab 17 menjelaskan bagaimana narasi disusun, bagaimana menyapa orang, ba-\ngaimana kata seru digunakan, apa yang harus dikatakan ketika Anda kehilangan\nkata (fillers) dan bagaimana mengutuk. Contoh kutukan adalah yuon kat mintol-\nmaretkon ‘semoga matahari mencabut hatimu’.\nMotivasi dibalik buku ini datang dari keinginan untuk mendeskripsikan se-\nbanyak mungkin bahasa di dunia, selama mereka masih digunakan. Semoga des-\nkripsi seperti ini bermanfaat bagi peneliti bahasa di masa sekarang dan masa\ndepan, dan berkontribusi untuk pemahaman kita mengenai seperti apa bahasa\nitu. Buku ini disertai sebuah kamus yang berisi 3.800 kata dan sebuah arsip yang\nberisi rekaman yang telah diterjemahkan dan diberi catatan yang berdurasi lebih\ndari 15 jam.\nTranslation from English by Dita Anissa Johar.\nxix\n\n\n\n\n1 Introduction\nThis is a description of Kalamang (ISO 639-3 code kgv, glottocode kara1499), a\nPapuan language of the Greater West Bomberai family. It is spoken by around\n130 people in East Indonesia. The majority of speakers live on the biggest of the\nKaras Islands, which lie just off the coast of the Bomberai Peninsula in West\nPapua province. The language is known as Karas in older literature (Cowan 1953:\n28, Anceaux 1958: 115, Cowan 1960: 352, Voorhoeve 1975: 434, Smits & Voorhoeve\n1998: 19). Karas is the Indonesian name of a group of three islands and the admin-\nistrative unit (Indonesian distrik, ‘district’) these belong to. Kalamang is spoken\nonly on the biggest of these islands. Uruangnirin, an Austronesian language, is\nspoken on the other two. In Indonesian, Kalamang is sometimes referred to as\nKaras Laut ‘Seaside Karas’ and Uruangnirin as Karas Darat ‘Landside Karas’. Fol-\nlowing requests from Kalamang speakers, and also to avoid confusion with Uru-\nangnirin, I refer to Karas or Karas Laut as Kalamang. Kalamang speakers refer\nto their own language as Kalamang-mang ‘Kalamang-language’, and to the is-\nland as Kalamang lempuang ‘Kalamang island’. Both are typically shortened to\nKalamang. Perhaps Kalamang comes from an original local place name Kala(s),\nsupplemented with the word for ‘voice’ or ‘language’, now bleached in meaning,\nhence compounds like Kalamang-mang. Kalamang belongs to the Greater West\nBomberai family together with Iha (ihp, ihaa1241), Mbaham (bdw, baha1258) and\nthe Timor-Alor-Pantar languages.\nThis chapter gives background information to the Kalamang language and its\nspeakers, and explains how the data for this grammar were gathered, processed\nand stored.\n1.1 Local setting\n1.1.1 Physical geography\nKalamang is spoken on the biggest island of a group of three referred to as the\nKaras Islands. These lie in Sebakor Bay off the west coast of the Bomberai Penin-\nsula, in the western part of New Guinea, which belongs to Indonesia. The map\n\n\n1 Introduction\nin Figure 1.1 shows the Karas Islands. The island on which Kalamang is spoken is\nreferred to as Kalamang or Kalamang Lempuang (Kalamang Island) by the locals,\nand is about twenty kilometres long and five kilometres wide. Lying just south\nof the equator, between the 132nd and 133rd meridian east, the island stretches\nfrom 3°24’25.1”S 132°38’27.0”E to 3°30’57.3”S 132°42’53.1”E. In Indonesian, the is-\nland may be referred to as Karas Laut (‘Sea Karas’, as opposed to the two smaller\nislands, which are Karas Darat, ‘Land Karas’). Most commonly, however, people\nin the region refer to one of the six villages instead of the island names. In my\nKalamang materials, I refer to the island where Karas is spoken as “the biggest\nKaras island”, and to the other two as “the smaller Karas islands”, sometimes\ndistinguishing between the north-eastern and the north-western Karas islands.\nThere are six villages on the islands, all of which have both Indonesian names\n(sometimes with varying spelling, also in official sources) and Kalamang names.\nThe two villages where Kalamang is spoken are called Mas (alternative spelling\nMaas, Kalamang Sewa) and Antalisa (Kalamang Tamisen). Both villages are lo-\ncated on the east coast of the island, which faces the smaller Karas Islands and\nthe New Guinea mainland, and is the leeward side of the island. The villages are\nlocated on and around two big white sand beaches. There are four villages on the\nsmaller Karas Islands, where the Austronesian language Uruangnirin is spoken.\nThe northern island contains the villages Tuberwasak (also Tuburuasa or Tubir\nWasak, Kalamang Tuburasap) and Tarak (Kalamang Torkuran). The southern is-\nland contains Faur (also Faor, Kalamang Pour) and Kiaba (the same in Kalamang).\nOn the New Guinea mainland, the district capital Malakuli is located at about the\nsame latitude as Mas. Malakuli is also referred to as Distrik (‘district’), Kecamatan\n(‘subdistrict’) or Perusahan (‘company’, because a big logging company used to\nbe situated in the area).\nThe Karas Islands are limestone islands surrounded by coral reef up until sev-\neral metres off the coast before the seabed descends into the sea. The coast al-\nternates between steep rocks rising from the sea and white sand beaches, some-\ntimes in small bays. Except for the villages and small patches of cleared land for\nagriculture behind the beaches, the islands are covered with lowland forest. The\nbiggest Karas island has two peaks, reaching 495 metres in the north and 391 me-\ntres in the south of the island. It has a few pools, and no rivers. Drinking water\ncomes from wells. The closest New Guinea mainland, surrounding Sebakor Bay,\nis mainly forest-covered lowland below 200 metres, with mountainous parts in\nthe north and the south (Tanah Merah).\nThe climate of the Karas Islands is tropical with a rainy and a dry season. The\nfollowing data were recorded in 2018 in the regency capital Fakfak, 65 kilome-\n2\n\n\n1.1 Local setting\n−3.6\n−3.5\n−3.4\n−3.3\n132.6\n132.7\n132.8\n132.9\nINDONESIA\nAUSTRALIA\nTIMOR-LESTE\nBRUNEI\nMALAYSIA\nSewa Mas\nTamisen Antalisa\n0\n10\nkm\nSebakor Bay\nSebakor Bay\nTanah Merah\nK  A  R  A  S      I  S  L  A  N  D  S\n  \nTuburasap Tuburuasa\nPour Faor\nTorkuran Tarak\nKiaba Kiaba\nMalakuli\n© Eline Visser 2022\nBIRD'S HEAD\n    WEST \nBOMBERAI\nCERAM\nGOROM\nFigure 1.1: Location of Karas, with the names of the six villages on the\nKaras Islands in Kalamang (italics) and Indonesian\n3\n\n\n1 Introduction\ntres NNW of Karas, facing south.1 The average maximum temperature ranges\nbetween 29 and 34 degrees Celsius. The dry season, which roughly coincides\nwith summer in the northern hemisphere, has lower air pressure (around 30 mb),\nlower wind speeds (2 to 3 knots) and lower solar irradiance (30–40, units unclear\nin source) than the rainy season (31-34 mb air pressure, 3 to 4 knots wind, 35 to 55\nsolar irradiance). Rainfall is highest in August, September and October, nearing\n500 mm per month against 150-400mm the rest of the year (data from 2017). All\nmonths have 18 to 30 rainy days, peaking in the rainy season.\n1.1.2 Linguistic geography\nThe Bomberai Peninsula area is home to 16 languages. Figure 1.2 is a map of\nthe languages spoken on and around the Bomberai Peninsula (sometimes called\nSemenanjung Onin [Onin peninsula] in Indonesian). Language boundaries are\nbased on the SIL’s 2003 Peta bahasa Papua [Map of Papuan languages].2 Iha and\nMbaham are (allegedly) the most closely related languages (see §1.5). The other\nPapuan languages are Mor (isolate),3 Kemberano (South Bird’s Head), Tanah-\nmerah (isolate) and Buruwai and Kamberau (Asmat-Kamoro). The Austronesian\nlanguages are all Central-Eastern Malayo-Polynesian: Onin, Sekar and Uruang-\nnirin (Kei-Tanimbar), Arguni, Bedoanas and Erokwanas (South Halmahera-West\nNew Guinea) and Irarutu (Nabi-Irarutu). The closest language to the west, 150\nkilometres WSW of Mas, is Geser-Gorom, an Austronesian language of the East\nCentral Maluku group spoken on Gorom (alt. Gorong) island and adjacent areas.\nI cannot vouch for the accuracy of the area marked as uninhabited, but there is at\nleast one village there, Malakuli, as indicated on the map in Figure 1.1. It was built\nseveral decades ago by the Indonesian government as an easily accessible admin-\nistrative centre for Karas district and houses at least Kalamang, Uruangnirin and\nBuruwai speakers.\n1Data taken from the 2018 and 2019 publications of Statistik Daerah Kabupaten Fakfak [Statistics\nFakfak Regency Area], published by the Badan Pusat Statistik Daerah Fakfak [Central Bureau\nof Statistics Fakfak Area]. Publications can be found at https://fakfakkab.bps.go.id/publication.\nhtml.\n2This map seems to be an unpublished draft, but is for example used in Kamholz (2014).\n3(Sub)grouping in this paragraph according to Glottolog.\n4\n\n\n1.2 History of settlement and contact\nIrarutu\nMbaham\nIha\nMbaham\nKalamang\nUruangnirin\nOnin\nBuru-\nwai\nKamberau\nArguni\nBedoanas\nErokwanas\nKemberano\nMor\nTanahmerah\nKowiai\nSekar\nN\n0\n50\nkm\nINDONESIA\nAUSTRALIA\nTIMOR-LESTE\nBRUNEI\nMALAYSIA\n© Eline Visser 2022\nAustronesian\nPapuan\nuninhabited\nFigure 1.2: Languages spoken on and around Karas\n1.2 History of settlement and contact\nThe settlement and migration history of the current languages of the West Bom-\nberai area and the Karas Islands is unknown. The first inhabitants of the area\ncould have been speakers of Austronesian languages, who arrived on the New\nGuinea coast around 3600 years BP (Greenhill & Gray 2005), or the ancestors of\nspeakers of modern Papuan languages, who arrived in Sahul (a land mass com-\nprising present-day New Guinea and Australia) at least 65000 years BP (Clark-\nson et al. 2017). There is some archaeological research proving pre-historic hu-\nman settlement in West Bomberai, such as rock art on the north coast of the\npeninsula (Wright et al. 2013: 55). What is clear is that the current Uruangnirin\nspeakers speak an Austronesian language that is very similar to its sister lan-\nguages Onin and Sekar, whereas Kalamang is very different from the other Bom-\nberai Peninsula languages Mbaham and Iha, suggesting that Kalamang speakers\n5\n\n\n1 Introduction\nmoved away from the New Guinea mainland much earlier than the Uruangnirin\nspeakers.\nThe Dutch East India Company started sending expeditions to New Guinea in\n1605, looking for trading goods (Wichmann 1909), and soon after Karas appears\nas a populated island in written history. Between 1655 and 1658, the merchant\nJacob Borné passed the three islands with three ships (reported in Widjojo 2009:\n106, Leupe 1875: 57). One of his ships was plundered and all of its crew murdered\nby inhabitants of the Karas Islands. The only surviving crew member, a Dutch\nguide and interpreter named Anthony Adriaensz Multum, was perhaps the first\nWestern person to stay on Karas, where he was held captive for three years until\na trader from East Seram freed him.\nFor the 17th century, there is mention of the Karas Islanders as middle men\nin trading between the inland (Kowiai people are mentioned) and Oniners, Ser-\namese and perhaps traders from Keffing and Gorom. Slaves and especially mas-\nsoy bark (Massoia aromatica) seem to have been the main trading goods (Le-\nupe 1875, Wichmann 1909, Sollewijn Gelpke 1997: 386). Karas fell and still falls\nunder the kingdom of Ati-Ati, which was governed from the Onin area (north-\nwest Bomberai), and whose king was active in the slave trade with the eastern\nMoluccas (Ellen 2003: 119, Goodman 2006, Giay 2016). In the 19th century, re-\nports were made of large-scale slave trade between Karas people and Seramese\nand Goromese (Giglioli 1874), and yearly visits by Seramese and Makassarese\ntraders primarily to trade nutmeg, but also trepang (sea cucumber) and perhaps\nturtles, for cloth, weapons and salt (Robidé van der Aa 1879: 164, 166, 314), among\nother things. J.G. Coorengel in Robidé van der Aa (1879: 167) reports that the\nKaras Islanders at the time of these visits acted as intermediaries between the\nwest coast Papuans (it is not specified which groups are meant by this) and the\ntraders. Karas Islanders have imported sago from at least as long ago as 1875 from\nthe north coast of Bomberai (coastal Onin) and “Onin di bawa” (perhaps the area\naround Fakfak, Robidé van der Aa 1879: 314). The Karas Islands were part of the\nroutes of so-called hongi raids, during which fleets of Dutch vessels travelled\nacross Eastern Indonesia to uproot nutmeg trees, the cultivation of which was\nexclusive to Ambon from the second half of the 17th century (Robidé van der Aa\n1879: 313). Hille (1905: 288–290) mentions contact between Karas Islanders and\n“Sebakors” (probably Papuan people living on mainland New Guinea) to trade un-\nknown goods and to hunt birds on their land. The Karas Islanders were known as\nweavers of bags and containers of pandan leaves in “Halifoeroe” (Buru, Seram)\nand Onin. The Makassarese traded linen, ironwork, rice and salt for wild nutmeg,\ntrepang, turtle and massoy bark with the Karas Islanders and the “Kafaoer” (Ka-\npaur, Iha, de Clercq 1879). Without specifying which villages, Robidé van der Aa\n6\n\n\n1.3 Ethnographic and socio-economic remarks\n(1879: 312) reports that the inhabitants of the Karas Islands are a blend of Papuans,\nSeramese and Buginese.\nThe first mention of two distinct languages on the Karas Islands is from Robidé\nvan der Aa (1879), who reports that the language on the two eastern islands differs\nstrongly from the language on the western island.\nThe more recent settlement history of the Karas Islands suggests that there\nwere either more villages or more movement between non-permanent dwellings.\nA 1967 US Army map4 shows 13 settlements on the big Karas island (among places\nwhich they call Saassan (current Sasam), Antalisa, Tanehmerah (current Tanah\nMerah), Mas and Maniem), and six on the small islands. The Indonesian name for\nthe current village Mas is actually the name of a beach just south of the current\nvillage. Kalamang speakers call the current settlement Sewa.\n1.3 Ethnographic and socio-economic remarks\nThere is no previous ethnographic research conducted on Karas or the Kalamang-\nspeaking community. In this section, I share my own ethnographic observations.\nAll fieldwork was carried out in Mas, and these ethnographic remarks are based\non what I observed there, supplemented by a cultural questionnaire I completed\nin 2019 with three people from Mas.5 I have regularly visited Antalisa during all\nfield trips, and have no reason to believe that there are substantial differences\nbetween the villages.\nThe Kalamang-speaking community is largely comprised of fishermen and\nfarmers of nutmeg. They live in two villages, each with their own village head,\nfollowing Indonesian social organisation. The kinship system is patrilineal. Close\nrelationships, outside the nuclear family, are maintained with parents, aunts and\nuncles, and cousins. Resources are often pooled within the extended family for\nlarge undertakings like building a house, or expensive events like tertiary edu-\ncation or marriage. The woman is the head of the household, and the man is\nmainly responsible for fishing. Nutmeg farming is an extended family business.\nThe inhabitants of Mas and Antalisa are Muslims, observing many Islamic cus-\ntoms, though mixing them with local ones. The majority live in concrete houses\nroughly organized around a central square containing the village mosque. There\nis no known art. The skills for other material culture, such as woven products and\ncanoes, are still practised but are on the verge of being superseded by purchased\nmodern materials.\n4Data on the map (series 1501, sheet SA 53-13, edition 1) comes from the years 1956-1960.\n5Archived at http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BF4-4\n7\n\n\n1 Introduction\nI have knowledge of rites connected to the following life events: pregnancy,\nthe first time a newborn leaves the house, the child’s first haircut, circumcision,\nprenuptial negotiations, welcoming a new wife to the island, marriage, the third\nday of marriage, entering other people’s houses for the first time (for wives from\noutside the island), putting the roof on a house, burial and memorials of a death.\nThe following is a list of recordings in the corpus where these rites are illustrated.\nThe code is a unique corpus tag. With help of this tag, the relevant recordings\nand supplementary material like photographs can be found in the corpus. An\noverview of all recordings can be found in the Appendix on page 447.\n• prenuptial negotiations: narr2\n• welcoming a new wife (Tenggelele): conv8\n• marriage: narr4\n• third day of marriage: narr4\n• putting the roof on a house: narr3\n• burial: conv7\n• death memorials: narr1\nI have observed first-hand all the above-mentioned rituals with three excep-\ntions: the rituals relating to entering someone’s house for the first time, preg-\nnancy, and circumcision. Consultants have described these as follows.\nWhen a wife from outside the island marries a man from Mas or Antalisa, she\ncannot enter other people’s houses before the following ritual is performed. The\nowners of the house must spread out a white cloth from the entrance of their\nhouse, via which the woman enters. After that, she receives another piece of\ncloth (typically an industrially-made “sarong”, a square piece or tube of cloth\nthat can be worn wrapped around the waist).\nAt six months into a woman’s first pregnancy, one of her brothers ties a string\nof pandanus leaf around her clothed belly and cuts it with a knife or scissors. This\nstring is tied around a tree, e.g. a coconut tree, by the father-to-be, which is a sign\nthat this tree now belongs to the brother. The name of this ritual is koramtolma\n(koram has no independent meaning; tolma means ‘to cut a string’).\nTwo other marked events are the bathing of the child at less than three days\nafter birth, and the bathing of the mother 40 days after giving birth, after which\nthe child may come out of the house (‘see the sun’) for the first time. The first\n8\n\n\n1.3 Ethnographic and socio-economic remarks\nfeeding of the child is also around this time, and is accompanied by bestowing\na name upon the child (see also §7.2.2 about names). The name is chosen by an\nolder, respected community member. The child’s first haircut is a festive gather-\ning where a brother of the mother cuts off a bit of the child’s first hair. Attendees\ngive money to the parents. The first haircut was traditionally observed in earlier\ntimes, but has only recently become celebrated as a festive event.\nCircumcision is practised on both boys and girls when they are around nine\nyears of age. The ritual is only attended and performed by people of the same\nsex as the child(ren) to be circumcised. Male circumcision is the cutting of the\nforeskin. It is unknown what female circumcision on Karas consists of. The ritual\nis typically performed for more than one child at the same time, and with inhab-\nitants from both Kalamang- and Uruangnirin-speaking villages combined. It is a\nbig festive occasion that is combined with dancing in the evening, comparable\nto marriages.\nDances are called nasula or tarian (Indonesian tarian; menari). Consultants\nreport that people used to dance together in double pairs (two men and two\nwomen) lead by a foreman, but this practice has disappeared. People dance on\ntheir own when performing traditional dances. The dances are accompanied by\nthe beating of two types of drums (tiri, a flat drum with hide on top, hit with the\nhand, and tetetas, a tall drum with hide on the side, hit with a stick), a gong and\na flute. During my visits, no flute was available and a recording of the flute was\nplayed instead, while the drums were played live. Recordings of drumming and\ndancing are available in the corpus.6 Contemporary dancing (Indonesian joget) is\nmainly performed by adolescents to contemporary Indonesian music and often\ntakes the form of line-dancing or dancing in groups where everyone performs\nthe same movements.\nAll rituals are accompanied by Islamic prayers, recited by the imam, who sits\nin front of a tray with a glass of cigarettes, betel leaves and incense. The prayers\nare joined by the men, and sometimes also the women. Another regular feature\nof rituals is a shared meal or tea. For both prayers and the meal, it is common that\nthe men sit in the guest reception room (the most important and biggest room\nof the house, located at the front, Indonesian ruang tamu) and the women and\nchildren are in the back of the house, close to the kitchen. This practice is not\nalways strictly observed, and especially older women may join the men in the\nfront. A meal consists at least of coffee and tea served with tea sweets (various\ncakes and fried tubers and banana), and often also includes warm food (rice and\nseveral fish and meat accompaniments). While people sit in a big rectangle on\n6At http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BFB-1\n9\n\n\n1 Introduction\nthe floor along the wall, the food is served in the middle of the room in a smaller\nsquare or rectangle, typically on a cloth or a banner on the floor. Food is served\non evenly spaced plates, from which people serve to their own plates. Water is\nserved in sealed plastic cups. Very sweet coffee and tea is served in glasses filled\nto the brim as a sign of respect (this also applies to serving coffee and tea at home,\nwhereas boiled water is the norm to drink and serve at home).7\nThe feeding of ancestors is practised when people want to build on a new site,\nor get rid of pain or an illness they think they have contracted from a certain\nplace (say a root that they stumbled over). I have not witnessed this, but the\nritual is described by consultants as follows. In the house of the traditional au-\nthority (Indonesian tokoh adat), a plate is prepared with bits of betel nut, betel\nleaf, cooked fish, coconut, tobacco, root vegetables or banana, rice, black cloth,\ncooking oil and an egg. Sometimes prayers are read. The tokoh adat then takes\nthe plate to the place in question, or to a small rock in the sea in front of Mas vil-\nlage (which is said to be related to the tokoh adat’s ancestors), and confers with\nthe ancestors (without speaking out loud). For particularly important matters, a\nfreshly washed white chicken may be brought to the place in question, where its\nthroat is cut and its blood is spread. The chicken is then buried in the middle of\nthe area where the blood was spread.\nMany people file their teeth as adolescents or young adults. It is unknown why.\nTattoos and piercings are not allowed, but Giglioli (1874: 449) reports tattoos on\nthe chest and scarifications of crosses on the arms and shoulders. One consultant\nsays body paint was used in former times during war and hongi raids. Men wear\ntheir hair short and women long. Most people go bareheaded, but cover their\nheads on formal and religious occasions. People wear contemporary Indonesian\nattire. On formal, festive and religious occasions this means a sarong, shirt and\nblack cap (Indonesian songkok) for men, and a sarong, blouse (Indonesian kebaya)\nand headcloth for women. While some of the older women wear headcloths that\nonly cover the hair, most younger women choose to wear a tight-fitting hijab.\nThe main religion in Mas and Antalisa is Islam. While daily prayers after sun-\nset are only attended by a handful of pious men in Mas, the midday Friday prayers\nare attended by most men and boys. Women are hardly seen in the mosque. Most\nchildren take lessons in learning to read Arabic and recite prayers for several\nyears. Gatherings for blessing prayers (Indonesian doa selamat) are very com-\nmon, and are held for blessing e.g. new boats, children who are about to take an\n7Recordings of prayers can be found at http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BF7-4,\nhttp://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BDC-D and http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-\n0000-0000-0004-1B70-6. Picture material of shared meals is available at the last two links.\n10\n\n\n1.3 Ethnographic and socio-economic remarks\nexam, people who are about to set off on a long journey, etc. Although there are\nmany wild pigs on Karas, no one eats pork. On Thursdays in the late afternoon,\nprayers for the dead are recited in several homes, after which a visit to the graves\nis paid.\nIslam probably arrived on the island around the time when it fell under the\nsultanate of Tidore, which existed from 1450 to 1904. J.C. Keyts, who visited the\nKaras Islands in 1678, describes the inhabitants as heathens (Leupe 1875: 144). In\n1872, when J.G. Coorengel visited, the inhabitants of at least Faor are described\nas Muslims (Robidé van der Aa 1879: 162–163,312). There might have been an in-\nbetween stage when only leaders were converted (Giglioli 1874: 449). The oldest\npeople in Mas confirm that their grandparents were Muslims as well. The Islamic\nreligion, as in many places in Indonesia, is mixed with local customs (Pringle\n2010). An example of this are the small offerings that accompany prayer recital,\nusually in the form of betel nuts, cigarettes, betel leaves and sometimes pastries.\nKalamang people residing on the island have two main sources of income:\nfishing and the production of nutmeg and mace (from Myristica argentea). While\nsome people have small businesses selling their fish in Fakfak on an irregular ba-\nsis, most people sell their fish to a Balinese trading company that has a storage\nplace for live fish floating in the water close to Antalisa or Mas (Indonesian ker-\namba, see also De Alessi 2014: 584). Species sold are groupers (Plectropomus leop-\nardus, areolatus, maculatus and oligacanthus, Cromileptes altivelis, Epinephelus\nfuscoguttatus and mixed groupers, according to Khasanah et al. 2020) and lob-\nsters (Panulirus versicolor). Different kinds of dried trepang (species unknown)\nare sold in Fakfak. Kalamang people may fish anywhere in Karas district waters,\nalthough people have their preferred spots for finding certain fish. People may\nset up temporary camps on beaches close to lobster-diving places, to collect lob-\nsters over several days before selling. A semi-permanent camp, where people\nmay reside for up to several months, is Timi Nepnep in the southern part of Se-\nbakor Bay (on the New Guinea mainland). Outsiders who want to fish in Karas\nwaters8 must ask permission from one of the village heads.\nNutmeg and mace are planted in family gardens behind the white sand beaches\non the big Karas island. These gardens are inherited by the eldest son, who must\ndivide the land among the siblings, though men inherit more than women. One\nmay only harvest one’s own nutmeg. Nutmeg and mace are sold to traders in Fak-\nfak, the regency capital. Between their nutmeg plantations and the white sand\n8These comprise the water in Sebakor Bay, extending southwards at least as far as Kitikiti\nwaterfall (3°50’25.7”S 132°47’57.5”E). I do not know if the waters west of the biggest Karas is-\nland belong to Karas district, or if the water is divided between the Kalamang-speaking and\nUruangnirin-speaking communities.\n11\n\n\n1 Introduction\nbeaches, people plant coconut trees. These are mainly harvested for personal use.\nPeople also use their land to source firewood and collect wild edible things such\nas Tahitian chestnuts (Inocarpus fagifer). Some people have a vegetable garden\nwhich may or may not be on the same beach as their nutmeg plantation. This is\nfor personal use or to sell produce on a small scale to people in the village. The\ncrops planted in gardens are typically maize, tomato, aubergine, beans, root veg-\netables, several banana species and various leafy greens. The gardens are usually\nkept by couples.\nBesides a health station (Indonesian puskesmas), a community building and a\nmosque, both Mas and Antalisa have a primary school with six grades. In Mas,\nthe head of the school is currently a civil servant deployed from his native Su-\nlawesi. A group of two to four teachers, mostly local people, teach in the three\nclassrooms. For junior high, children move to Malakuli or Fakfak. Although the\nofficial statistics for Fakfak regency report a 99% school participation level, I esti-\nmate the level to be a little lower, at least in Mas, where several children were out\nof school during my visits. Those people who complete higher education move\nto work in the district capital Malakuli, in Fakfak, or elsewhere in Indonesia. The\nonly Karas-born person with higher education living in Mas is one of the school\nteachers.\nChildren’s work consists of small jobs like getting water from the well, sweep-\ning the floor and, for girls, washing clothes. Line fishing from the dock is a\ncommon activity for both boys and girls, as well as female adolescents. Ado-\nlescent boys join their fathers fishing and diving. Women may also join their\nhusbands to assist in fishing and diving, and may also be seen fishing from the\ndock at night, fishing from small paddle canoes, or searching for shells at low\ntide. Night fishing at low tide seems to be a men’s activity. Other men’s tasks\nare constructing houses, repairing machines, maintaining canoes and chopping\nfirewood. Women are responsible for cleaning, cooking, gardening and washing.\nHandicrafts such as weaving baskets and mats are also practised by women, but\nmany of the women under 40 no longer have these skills, as cheap plastic re-\nplacements for these items are now available. In the nutmeg plantations much of\nthe work is joint, although it is the men who climb the trees to pluck the nutmeg\n(with the help of a bamboo stick with a barb on it), while the women gather the\nfruits on the ground and split them open.\nAlthough some of the rituals described earlier seem to suggest that Kalamang\nsociety has a custom of marrying women and not men from outside the island,\nboth variants of exogamy are currently practised. Kalamang people have inter-\nmarried with people from Java, the Moluccas (especially Gorom), Sulawesi (espe-\ncially Bugis and Muna) and closer islands such as the Kei islands and the other\n12\n\n\n1.4 Sociolinguistic situation\nKaras Islands. This process has been going on for at least several decades, with\none of my oldest consultants having a Buginese father. The reason many partners\ncome from the same areas in Indonesia is that these people may suggest new part-\nners from their home town for Kalamang people looking for a suitable partner.\nEndogamy is also allowed and, judging from the different terms for cross-cousins\n(korapmur, who can be married), and parallel cousins (dudanmur, who count as\nsiblings and cannot be married) this has also been tradition. Polygamy is permit-\nted but is not currently practised. Bridewealth must be paid by the groom’s side\nto the bride’s side. This may range from several million rupiah to several dozen\nmillion rupiah, depending on the wealth of the family and status of the people\nto be married. A village marriage usually does not involve more than 10 million\nrupiah (approximately € 600), but the bridewealth for a city marriage between\nhigh earners with high-status jobs (such as civil servant or business owner) may\napproach 100 million rupiah (approximately € 6000). It is mainly the bride’s fam-\nily’s responsibility to organise and pay for the wedding, but the groom’s family\nmay help with this as well.\nPeople live in large concrete or (increasingly rare) wooden houses with one or\nsometimes two nuclear families, often accompanied by (grand)parents and some-\ntimes unmarried siblings of the parents. It is also common to live together with\nan adopted child if one is childless (typically the child of a sibling of the caretaker)\nor if the child is an orphan. Nieces and nephews are considered children by their\naunts and uncles. Aunts and uncles of the same sex as the parent (mother’s sis-\nters and father’s brothers) are called ema and esa, respectively, the same word as\nused for ‘mother’ and ‘father’. The Kalamang kinship system is similar to an Iro-\nquois kinship system (see §7.2.1 for details). Everyone has a surname. There are\nfive surnames considered indigenous in Mas: Gusek, Yarkuran, Yorkuran, Yorre\nand Wambur. People feel connected to people with the same surname. Surnames\nare inherited from the father. More information about kinship terms and terms\nof address can be found in §7.2.\n1.4 Sociolinguistic situation\nFollowing UNESCO’s language vitality and endangerment framework, Kalamang\nis “definitely endangered” (corresponding to Ethnologue’s EGIDS level 7, “shift-\ning”), as the children’s generation does not acquire the language.\nA speaker count was conducted in 2019 and identified 134 fluent speakers9 and\n56 non-fluent speakers. The count was executed as follows. With two consultants\n9Of whom at least one has passed away since.\n13\n\n\n1 Introduction\n(who are fluent speakers themselves), I wrote down the names of all Kalamang\nspeakers, grouping them under the household they are associated with. That\nway, we ensured that speakers who moved away from Mas or Antalisa were also\ncounted. The speakers were divided into two groups: fluent speakers and non-\nfluent speakers.10 Fluent speakers are people who both understand and speak\nKalamang fluently. The great majority of these live in Mas or Antalisa. Non-fluent\nspeakers are speakers who understand, but do not speak Kalamang fluently – for\nexample, people who grew up in a Kalamang-speaking household but who were\nnot actively encouraged to use the language themselves, or people who moved\naway from Karas as children or as young adolescents.\nI am aware of the problems with this way of classifying and counting speakers,\nso this should be seen as a rough estimate, which is nonetheless the only one at\nmy disposal. Though my consultants may of course have made judgements that\nI or other linguists would not necessarily agree with, there was ready agreement\nbetween me and the two consultants on the classification of those speakers who I\npersonally know, about half. For the other half, the two consultants agreed on the\nqualification of all speakers. The consultants, like any member of the Kalamang\ncommunity, know all the other members of the community. Those readers who\nare of the opinion that an assessment of language proficiency cannot be made in\nthis way may simply add the fluent and non-fluent speakers together to arrive\nat the number of Kalamang speakers.\nOf the fluent speakers, 83 live in or are associated with families in Mas, and\n51 live in or are associated with families in Antalisa. Of the non-fluent speakers,\n35 live in or are associated with families in Mas, and 21 live in or are associ-\nated with families in Antalisa. The discrepancy here is partly attributable to the\nfact that speakers living in or associated with Mas were counted first, such that\npeople who have associations with families in both villages were counted for\nMas. A confounding factor, which might raise the number of Kalamang speak-\ners slightly, is the fact that the count was performed by inhabitants of Mas.\nThere is a small chance that they had forgotten some of the speakers associ-\nated with Antalisa families. Details of the speaker count can be found in the\ncorpus at http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BED-1. The data are\nsummarised in Table 1.1. Note that according to the 2018 census, Mas has 216\ninhabitants and Antalisa has 203. Although we have not counted fluent and non-\nfluent speakers currently living in Mas and Antalisa, it is clear that less than half\nof the inhabitants of each village are fluent or non-fluent speakers of Kalamang.\n10This was operationalised in Indonesian as lancar; yang tahu bahasa bagus sekali and kurang\nlancar; yang masih pikir-pikir.\n14\n\n\n1.4 Sociolinguistic situation\nTable 1.1: Kalamang speaker count\nfluent\nnon-fluent\nMas\n83\n35\nAntalisa\n51\n21\ntotal\n134\n56\nA language shift from Kalamang to Papuan Malay is currently happening in\nMas and Antalisa. The great majority of people born on the bigger Karas island\nbefore 1980 are fluent in Kalamang. They use Kalamang on a daily basis with\nother Kalamang speakers in all kinds of settings. There is neither shame or taboo,\nnor pride connected to using the language. All Kalamang speakers are bilingual\nin Papuan Malay (PM), and some also in Bahasa Indonesia (see comments in\n§1.6.7 below on the difference). Papuan Malay is used in those instances where\na non-Kalamang speaker joins the conversation. Naturally, these situations in-\nclude, for example, village gatherings and wedding speeches; but Kalamang is\nby no means avoided at such events for conversations in smaller groups or for\nthe performance of rituals. Speakers born before 1980 have reported not to have\nlearned Papuan Malay or Indonesian before entering school. A primary school\nwas built in Antalisa in the 1970s. Children from Mas went to school in Antalisa\nuntil a primary school was built in Mas in 1982.\nThere is a sharp cline in fluent speakers for people born roughly between 1980\nand 1990. No one born after 1990 can be counted as a fluent speaker. There are\nvery few households with two fluent Kalamang-speaking parents and children\nborn after 1990, but even in those households the children are not raised in Kala-\nmang. As indicated above, non-fluent speakers have a good passive command of\nKalamang. Fluent Kalamang speakers do not necessarily shift to Papuan Malay\nwhen they join the conversation, but they are not expected to actively contribute,\nalthough they can express themselves in a simple way in Kalamang. In one-on-\none communication they are typically addressed in Papuan Malay, and respond\nlikewise. All other people born in Mas or Antalisa have minimal knowledge\nof Kalamang, and are not counted as Kalamang speakers. Born to at least one\nKalamang-speaking parent, they typically understand some but not all Kalamang\n(e.g. simple commands and greetings), know a few dozen common words, and can\nsay a handful of standard phrases. They cannot freely create simple clauses. They\n15\n\n\n1 Introduction\ncommunicate in Papuan Malay with both elders and peers. A rough overview of\nKalamang competence per age group is given in Table 1.2.11\nTable 1.2: Competence per age group, estimates\nborn\nlevel\nbefore 1980\nlarge majority fluent\n1980s\nsome fluent, some non-fluent, some minimal\nafter 1990\nsome non-fluent, many minimal\nEthnologue’s (Eberhard et al. 2020) page on Kalamang (which they have as\nKaras) says it is threatened by Iha. None of my consultants know Iha, and I have\nnot heard anyone communicate in it. Many Kalamang speakers, on the other\nhand, have a good passive knowledge of the neighbouring language Uruang-\nnirin. Because exogamy is common, there are many speakers with other mother\ntongues in the Kalamang-speaking villages. Since there is often more than one\nperson from the same language area, these languages may also be heard. At the\ntime of writing, the most frequent languages in Mas (after Papuan Malay and\nKalamang) are Geser-Gorom, Muna and Javanese. While the latter two are only\nspoken by the parent generation, Geser-Gorom is spoken by both the grandpar-\nent and the parent generation. None of these (nor other Indonesian languages)\nare transmitted to children. My oldest consultants have reported that when they\nwere young, brides and grooms that moved to a Kalamang-speaking village from\nother language areas acquired Kalamang. This practice has since been replaced\nwith Papuan Malay being the language of communication in mixed marriages.\nAs stated above, fluent Kalamang speakers seem to have a neutral attitude\ntowards their language. They would never hide the fact that they speak the lan-\nguage, nor would they show off with it.12 Speakers occasionally express regret\nthat their children do not speak Kalamang, but rather than blaming themselves\nfor not transmitting the language to their children, they blame their children for\nbeing too stupid to learn Kalamang. I have not heard people express fears that\ntheir children do not acquire Papuan Malay well enough if they learn Kalamang,\nalthough this might be an underlying factor.\n11While there is obviously a cline in proficiency from fluent to non-fluent to minimal, it was no\nmatter of discussion for my two consultants whom to include as fluent and non-fluent speakers,\nand whom to exclude from the speaker count.\n12The only instance where I have noticed people showing off with Kalamang is when in public\nplaces in Fakfak with me, but it is used to trick others into believing that they are speaking\nEnglish with me.\n16\n\n\n1.5 Previous accounts of Kalamang and its genealogical affiliations\nKalamang has no written tradition, and is not used as an administrative lan-\nguage. When asked, people readily write Kalamang words and texts without\nproblems, using Indonesian orthography, which fits Kalamang phonology well\n(see §1.6.6). In the past three years, with the spread of cheap smartphones and\ninternet connections, some Kalamang may be found on social media such as Face-\nbook. But as it is mainly non-fluent and passive speakers who are connected, the\nuse of Kalamang seems limited to short phrases alternating with Papuan Malay.\nKalamang does not display any identifiable dialectal differences. This is per-\nhaps because Mas and Antalisa are small communities with frequent contact and\nintermarriage. I have not registered any differences for gender, age group or\nother social or demographic factors. Having said that, there is quite a bit of idi-\nolectal (sometimes also intra-speaker) variation in the pronunciation of certain\nwords. This is indicated in the dictionary and, as far as generalisations can be\nmade, described in §3.1.1.7 and §3.1.2.4.\n1.5 Previous accounts of Kalamang and its genealogical\naffiliations\nNo substantial work on Kalamang had been published before 2016, when I fin-\nished my master’s thesis on Kalamang phonology, including a grammar sketch\n(Visser 2016). In all earlier literature, the language is referred to as Karas. In the\nfollowing, I give a brief overview of previous accounts and attempts at genealog-\nical classification of the language.\nThe earliest mention of Kalamang that I am aware of is by Robidé van der Aa\n(1879), a geographer who travelled to New Guinea for the Dutch government.\nHe refers to the island group as the Karas Islands, and reports that the language\nspoken on the bigger island differs very much from that of the smaller islands,\nbased on data gathered by someone in the travel company named J.G. Coorengel.\nThe first larger-scale linguistic survey done in the area by Dutch and Am-\nbonese civil servants was published in Cowan (1953). In this work, Iha,13 Mba-\nham14 and Kalamang are linked to each other for the first time, and classified as\nPapuan (that is, non-Austronesian) languages. Cowan (1953: 33) also notes that\nthe former two are undoubtedly related, whereas a more distant relation between\nthose two languages and Kalamang is likely. All statements are based on word\nlists gathered by different people, with a special focus on numerals and personal\npronouns to determine family relationships.\n13Kapaur in Cowan (1953).\n14Patimuni in Cowan (1953). In other sources spelled as Bah(a)am or Mbahaam.\n17\n\n\n1 Introduction\nAnceaux (1958), who has newer word lists for Iha and Mbaham, but no new\ndata for Kalamang, draws the same conclusion as Cowan (1953). It is also men-\ntioned that the language spoken on the two small islands east of Karas is an\nAustronesian language called Uruangnirin, and is closely related to Onin, which\nis spoken on the north-eastern tip of the Bomberai Peninsula.\nStill based on just word lists and some pronouns, Cowan (1960) postulates a\nWest Papuan Phylum, in which the languages of the West Bomberai stock (Iha,\nMbaham and Kalamang) are incorporated. Voorhoeve (1975), apart from recog-\nnizing Kalamang as a “family-level isolate”, links the West Papuan Phylum to\nthe Trans-New Guinea languages. This is based on cognates, and supported by\nthe grammatical information that Voorhoeve had at his disposal in the form of a\n35-page Iha grammar sketch (Coenen 1953). Only the seven numeral classifiers of\nIha are regarded as unusual for a Trans-New Guinea language (Voorhoeve 1975:\n435).\nThere exist several versions of the Trans-New Guinea hypothesis, suggest-\ning a common ancestor for several hundred languages spoken on and around\nNew Guinea. Usually, the West Bomberai languages are included (Pawley 2005),\nand also the newest version of the hypothesis includes the West Bomberai lan-\nguages (Ross 2005). Glottolog does not accept this classification, probably due\nto the questionable reliability of pronouns in determining genealogical relations\nbetween languages, as argued in Hammarström (2012).\nAfter careful consideration of the newest available data, including my PhD\nthesis, and based on 47 lexical cognates, Usher & Schapper (2022) demonstrate\nthe existence of the Greater West Bomberai family, illustrated in Figure 1.3.\nGreater West Bomberai\nKalamang\nMbaham-Iha\nTimor-Alor-Pantar\nBunaq\nEast Timor\nAlor-Pantar\nFigure 1.3: Genealogical classification of Kalamang\n18\n\n\n1.6 This study\n1.6 This study\nIn this section, I explain the design of this study. This includes information on\nmyself, the goals of the project, the language consultants, data gathering meth-\nods, the language corpus that was created, recording and storage of data, notation\nsystems used throughout this book, and some comments on terminology.\n1.6.1 Background to this study\nFollowing Austin (2016), I briefly sketch the background to this study and dis-\nclose the identity and roles of stakeholders in the project. This project began\nwith an exploratory field trip to Karas (following the advice of Mark Donohue),\nwhich resulted in a grammar sketch with a focus on phonology (Visser 2016),\nmy master’s thesis. For my PhD, my goal was to write a reference grammar of\nKalamang, supplemented with an audiovisual corpus of Kalamang speech and\na Kalamang-English-Papuan Malay dictionary. This formed the most important\npart of my PhD studies, with my salary and some expenses paid for by Lund\nUniversity, Sweden. While the topic for the PhD thesis was chosen by myself,\nthe methodology and analysis were developed in consultation with supervisors.\nField trips, equipment and conferences were sponsored by several Swedish foun-\ndations, which are listed in the acknowledgements. None of the funding bodies\nhad influence on the topic, methodology or outcomes of this study. This grammar\nis a slightly adapted version of my PhD thesis.\n1.6.2 Aims and theoretical framework\nThis is a grammatical description of Kalamang, aimed at a scholarly audience,\nin particular linguists. In this section, I lay out the theoretical frameworks that\nhave influenced this study.\nThere is a great deal of overlap, and also some friction, between describing\nand documenting a language (Himmelmann 1998, 2006). The main goal of this\nstudy was to write a reference grammar of Kalamang, i.e. a descriptive analysis\nof the language as “a system of rules and oppositions” (Himmelmann 2006: 20).\nThis analysis builds on the collection, transcription and translation of primary\nlinguistic data, gathered in a language corpus. While the focus of this study is\ndescriptive, I have tried to make the Kalamang corpus a useful documentation of\nKalamang to the best of my abilities, and as far as time allowed. The corpus is the\nbackbone of the grammatical description of Kalamang, and was thus primarily\ncreated with the goal of producing a comprehensive grammatical description in\n19\n\n\n1 Introduction\nmind. However, to maximise the potential for the Kalamang corpus to be used\nby future generations and “user groups whose identity is still unknown and who\nmay want to explore questions not yet raised at the time when the language\ndocumentation was compiled” (Himmelmann 2006: 2), I have tried to collect a\ndiverse and richly annotated corpus. This includes recordings of different lin-\nguistic practices and traditions, of high audio and video quality, with different\nspeakers, focusing not only on language use but also on material culture, tradi-\ntions and rites, the natural world and everyday activities. I have put some effort\ninto recording and transcribing a substantial amount of unguided conversation,\nbecause that is, after all, what a large part of everyday linguistic life consists\nof. The corpus contains nearly everything that I gathered during fieldwork on\nKaras, regardless of whether it was analysed for the purpose of this grammatical\ndescription or not.\nAs for the linguistic analysis of the Kalamang data, I have been influenced\nby many scholars, some of whom the reader will not find any reference to in\nthis grammar except here, in these paragraphs. I have strived to use analytic\nconcepts and terms that are well-established in linguistics where possible (Dixon\n2000, Pawley 2014), often informed by typological studies, while at the same time\nattempting to analyse Kalamang on its own terms (Dixon 2000, Haspelmath 2009,\nDryer 2006).15 The work of Martin Haspelmath on terminology and the interplay\nbetween language-specific description and generalisation across languages has\ninfluenced many terminological decisions (Haspelmath 2010). The three-volume\nworks Basic linguistic theory (Dixon 2010a,b, 2012) and Language typology and\nsyntactic description (Shopen 2007a,b,c) have been very useful in determining\nwhich aspects of a trait of Kalamang, once discovered, to investigate and describe.\nA number of general works on language documentation and description, lin-\nguistic fieldwork, corpus building and archiving have influenced many decisions\nmade in this project. These include the excellent guide to linguistic fieldwork by\nBowern (2015), selected parts of guides and handbooks like Ameka et al. (2006),\nGippert et al. (2006), Austin & Sallabank (2011), Chelliah & De Reuse (2010),\nThieberger (2012), Aikhenvald (2014), Filipović & Pütz (2016), Rehg & Campbell\n(2018), Nakayama & Rice (2014), and the overview articles Austin (2016) and Sei-\nfart et al. (2018). I have often consulted grammars of the following languages for\ninspiration: Teiwa (Klamer 2010), Abui (Kratochvı́l 2007), Ambel (Arnold 2018),\nBunaq (Schapper 2010) and Papuan Malay (Kluge 2017), the latter also to learn\nmore about the contact language.\n15Evans & Dench (2006) explain well how the descriptive linguist both informs and is informed\nby typology and formal linguistics. I can only hope I have struck the right balance.\n20\n\n\n1.6 This study\n1.6.3 Relation with consultants, other speakers and the community\nIn this section, I describe the nature of my collaboration with the consultants and\nother Kalamang speakers that feature in the corpus. I also describe my relation-\nship with the village where I conducted the fieldwork, Mas.\nThe corpus contains the stories and conversations of 25 Kalamang speakers,\nof which 14 are men. The oldest speaker was born in 1938, and the youngest in\n1981.16 In this study, I refer to these people as Kalamang speakers, native speakers,\nor simply as speakers. Metadata about the speakers (gender, year and place of\nbirth, birthplace of parents, family ties and other languages spoken) can be found\nin the corpus. Most speakers had completed primary school, some had attended\njunior or senior high school, but none of them had received formal training be-\nyond high school. All speakers participated in one or more recordings. Some\nspeakers also helped me transcribe (parts of) their own recordings.\nThree of the speakers were also language consultants, with whom I worked on\na near-daily basis during my yearly field trips. I started working with Kamarudin\nGusek in 2017, and with Hair Yorkuran and Fajaria Yarkuran in 2018. The two\nmen, Kamarudin and Hair, usually worked with me as a pair, and helped with\nthe transcription of mainly their own recordings, providing grammatical judge-\nments, and the vocabulary. Fajaria helped with the transcription and translation\nof her own and others’ recordings, providing grammatical judgements, and the\nvocabulary. In addition, she wrote example sentences for almost 2000 entries in\nthe dictionary. A fourth person, Sebi Yarkuran, in whose house I stayed, has been\nan informal consultant mainly for vocabulary, and performed the speaker count\ntogether with Fajaria.\nThe three main consultants themselves offered to work with me, sometimes\nthrough a friend. Kamarudin Gusek, a village elder and medicine man who is\nsupported by his child, was put forward as a possible consultant by the village\nhead in 2017. It soon turned out that he was keen to collaborate daily. As I had no\nfixed consultants at the time, he soon became my main consultant. We recorded\nmany narratives, he was often one of the two speakers in a picture-matching\ntask, and we transcribed his and others’ recordings. He was a good source for\nlocal history, culture and botany, and liked to be recorded. I struggled to tran-\nscribe with him, as he had trouble repeating the exact wording of audio clips\npresented to him, as well as giving a close Papuan Malay translation. Following\na village meeting where I explained my goals and asked women in particular to\nreport if they wanted to be recorded to work as informants, Fajaria Yarkuran\n16Audio recordings for phonetic analysis and of paradigms, made in 2015, contain the voices of\nfour other (partial) speakers. Their metadata can be found in the corpus.\n21\n\n\n1 Introduction\ncame forward towards the end of my trip in 2017. At the time, she was a house-\nwife with grown-up children and a lot of time on her hands. In 2018, we started\ncollaborating daily. She turned out to be an excellent transcriber and translator\nwith a good ear for detail. Soon, instead of playing audio clips to her asking\nwhat was being said, I started sharing my screen with her so she could follow\nalong with my typing and correct any mistakes, such as words that I missed. I\nalso elicited translation sentences and grammaticality judgements from her, and\nworked on the dictionary with her. At the end of 2018, I gave her a short training\nin writing example sentences for the dictionary. She enjoyed the work and was\ngood at it, so I asked her to write example sentences for all entries in the draft of\nthe Kalamang dictionary during my absence between two field trips. I paid her\nupfront, and upon my return in 2019 I collected her notebooks containing 1849\nexample sentences. My third main consultant, Hair Yorkuran, stepped forward\nin 2018. Being a medicine man and friend of Kamarudin Gusek, I had recorded\nhim together with the latter on plant medicine in 2017. In 2018, Kamarudin in-\ndicated that Hair was keen to join our sessions. They soon turned out to be a\ngreat pair to ask for translations of sentences and grammaticality judgements.\nThey also supplemented each other very well in ethnobotanical knowledge and\nvocabulary. Because I had an excellent transcriber in Fajaria, from 2018 onwards\nI only worked with Kamarudin and Hair on recordings they were involved in\nthemselves. During all field trips, I worked around 4.5 hours a day with infor-\nmants (3 hours in the morning and 1.5 hours in the late afternoon), six or seven\ndays a week. In 2018 and 2019, I tried to divide working hours evenly between Ka-\nmarudin/Hair and Fajaria. Locally, my three main consultants were known as my\nlanguage teachers or guru bahasa. Because no one in the community seemed to\nhave a combination of sufficient computer skills and Kalamang skills, I have not\ntrained anyone to do transcriptions of Kalamang materials, as is sometimes cus-\ntomary (see among others Bowern 2015: 201, Dixon 2010: 322). The village head\nkindly offered me use of his office in the village building, and so that is where\nI met my consultants every day, and where a large part of the recordings were\nmade. The village building is the building with the blue roof by the waterside in\nFigure 1.5, and the office can be seen in Figure 1.6 (both in the next section).\nSpeakers who feature in recordings were often approached by myself, and\nwere sometimes brought in by a friend who had been recorded previously. All\nspeakers were offered to collaborate on the transcription of their own record-\ning(s) and were invited to come in any time to work as consultants, but most\npeople showed no interest, or did not have the time. Consultants and other speak-\ners, regardless of the tasks performed, were paid the same hourly compensation\nof 25,000 IDR in 2017 and 2018, and 33,000 IDR in 2019. This compensation is\n22\n\n\n1.6 This study\nbased on a teacher’s salary (in 2015–2018 about 100,000 IDR per day, Klamer et\nal. 2021), with a bonus for irregular working hours and, in 2019, a generous ad-\njustment for inflation. Compensation was at first paid at the end of the recording\nor consulting session. Later, when I had established good working routines with\nthe three main consultants, they were paid two or three times a week, when-\never they had earned a round sum of money. All hours were kept in a notebook,\nand compensations were signed for by the recipients. Although it is reported\nthat shame might be an issue when receiving money in Indonesia (Klamer et al.\n2021), I have not noticed this. However, I soon learned that monetary compensa-\ntion was sometimes not enough, as people would ask me outright for gifts. All\nthose who feature in recordings therefore also received small gifts (Indonesian\noleh-oleh or kenang-kenangan) as a token of friendship and a way to remember\nthe relationship. These were often souvenirs from The Netherlands, but fish lures\nand reading glasses were also very popular. The main consultants also received\na bigger gift each year, such as a silver ring, perfume or a rain coat.17 Table 1.3\nshows an overview of the total hours I worked together with the main three\ninformants and with others. Hours include recording.\nTable 1.3: Hours worked 2017–2019 with consultants and other speakers\nKamarudin Gusek\n234\nFajaria Yarkuran\n189\nHair Yorkuran\n116\nOthers\n54\nTotal\n593\nThe contact language between myself and the consultants and other speakers\nwas a mix of Papuan Malay and Kalamang, with emphasis on the former, as I\nnever reached a good enough command of Kalamang to do more than small talk.\nThe people of Mas, the village I stayed in during all four field trips, were in-\nformed of my intentions through the above-mentioned village meeting which\ntook place in Mas shortly after my arrival in 2017. At the meeting, I explained\nmy goals, showed the results of my visit in 2015 (a master’s thesis), and showed\nsome examples of linguistic descriptions of Iha and Mbaham by the Indonesian\nlinguist Don Flassy to illustrate what I wanted to achieve. I also presented the\ncompensation I intended to pay to consultants and speakers, and invited all Kala-\nmang speakers to come and work with me at any time. Further, I presented the\n17Other people to whom gifts were extended are my hosts in Fakfak and Mas, the village head\nof Mas, my local aunts, uncles and grandmother, and other people with whom I maintained a\npersonal relationship.\n23\n\n\n1 Introduction\nFigure 1.4: The main consultants Fajaria Yarkuran, Hair Yorkuran and\nKamarudin Gusek in a temporary hut on Tat beach, which we used dur-\ning my 2018 field trip on hot afternoons instead of the village building.\nTanah Merah on the New Guinea mainland can be seen in the back-\nground of the left-hand picture and the smaller Karas Islands in the\nbackground of the right-hand picture.\nkinds of things I mentioned I could do for the village in return. I mentioned a dic-\ntionary, children’s books, Kalamang learning materials and English lessons (of\nwhich I had talked with some people before). I also asked at the meeting, which\nwas attended by some 50 adults, what they would like me to do for them. There\nwas one response from the audience: whether I could provide funding for the mu-\nnicipality. I said I could not, and that I was only able to provide language-related\nassistance. It was later decided, in consultation with the school teachers and be-\ncause many people in the street were asking about it, that I would teach English\nfor two hours a week in grade 5/6 by means of community service. At the end\nof each field trip, I also organised a village feast with games and food or, at the\nsuggestion of my hosts, a goodbye prayer evening with food to thank the peo-\nple for their hospitality. Although few others than my main consultants showed\nany enthusiasm for Kalamang language materials, in 2018 I decided to pursue\nthe production of a children’s book and a dictionary, as both I and my main con-\nsultants enjoyed working on them. A Kalamang/Papuan Malay children’s book\nwith drawings made by Mas school children of the story Kuawi (narr22) was pub-\nlished and 100 copies were sent to Fakfak in 2019. The Kalamang dictionary will\nbe published as a free app and contains hundreds of pictures taken by youths\nin Mas and Malakuli. They were paid 2000 IDR per usable picture of selected\nlemmas in the dictionary. All recorded speakers received a USB flash drive with\ntheir own recording on it in high quality, featuring Papuan Malay and Kalamang\nsubtitles.\n24\n\n\n1.6 This study\nOther ways of informing people about my work were by putting up a project\ndescription on the Mas village board in 2018, presenting myself to the village\nhead at the beginning of each visit, and reporting to local authorities in Malakuli,\nFakfak, Sorong and/or Manokwari. Oral and written informed consent can be\nfound in the corpus. No speaker objected to my recording their language, storing\nit, and using it for research.\n1.6.4 Data and research methods\nIn this section, I give an overview of the types of data I gathered and how they are\nreferred to in this study. I make a main distinction between naturalistic record-\nings and elicited material. I also introduce the online corpus that accompanies\nthis study.18\nAll data were gathered during four field trips between 2015 and 2019. The first\nfield trip in 2015 was conducted for my master’s thesis, and the other three as\npart of my PhD programme.19 Table 1.4 gives an overview of time spent in the\nfield: 23 weeks. This time excludes travel to and from, stays in cities to deal with\nadministrative matters, etc., and thus represents the ‘net time’ spent on Karas. I\nstayed in Mas village (Figure 1.5) during all field trips, but made frequent visits\nto Antalisa, the other Kalamang-speaking village. The main consultants and all\nspeakers were inhabitants of Mas at the time of recording, but some of them had\nspent a part of their lives in Antalisa.\nThe backbone of this grammar is the data corpus with time-aligned annotated\nvideo recordings of naturalistic spoken language (Visser 2020b), supplemented\nby elicited data in the form of translated sentences and grammaticality judge-\nments. Following Himmelmann (2006) (advice iterated in fieldwork guides like\nBowern 2015: Ch.9), the naturalistic spoken data consist of different genres. I\nstarted with the recording of short personal histories, descriptive and prescrip-\ntive procedures, picture-matching tasks, and narratives recorded with the help\n18The corpus, called The Kalamang collection: an archive of linguistic and cultural material from\nKaras (Visser 2020b) can be found at http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0003-C3E8-1.\n19A fifth field trip was planned for 2020 but had to be cancelled due to COVID-19. Luckily, I had\nenough data to finish the current study. Things that I had planned for the last field trip in-\ncluded double-checking the transcriptions of recordings made in 2019, double-checking all the\nexamples used in this study, double-checking some lemmas in the dictionary, collecting more\npictures for the dictionary, recording audio samples of all lemmas, collecting recordings of\nmore genres (such as making offerings, ghost stories, and action camera recordings of people\nin their gardens and loading a canoe), collecting supplementary grammaticality judgements\non various topics (such as the apprehensive construction, classifiers, possessive constructions,\nprosody, quantifiers and reflexives) and carrying out ethnobotanic/linguistic fieldwork in col-\nlaboration with an MA student in ethnobotany.\n25\n\n\n1 Introduction\nTable 1.4: Time spent on Karas\nyear\nmonths\nweeks\n2015\nOct-Nov\n6\n2017\nFeb-Apr\n11\n2018\nMar-May\n8\n2019\nFeb-Apr\n8\nTotal\n23\nFigure 1.5: Mas village\nof picture stimuli, such as Frog, where are you? (Mayer 1969), because these were\nrelatively easy to transcribe. In subsequent years, I recorded among other things\nfree conversations and traditional narratives, and used an action camera to film\npeople at work and travelling. Naturalistic data is typically video recorded, and\na large part of it is annotated, roughly divided into breath groups20 with the fol-\nlowing information: an English and Papuan Malay translation, a morpheme-by-\nmorpheme analysis and part-of-speech information, sometimes supplemented by\nnotes on grammar or (cultural) background.21 Elicited data was typically written\ndown in notebooks and subsequently digitised. Some of the elicited data was also\n20A breath group is what the speaker manages to say between two breaths, and is a convenient\nway to divide utterances. This division was not strictly followed. Sometimes people would\npause without breathing – for example at the end of a non-final clause. Some speakers had a\nhabit of uttering very long stretches of speech, seemingly without breathing. These stretches\nwere divided wherever it seemed practical to do so during the transcription.\n21Transcribed recordings are archived at http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1B9D-\n6.\n26\n\n\n1.6 This study\naudio recorded, and most of it was also translated into English and Papuan Malay,\nand supplemented with a morpheme-by-morpheme analysis, part-of-speech in-\nformation and notes.22\nFor naturalistic recordings, I make a rough distinction between three differ-\nent kinds: data obtained with the help of stimuli, narratives and conversations.23\nStimuli are all recordings with a narrative or conversation-like character that\nare made with the help of a pre-designed stimulus. This includes narratives told\nwith the help of a picture book or video stimulus, picture-matching tasks, peo-\nple discussing certain fishing gear that I had brought and asked them to discuss,\nroute descriptions based on videos that I made, and recordings of people doing\nthe Family problems picture task (Carroll et al. 2009). Although some of these\nnarratives and conversations proceed in quite a naturalistic way, and they are\ndefinitely much more naturalistic than elicited data, they are at least stylistically\nartificial in the sense that they are genres that do not naturally occur in Kala-\nmang speech, and were therefore grouped together. Narratives are all recordings\nwhere only one person speaks, or where one person is the main speaker. These in-\nclude personal histories, traditional narratives and descriptive procedures. Most\nnarratives are prompted: I asked a speaker whether they could talk about when\nthey went fishing, about how to make a canoe, or to tell me a tale. While some\nare quite directed, such as the plant medicine videos where speakers hold up\nspecimens of plants and explain how they are used in medicine, others are very\nnaturalistic examples of narratives which roughly stick to the theme I requested,\nbut where the topic is filled in freely by the narrator. Conversations are record-\nings with two people engaging in a conversation. Most of these were prompted:\nI would ask someone to explain how to make a basket to someone else, to talk\nwith their friend about cooking with vegetables or about making medicine with\nroots, or to discuss the most recent funeral. I judge these to be very naturalistic,\nwith the speakers often trailing off from the requested topic and just chatting\nalong. Two long recordings are completely unprompted: a kitchen conversation\nbetween two grandmothers (conv12) and a living room conversation between\ntwo mothers (conv9). I have not attempted to record with more than two main\nspeakers, although a third or fourth speaker sometimes makes a guest appear-\n22Annotated elicited data is archived at http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1C60-A.\n23While I do think that there are differences in style and naturalness between the three cate-\ngories stimulus-based, narrative and conversations, I have not actually investigated this. Also,\nthe categories are not clear-cut. The stimulus-based recordings obviously can be narratives\nor conversations, conversations may contain stretches of narrative, narratives may contain a\nshort conversation with a passer-by, etc. This classification is just one way to give the reader\nat least some degree of context when reading an example.\n27\n\n\n1 Introduction\nance in a recording. Examples used in this study taken from video-recorded nat-\nuralistic data are tagged as ‘stim’, ‘narr’ and ‘conv’, respectively, followed by a\nrunning number and a time stamp indicating where in the recording the utter-\nance can be found. An example of each is given below.\n(1)\nbal\ndog\nse\niam\nsor=at\nfish=obj\nkoraru\nbite\n‘The dog has bitten the fish.’\n[stim2_3:45]\n(2)\nmu\n3pl\nkiem\nrun\n‘They run.’\n[narr40_15:26]\n(3)\nma\n3sg\nreitkon\nhundred\npurap-i\nfifty-objqnt\nan=at\n1sg=obj\nkamat=et\nsend=irr\n‘He sent me one hundred and fifty [thousand rupiah].’\n[conv12_3:09]\nA list of the 104 naturalistic recordings in the corpus that are transcribed and\nannotated can be found in the Appendix on page 447. More context can be found\nin the description of the recording in the corpus. A summary of the transcribed\nminutes and amount of words per recording type is given in Table 1.5. An ad-\nditional five hours of untranscribed Kalamang speech can also be found in the\ncorpus.\nTable 1.5: Summary of naturalistic annotated recordings\ntype\namt.\nhh:mm:ss\nwords\nstimulus-based\n32\n03:22:28\n11998\nnarratives\n45\n06:21:02\n32422\nconversation\n27\n05:49:14\n25286\ntotal\n104\n15:32:44\n69706\nTo get a better understanding of certain topics that seemed worth investigat-\ning or that did not yield clear enough data in the naturalistic corpus, or to inform\nother people’s typological studies, I also elicited data with the help of question-\nnaires and video stimuli. I used some questionnaires and video stimuli designed\nby others, but also designed roughly 70 tailor-made questionnaires myself, with\nthe aim to fill in gaps from the naturalistic spoken corpus. These tailor-made\n28\n\n\n1.6 This study\nquestionnaires can be found in the corpus with two-to-four-letter tags, some-\ntimes supplemented with a two-digit indicator for a year or a running number.\nFor example, ‘adj’ is a questionnaire about adjectives used in 2018, and ‘adj19’\nis a questionnaire about adjectives used in 2019. These questionnaires contain a\nmix of requests for translations (from Indonesian or Papuan Malay) and gram-\nmaticality checks of Kalamang sentences that I constructed, typically based on\na similar example from the corpus. Examples from these, as well as examples\nfrom data resulting from using other people’s questionnaires and video stimuli,\nare referred to in this study with the tag ‘elic’, followed by the corpus tag of the\nquestionnaire and the line number of the example. An example is (4). Elicited\nexamples are only used when no naturalistic examples are available, or when\nnaturalistic examples do not illustrate the point clearly (for example, when there\nis no minimal pair available).\n(4)\nmu\n3pl\npas\nwoman\nsem=ten=at\nafraid-adj=obj\nkoup\nhug\n‘They hugged the scared woman.’\n[elic_adj19_8]\nAn overview of the questionnaires, picture-matching tasks, picture stimuli and\nvideo stimuli designed by others that were used to collect Kalamang data can be\nfound on page 450. Some of these are classified as elicited material, while others\nare classified as naturalistic data and are referred to with the ‘stim’ tag. In this\nstudy, I sometimes make reference to the naturalistic spoken corpus, to oppose it\nto the elicited data – for example, when a certain construction type is only found\nin the one and not in the other. Recordings in the naturalistic spoken corpus are\nalso sometimes referred to as texts.24 Other examples quoted in this study are\nmarked as [overheard] or [dict]. The former are examples that I personally over-\nheard. They are typically greetings or other utterances that are highly frequent\nin daily life but that have not made their way into the recorded corpus. In a very\nfew instances, they are utterances that I found interesting when I heard them\nand which I noted down straight after. Examples quoted as [dict] are example\nsentences written by Fajaria Yarkuran for the dictionary (see §1.6.3). Table 1.6 is\nan overview of the example types used in this study, and how they are referred\nto.\nFor examples where I deem the linguistic or pragmatic context necessary to\nunderstand the example, or to understand the point the example illustrates, I\nhave added information about the context of the example, either in the text pre-\nceding the example or in square brackets in the example itself. Of course, this\n24Defined in Chelliah & De Reuse (2010: 424) as “connected naturally occurring utterance[s]”.\n29\n\n\n1 Introduction\nTable 1.6: Sources of examples used in this study\ntype\nsubtype\ntag example\ntag format\nnaturalistic\nstimulus-based\n[stim13_2:15]\nstim+running number_time stamp\nnaturalistic\nnarrative\n[narr45_23:04]\nnarr+running number_time stamp\nnaturalistic\nconversation\n[conv2_13:59]\nconv+running number_time stamp\nelicited\n[elic_wc_16]\nelic_questionnaire tag_line number\nnaturalistic\noverheard\n[overheard]\ndictionary\n[dict_yuor]\ndict_lemma\ndoes not mean that a great many examples could not have benefited from more\ninformation about the linguistic or pragmatic context. To this end, I provide di-\nrect links to the corpus for each example so that the reader can inspect at least\nthe linguistic context on their own. In the digital version of this grammar, the\ncorpus tag that accompanies each example is clickable and leads to the bundle\npage that contains the relevant files.\nThe corpus also contains videos and pictures illustrating daily life in Mas; a\ncultural questionnaire; recordings of music, prayer calls and sermons; pictures il-\nlustrating the natural world around Karas; and sound clips of words and phrases\nfor phonetic and intonation analysis. All corpus materials are accompanied by\nrich metadata, including a description of the contents, key words, genre, cross-\nreferences, location and, for the naturalistic recordings, extensive speaker infor-\nmation. Where possible, I have bundled recordings on a certain topic together\nwith supplementary materials such as pictures, such that a narrative about the\nvillage’s last wedding is supplemented with pictures of the wedding. A guide to\nthe corpus with more details about its contents can be found in the corpus itself.\nAt a later stage, it would be good to supplement the corpus with recordings\nthat show code switching in addressing different audiences or addressees, to\nshow more of the dynamic sociolinguistic context in which Kalamang is spo-\nken (cf. Austin 2016: 158),25 ritual and ceremonial language use, and songs (cf.\nDixon 2010: 318).26 Certain formal genres, like public speeches or meetings, are\n25Some of it can be found in the conversations between Fajaria Yarkuran and Nurmia Yarkuran\n(conv9–11, conv13–16), which are interrupted by children entering the room. Some speakers\nalso address the linguist in an opening and a closing of a narrative in Papuan Malay (see also\n§17.1). Note that code switching between Kalamang and Papuan Malay without a change of\naudience, typically for just a few words at a time, is very common and occurs in all recordings.\n26One song, Loflof, can be found at http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BF9-5, and\nthe narratives narr18 and narr19 contain short songs. The ritual chant tenggelele can be found\nin conv8. See also §17.1.5.\n30\n\n\n1.6 This study\nnot attested in the Kalamang speech community because of its status as a shifting\nlanguage (see §1.4).\n1.6.5 Recording and data management\nRecordings were made with the following devices. A Zoom H2 audio recorder\nwas used for audio-only recordings or as backup for video recordings. The ma-\njority of the video recordings were made with a JVC GY-HM200E with audio\nfrom a Røde NT4 stereo condenser microphone. A typical recording setup with\nKamarudin Gusek in the village head’s office can be seen in Figure 1.6. Some\nrecordings were made with a Canon G9 X mark II compact camera, whereby au-\ndio was recorded with the Røde microphone plugged into the Zoom. A Garmin\nVirb Ultra 30 action camera was used for some recordings of people on the\nmove (particularly conv1–6 and conv21–28). In those cases, both video and audio\nwere recorded with the action camera. In 2015, all recordings were made with a\nZoom H2 recorder, the great majority of them with a Røde Lavalier microphone\nplugged in.\nFigure 1.6: A typical recording setup\nThe data for this study were initially managed with Toolbox (SIL International\nn.d.[a]), and later with FLEx (SIL International n.d.[b]). Phonological data was\nhandled in Phonology Assistant (SIL International n.d.[c]). Time-alignment of\naudio/video with transcriptions was done in ELAN (Max Planck Institute for\n31\n\n\n1 Introduction\nPsycholinguistics, The Language Archive, Nijmegen 2020). All phonetic mea-\nsurements were made with Praat (Boersma & Weenink 2020). Procedures for\nphonemic analyses are described in-text.\nRecordings, notes, the dictionary and other material is stored in The Kala-\nmang collection, Visser (2020b).27 The dictionary is also stored in the Paradisec\narchive.28\n1.6.6 Notation systems\nIn this section, I discuss Kalamang orthography and the notation of examples,\nincluding glossing conventions.\nThere is no standardised Kalamang orthography. As explained in §1.4, Kala-\nmang has only recently become a written language, and only in the context of\ntext messages and messages on social media platforms, typically by non-fluent\nspeakers. When they write Kalamang, there is variation in the orthography –\nfor example, the spelling of [ŋg] as <ng> or <ngg>, the spelling of vowel se-\nquences and glides, and segmentation. However, because this variation does not\nseem to lead to confusion, and because Indonesian orthography fits very well to\nKalamang phonology, there has been no request from the Kalamang-speaking\ncommunity for a standardised orthography. The orthography I developed for\nthis study is only adopted by myself. It is based on Indonesian orthography, and\nnearly identical to IPA, with several exceptions: /ɟ/ which is spelled <j>, /j/ which\nis spelled <y> and /ŋ/ which is spelled <ng>.\nMost examples in this study are given as multi-tier glossed examples, typi-\ncally consisting of three lines. On the first line, a phonemic representation of the\nwords, divided into morphemes, is given. In most cases, the word or morpheme\nunder discussion is in bold. This line may contain three full stops between square\nbrackets (i.e. [...]) to indicate that a part of the original utterance is elided. I do\nnot use punctuation in this line, because it is the underlying (phonemic) form\nand because it is often taken from a bigger context. The second line gives a gloss\nfor each morpheme. The third line gives a free translation into English and the\nsource of the utterance (see §1.6.4). This line includes interpunction to increase\nreadability. Note that the interpunction, like the translation itself, is a free inter-\npretation of the original Kalamang. This is illustrated in (5).\n(5)\nan\n1sg\nse\niam\ntoni\nwant\nmin=kin\nsleep=vol\n‘I already wanted to sleep.’\n[narr32_0:18]\n27At http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0003-C3E8-1.\n28At http://catalog.paradisec.org.au/repository/EV1.\n32\n\n\n1.6 This study\nA minority of the examples contain an extra line on top with the orthographic\nrepresentation of the utterance, including punctuation. This is used when into-\nnation is considered of importance to illustrate the point made with the example.\nA comma indicates non-final intonation and a full stop indicates final intonation.\nThis line may also include three full stops for a long pause, quotation marks,\nquestion marks, exclamation marks or IPA length marks. An example is (6).\n(6)\nMa\nma\n3sg\ntoni:\ntoni\nsay\n“Eh,\neh\nhey\nsor\nsor\nfish\nwa\nwa\nprox\nme\nme\ntop\ntamandi,\ntamandi\nhow\npi\npi\n1pl.incl\nparinet\nparin=et\nsell=irr\nye,\nye\nor\npi\npi\n1pl.incl\nparairet,\nparair=et\nsplit=irr\nsiraet.”\nsira=et\nsalt=irr\n‘He said: “Hey, these fish, how [should we treat them]? Do we sell them,\nor do we split and salt them?”’\n[narr8_5:34]\nThe free translation may contain words within square brackets, which indi-\ncates linguistic material that is not found in the original Kalamang, but which\nis needed to form a grammatical or comprehensible English translation. In the\nglosses, I follow the Leipzig Glossing Rules (Comrie et al. 2015), supplemented\nwith suggestions for grammatical category labels by Christian Lehmann when\nthe former did not supply any.29 The used abbreviations can be found in the Ab-\nbreviations section on page xi. Stative verbs like kahen ‘to be far’ or baranggap\n‘to be yellow’, which are adverbs or adjectives in English, are glossed without the\ninfinitive marker and copula verb to save space. The same is true for words that\ncan be used as a noun or as a predicate, such as the Indonesian loan guru ‘teacher;\nto be teacher’. In elicited examples, the first line may be preceded by an asterisk\nto mark unacceptability. When Kalamang words or phrases are quoted in run-\nning text they are printed in italics, followed by a translation in single quotation\nmarks or a gloss in small caps. In general, I have attempted to follow the Generic\nStyle Rules for Linguistics (Former department of Linguistics, MPI Leipzig 2014).\nSometimes I refer to morphemes as ‘indigenous’ as opposed to borrowings.\nThis means that I cannot recognise the form as a borrowing, but I make no claim\nwhatsoever about the origin of the form.\n29These can currently be found at https://www.christianlehmann.eu/ling/ling_meth/ling_\ndescription/representations/gloss/index.php?open=../../../../../includes/gramm_category_\nlabels.inc.\n33\n\n\n1 Introduction\n1.6.7 Malay and Indonesian\nThroughout this study, I frequently refer to Indonesian, Papuan Malay and Malay.\nIndonesian or Bahasa Indonesia is the official language of Indonesia, and is a stan-\ndardised variety of Malay. Papuan Malay is a cover term for the local varieties of\nMalay used in Papua and West Papua provinces in Indonesia. Kalamang speak-\ners have learned Indonesian in school and hear it on national television, and\nmost people are able to read government communication in Indonesian. They\nuse a variant of Papuan Malay for daily communication within the region. I use\nIndonesian to refer to the official, standardised, national variant, and Papuan\nMalay to refer to the non-standardised local variant as I have heard it spoken by\ninhabitants of Mas and, to a lesser degree, Antalisa. However, most references in\nthis grammar are to loanwords from Indonesian and/or Papuan Malay, and as it\nis often not clear which variant is the donor for a borrowed word, I simply use\nthe term Malay as a cover term for standard and non-standard varieties.\nOne local Papuan Malay variant, that of the north coast, is described in Kluge\n(2017). The variety spoken by people on Karas and in Fakfak, the regional cap-\nital, has characteristics from Papuan Malay and another non-standard variety\nof Malay: Ambon Malay (Adelaar & Prentice 1996: 682). Donohue (n.d.) proposes\nfour varieties of Papuan Malay, with the Fakfak variety belonging to Bird’s Head\nMalay and described as closely related to Ambon Malay. A sociolinguistic sur-\nvey proposing an eastern and western Papuan Malay variety is Scott et al. (2008),\nwith the Fakfak variety belonging to western Papuan Malay.30 The Karas va-\nriety is similar to the Fakfak variety (as I have heard it used in shops, at the\nmarket and by visitors). Because the Fakfak variety is similar to Ambon Malay,\nand because Papuan Malay is not a homogeneous entity, I sometimes refer to\nnon-standardised local Malay as local Malay rather than Papuan Malay. In the\nfollowing, I provide a non-exhaustive list of the characteristics of the local Malay\nspoken in Mas. The interested reader may contrast these with the characteristics\ndescribed in Paauw (2009), Kluge (2017), Hajar (2012) and van Minde (1997). This\nlist might help to give insight into certain characteristics of Kalamang, and to\nunderstand the frequent code switching and borrowing.\nIn the phonology, I observed the following differences between Indonesian\nand local Malay. Word-initial /h/ may be dropped, as in completive habis: [abis].\nWord-final /h/ and /k/ are always dropped: kasih ‘to give’ is [kasi] and banyak\n‘much; many’ is [banja]. Word-final /t/ is often dropped, especially when un-\nstressed: lompat ‘to jump’ is [lompa]. Indonesian /ə/ is pronounced [a] or [e],\nsuch as [maŋarti] for mengerti ‘to understand’. /u/ is neutralised to /o/: taruh is\n30According to Kluge 2014: 21. I do not have access to the original report.\n34\n\n\n1.6 This study\n[taro]. The vowels in words with both /u/ and /ə/ or with /e/ are replaced with\n[o]: lembek ‘soft’ is [lombo], perut ‘stomach’ is [poro], penuh is [pono]. /au/ is\nmonophthongised to [o] or [u], such as [kalo] or [kalu] for kalau ‘if’. Final /ai/\nis monophthongised to [e]: sampai ‘until’ is [sampe]. Final /n/ and /ŋ/ (but not\n/m/) are often, but not always, neutralised to [ŋ]. There is great variation, both\nwithin and between speakers, in whether /p/ and /f/ are neutralised to /p/ or not.\n/l/ and /r/ occur in free variation for some speakers.\nThe pronouns are saya or beta 1sg, kau 2sg, dia 3sg, katong 1pl (no clusiv-\nity), kamong 2pl and dong 3pl, which is partly similar to Ambon Malay. There\nare no shorter clitic variants of the pronouns, as in some Malay varieties. The\nfollowing frequent words with a grammatical meaning are typically shortened:\nsudah ‘already’ or iamitive is su, pergi ‘to go’ is pi or pigi (also used in serial\nverb constructions), negative existential tidak ada is tarada (also used as nega-\ntive answer) and punya ‘to have’ is pu (used also in possessive constructions).\nThe preposition di ‘on; at’ is used for both movement and location, or can be\nentirely left out: pi sekola means ‘go to school’. The negation of tahu ‘to know’\nmay be tara tau (from Indonesian tidak tahu ‘do not know’) or a high-pitched\ntau. Demonstratives are not cliticised (contra Paauw 2009). Di lau ‘sea-side’ and\ndi dara ‘land-side’ are common locationals and directionals. Indonesian seperti\n‘as’ is replaced with kaya.\nVerbal morphology is scarce. Progressive aspect is expressed with ada, voli-\ntional or future with mau ([mo]) and perfective (or iamitive) with su. Bole ‘may’,\nbisa ‘can’ and harus ‘must’ are the main modal markers. Causatives are expressed\nwith serial verb constructions with bikin/biking ‘to make; to do’ or kasi ‘to give’.\nPassives are formed with dapa ‘to find; to meet’ (not with kena, contra Paauw\n2009: 215). Reciprocal constructions are formed with baku. Detransitiviser ba-\ncan be found on words like bacuci ‘to wash’ or bajalan ‘to walk’. The latter forms\na durative (Adelaar & Prentice 1996: 682, Prentice 1994: 431).\nVerbs that often occur in serial verb constructions are pi ‘to go’, bawa ‘to bring’\nand directional verbs such as turun ‘to go down’ and pulang ‘to return’. Examples\nare buang naik ‘throw up in the air’, jatuh turun ‘fall down’ and bawa pulang\n‘bring back’.\nConstituent order is SV and AVP. Numerals modifying nouns which come be-\nfore the noun in Indonesian may come both before and after the noun in the local\nMalay, although the latter may come from code switching between Indonesian\nand Malay rather than variation within Malay.\nTypical terms of reference and address are pace for men and mace for women.\nA husband is referred to as laki or pae tua and a wife as mae tua. The latter\ntwo are also terms of address, and are borrowings from Portuguese pai ‘father’\n35\n\n\n1 Introduction\nand mãe ‘mother’ (Grimes 1991). Other Portuguese loans that are not in use in\nIndonesian are kadera ‘chair’ from cadeira (also in use in Kalamang), pasiar ‘to\ntake a stroll’ from passear, salobar ‘brackish water’ from salobre, sono ‘sleep’ from\nsono, tataruga ‘tortoise’ from tartaruga and testa ‘forehead’ from testa (these are\nalso found in Ambonese Malay, see Grimes 1991: 105). Certain Dutch loans are\nonly in use by the oldest generation. These include istup ‘terrace’ from stoep,\nistrat ‘street’ from straat and istrep ‘stripe’ from streep. Younger speakers use\nteras, jalan and garis, respectively. The kinship term om ‘uncle’ (from Dutch\noom) is used, but tante ‘aunt’ (Dutch tante), used elsewhere in Indonesia, is not.\nWords that have a different meaning in Indonesian and the local Malay are too\nmany to mention. The interested reader is referred to the dictionary (Visser 2020a\nand archived at http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BFF-9), which\ngives a good impression.\nThe most common clause-linkers are abis, also the completive, or terus/tarus/\ntrus ‘then’. The clause-chaining element la from lalu ‘then’ is sometimes used.\nLagi ‘again; more’, pronounced [lai], is used with the meaning ‘too’. (Borrowed\nconjunctions used in Kalamang speech, which are many, are described in §15.1.2.)\nA popular interjection is suda mu ‘of course’, also an expression of (annoyed)\nencouragement. Post-verbal suda is also used an emphatic marker, as in North\nMoluccan Malay, Ambon Malay and Kupang Malay (Paauw 2009: 224). Hari apa\n‘which day’ and apa kabar ‘how are you’ are not valid questions; instead, kapan\n‘when’ and bagaimana ‘how’ are used. Ka is a common tag for polar questions or\nas a confirmation-seeker. O is commonly used for emphasis: tarada oooo ‘nothing;\ndon’t worry; nothing’s going on’.\nThere are several parallels between the local Malay and Kalamang grammar,\nespecially in discourse and information structure, but because my knowledge of\nMalay varieties is limited I cannot determine the direction of influence. Examples\nare the use of the question word ‘how’ as a greeting or curses with a subject +\nmakan kau ‘eat you’ (§17.6). Several interjections show similarities, e.g. Malay\nsudah mu with some and Malay o with o (also tarada o with ge o §12.4.1.1). They\nare described in §17.4.\n36\n\n\n2 Short grammatical overview of\nKalamang\nThis chapter serves two goals. First, it gives a brief overview of the main struc-\ntural features of the Kalamang language, such that the reader can get a grasp of\nthe Kalamang grammar without having to go into the separate chapters. Second,\nit aims at equipping the reader who wants to explore the rest of the grammar\nwith the knowledge to easily understand the data. In this chapter, contrary to\nthe rest of the grammar, I will make extensive use of examples that are either\nelicited or simplified from natural speech to facilitate understanding. I roughly\nfollow the order in which these topics are presented in the grammar.\nThe last paragraph of this chapter places Kalamang in its areal linguistic con-\ntact, comparing it to other Austronesian and Papuan language of eastern Indone-\nsia.\n2.1 Phonology\nKalamang has 18 consonant and five vowel phonemes, which are given in Ta-\nble 2.1 and Figure 2.1.\nTable 2.1: Consonant phonemes\nbilabial\nlabiodental\nalveolar\npalatal\nvelar\nglottal\nplosive\np b\nt d\nc ɟ\nk g\nnasal\nm\nn\nŋ\ntrill\nr\nfricative\nf\ns\nh\napproximant\nw\nj\nlateral\nl\nThere is little allophonic variation. Voiceless stops are unreleased in syllable-\nfinal position. There is vowel laxing in /e/, which in closed syllables is typically\npronounced [ɛ], and in open syllables [e].\n\n\n2 Short grammatical overview of Kalamang\na\ni\nu\ne\no\nFigure 2.1: Vowel phonemes\nThere are very few phonotactic restrictions on the phonemes in the syllable:\nmany phonemes can occur in all positions. A notable exception is the voiced\nstops, which do not occur syllable-finally. Syllable structure, however, is limited\nto (C)V(C), with CVCVC as the most common root form. Stress is non-predictable\nin disyllabic roots, but there is a preference for the right edge in longer roots.\n2.2 Morphophonology\nThe most common morphophonological process is the lenition of intervocalic\nstops as illustrated in (1), followed by the voicing of stops following nasals as\nin (2). Assimilation of /n/ to velars and of voiceless velar /k/ to voiced velar\n/g/ when following /n/, results in /ŋg/, a frequent sound combination illustrated\nin (3).\n(1)\n/pep/ ‘pig’ + /at/ ‘obj’\n[ˈpewat̚] ‘pig.obj’\n/et/ ‘canoe’ + /at/ ‘obj’\n[ˈerat̚] ‘canoe.obj’\n/tektek/ ‘knife’ + /at/ ‘obj’\n[ˈtɛkteat̚] ‘knife.obj’\n(2)\n/saˈren/ ‘aground’ + /ten/ ‘at’\n[wat saˈrɛndɛn] ‘old coconut’\n/kalaˈmaŋ/ ‘Karas’ + /ko/ ‘loc’\n[kalaˈmaŋgo] ‘on Karas’\n/seram/ ‘Seram’ + /ka/ ‘lat’\n[seramga] ‘from/to Seram’\n/leŋ/ ‘village’ + /ca/ ‘2sg.poss’\n[ˈlɛŋɟa] ‘your village’\n(3)\n/ˈtan/ ‘arm; hand’ + /ko/ loc\n[ˈtaŋgo] ‘in hand; on arm’\nKalamang has few affixes and many clitics. The latter can be divided into two\ngroups: clitics of the first type show morphophonological integration with the\nunit they are combined with, but can attach to different word classes (typically\nattaching to the rightmost member of a phrase). Object marker =at, illustrated\n38\n\n\n2.3 Nouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\nin 1, as well as attributive =ten, locative =ko and lative =ka (see 2 and 3) are\nexamples of this type of clitic. Clitics of the second type attach to one word class\nonly but do not show morphophonological integration with the unit they are\ncombined with. The applicative proclitic attaches to verbs only, but no lenition\ntakes place when the verb starts with a stop, as illustrated in (4).\n(4)\n/ko/ ‘appl’ + /kaŋgirar/ ‘face’\n[kokaŋgirar] ‘to face someone’\nPhonology and morphology are treated in Chapter 3, and morphological units\nand processes are described in Chapter 4.\n2.3 Nouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\nThe noun phrase (NP) is an important analytical concept in Kalamang grammar,\nas it is the domain of attachment of postpositions and topic and focus markers.\nThe object NP is marked with object postposition =at, forming a postpositional\nphrase (PP).\n(5)\nma\n3sg\nror\ntree\ncicaun=at\nsmall=obj\npue\nhit\n‘He/she hits the small tree.’\nThere are eight other postpositions, which indicate the function of periph-\neral NPs. They are all enclitics that attach to the right edge of the NP. They\nare the comitative, instrumental, benefactive, similative, locative, ablative/alla-\ntive (henceforth lative), animate locative and animate lative postpositions. These\npostpositions head the PP, and are illustrated in (6) to (11) on NPs consisting of a\nsingle noun.\n(6)\nma=bon\n3sg=com\nkiun=bon\nwife.3sg.poss=com\nse\niam\nbot\ngo\n‘He and his wife have gone.’\n(7)\nka\n2sg\npasa=at\nrice=obj\nsasul=ki\nspoon=ins\nna\nconsume\n‘You eat rice with a spoon.’\n(8)\ncanam\nman\nkewe=at\nhouse=obj\nkiun=ki\nwife.3sg.poss=ben\nparuo\nmake\n‘The man makes a house for his wife.’\n39\n\n\n2 Short grammatical overview of Kalamang\n(9)\nma\n3sg\nper=kap\nwater=sim\n‘It’s like water.’\n(10)\nkasamin-an\nbird-1sg.poss\nkewe=ko\nhouse=loc\n‘My bird is in the house.’\n(11)\ntumun\nchild\nwilak=ka\nsea=lat\nbot\ngo\n‘The child goes to the sea.’\nKalamang has no articles, so the definite/indefinite translations in the elicited\nexamples are based on whatever makes most sense in the context, if there is any.\nThe NP is left-headed, except for nominal possessors, which precede the pos-\nsessed noun. Besides nominal possessors, nouns can be modified by quantifiers,\npossessive pronouns, demonstratives, attributively used predicates and relative\nclauses. The relative ordering of these is not quite clear, and combinations of\nmodifiers is very rare in the Kalamang corpus, so examples illustrating one mod-\nifier at a time are given in (12) to (16).\n(12)\nbal\ndog\nmuap-un\nfood-3poss\n‘the dog’s food’\n(13)\nbal\ndog\neir\ntwo\nkanggeit\nplay\n‘Two dogs play.’\n(14)\nbal\ndog\nanggon\n1sg.prox\nkanggeit\nplay\n‘My dog plays.’\n(15)\nbal\ndog\nwa\nprox\nkanggeit\nplay\n‘This dog plays.’\n(16)\nbal\ndog\nkotur-ten\ndirty-at\nkanggeit\nplay\n‘A dirty dog plays.’\nNouns, NPs and PPs are the topic of Chapter 6. Noun modifiers are discussed\nin Chapters 7 to 10.\n40\n\n\n2.4 Pronouns\n2.4 Pronouns\nKalamang has seven basic pronouns (Chapter 7), with a clusivity distinction in\nthe first-person plural and no gender distinctions, and an additional four dual\npronouns. There are four other pronominal paradigms, which are largely derived\nfrom the basic pronouns with the help of suffixes. These are restricting and col-\nlective pronouns, collective pronouns (meaning ‘all’) and possessive pronouns.\nAll paradigms are given in Table 2.2.\nAll pronouns must be marked with object marker =at when in object position.\nThe possibility and obligatoriness of other postposition marking varies between\nthe paradigms. (17) to (21) illustrate the use of the pronouns. Note that the third\nperson singular may refer to animate males and females as well as inanimates.\n(17)\nki\n2pl\npi=at\n1pl.incl=obj\nkonawaruo\nforget\n‘You forget us.’\n(18)\nma-tain\n3sg-alone\ngonggin\nknow\n‘Only she knows.’\n(19)\nRamina\nRamina\nma-hutak\n3sg-alone\nbara\ndescend\n‘Only Ramina comes down.’\n(20)\nin-naninggan\n1pl.excl-all\nbo\ngo\nkelek=ko\nmountain=loc\n‘We all go to the mountain.’\n(21)\nmu\n3pl\nmuin=at\n3pl.poss=obj\njie\nget\n‘They get theirs.’\nNon-pronominal reference and address is very common in Kalamang, and\ncan be done with the help of kinship terms, names (including nicknames) and\nteknonyms. The most common non-pronominal reference and address is by the\nname of their first (grand)child, followed by the appropriate kinship term, in-\nflected for third person possessive.\n(22)\nSafril\nSafril\nesun\nfather.3poss\nJuaria\nJuaria\ntara-un=at\ngrandfather-3poss=obj\ngerket\nask\n‘Safril’s father asks Juaria’s grandfather.’\n41\n\n\n2 Short grammatical overview of Kalamang\nTable 2.2: Pronominal paradigms\nsg\ndu\npl\nBasic\n1\nan\ninier (ex)\nin (ex)\npier (in)\npi (in)\n2\nka\nkier\nki\n3\nma\nmier\nmu\nQuantifying -(ah)utak\n1\nan(ah)utak\nin(h)utak (ex)\npi(h)utak (in)\n2\nka(h)utak\nki(h)utak\n3\nma(h)utak\nmu(h)utak\nRestrictive/contrastive focus -tain\n1\nandain\nindain (ex)\npirain (in)\n2\nkarain\nkirain\n3\nmarain\nmurain\nCollective -(n)aninggan\n1\ninaninggan (ex)\npinaninggan (in)\n2\nkinaninggan\n3\nmunaninggan\nPossessive\n1\nanggon\ninggon (ex)\npin (in)\n2\nkain\nkin\n3\nmain\nmuin\n42\n\n\n2.5 Demonstratives\nPossessive constructions (Chapter 9) can be made with possessive suffixes (ex-\nample 22), possessive pronouns (example 21) or a combination of both, illustrated\nin (23).\n(23)\ntumtum\nchildren\nper-an\nwater-1sg.poss\nanggon\n1sg.poss\nna\nconsume\n‘Children drink my water.’\nThe most common construction is with possessive suffixes. Some minor pat-\nterns for the use of possessive constructions with just a freestanding possessive\npronoun or a combination of suffix and pronoun can be identified, but it is diffi-\ncult to define the conditions that govern the choice between the three patterns\nwith the currently available data.\nA fourth strategy for expressing possessive relations, with clitic =kin, is used\nfor several kinds of associative or general possessive relations. One such associa-\ntive relation is illustrated here.\n(24)\nguru\nteacher\nleng=kin\nvillage=poss\n‘the teacher of the village/the village teacher’\n2.5 Demonstratives\nThere are six demonstrative forms: proximal wa, distal me, far distal owa, an-\naphoric opa and the elevationals yawe ‘down’ and osa ‘up’. The proximal and\ndistal forms are the most frequent and are very versatile, with spatial, temporal\nand anaphoric uses, and derived forms expressing manner or quality, quantity\nand degree. The distal form and its derivatives also have several functions in or-\nganising discourse. The basic forms and their syntactic use are given in Table 2.3.\nThe following examples illustrate some common uses of demonstratives and\ntheir derived forms. Note that locative and lative forms of the demonstratives\ncontain the phonemes -t and -n, which are likely remnants of now defunct mor-\nphology. To increase readability of the glosses, and because these forms are very\nfrequent, the locative wa-t=ko and me-t=ko and lative wa-n=ka and me-n=ka are\ngiven as their surface forms watko, metko, wangga and mengga. Note also that\nthe object forms of distal me and yawe ‘down’ are met and yawet (not me=at and\nyawe=at).\n43\n\n\n2 Short grammatical overview of Kalamang\nTable 2.3: Demonstratives and their syntactic use\nform\ngloss\npronominal\nadnominal\nidentificational\nwa\nprox\n+\n+\n+\nme\ndist\n+\n+\n+\nowa\nfdist\n+\n+\nyawe\ndown\n+\n+\nosa\nup\n+\n+\nopa\nana\n+\n(25)\nwangga\nprox.lat\nmei\ncome.imp\n‘Come here!’\n(26)\nan\n1sg\ndon\nthing\nmet\ndist.obj\nmormor\nhide\n‘I hide that thing.’\n(27)\nmu\n3pl\namdir\ngarden\nyawet\ndown.obj\nparuot=kin\nmake=vol\n‘They want to make that garden down there.’\n(28)\npulor\nbetel_vine\nopa\nana\ntamatko\nwhere\n‘Where is that betel vine (that we just saw or talked about)?’\nDemonstratives are discussed in Chapter 10.\n2.6 Verbs\nKalamang has regular and irregular verbs. Regular verbs can take mood enclitics,\nnegator =nin and predicate linker =i directly on the root. Irregular verbs have a\nvariable root ending in a vowel, -n or -t. This variation is apparent when the\nroots are inflected and from variation in the uninflected root. Table 2.4 compares\ninflection of a regular verb with that of an irregular verb.\nAlthough some syntactic and semantic tendencies can be identified (static in-\ntransitive verbs and Malay loans tend to be regular; many ‘cut’ verbs and all\ndirectional verbs are irregular), both groups contain verbs of all valencies and\n44\n\n\n2.6 Verbs\nTable 2.4: Behaviour of a regular and irregular verb under inflection\nmuap\nparuo/paruon\n‘eat’\n‘do’\n=i\nplnk\nmuap=i\nparuon=i\n=et\nirr\nmuap=et\nparuot=et\n=kin\nvol\nmuap=kin\nparuot=kin\n=nin\nneg\nmuap=nin\nparuot=nin\n=in\nproh\nmuap=in\nparuot=in\n=te\nimp\nmuap=te\nparu\nwith all kinds of meanings. Verbs are not inflected for person or number, with\nthe exception of plural imperative and a distributive suffix.\nThere are two processes of verb derivation: noun-to-verb derivation by redu-\nplication, and noun incorporation. These are illustrated in (29) and (30).\n(29)\nbuok ‘betel’ →buokbuok ‘to chew betel’\n(30)\nper-na,\nwater-consume,\nwat-na\ncoconut-consume\n‘to drink water, to eat coconut’\nVerbs may be reduplicated to intensify their meaning, or to indicate habitual\naspect, durativity or distribution. The latter three meanings may not be easy\nto separate. A few examples with possible translations are given below. Static\nintransitive verbs are typically partly reduplicated either leftward or rightward,\nwhereas other verbs are fully reduplicated.\n(31)\nkerkap ‘to be red’ →kerkap∼kap ‘to be very red’\n(32)\nparuo ‘to do’ →paruo∼paruo ‘to usually do; to do for a long time’\n(33)\nwinyal ‘to fish’ →winyal∼winyal ‘to fish for a long time; to fish in different\nplaces in an area’\nThe following four valency-changing operations and constructions are attested:\nreflexive constructions, reciprocal constructions, applicatives and causative con-\nstructions. Kalamang has no passive. (34) to (37) give examples of the four opera-\ntions, all of them executed with help of a prefix or proclitic on the predicate. For\nreflexives and causatives other constructions are available, too.\n45\n\n\n2 Short grammatical overview of Kalamang\n(34)\nma-tain\n3sg-alone\nse\niam\nun-deir=i\nrefl-bring=plnk\nluk\ncome\n‘She came herself.’ (Lit. ‘She brought herself coming.’)\n[narr24_5:33]\n(35)\nmu\n3pl\nnau=tu\nrecp=hit\n‘They hit each other.’\n(36)\nmier\n3du\ntorpes-ko=ar\nshell-appl-dive\n‘They two dive for shells.’\n(37)\nmu\n3pl\nror=at\nwood=obj\ndi=maruan\ncaus=move_seawards\n‘They move the wood seawards.’\nThe verb class includes property words like baranggap ‘to be yellow’ and ci-\ncaun ‘to be small’. Predicates can be made attributive with the help of attributive\nclitic =ten. The attributive marker is often lacking on common attributes like\ncolors and words for ‘small’ and ‘big’.\nVerbs and verbal morphology are described in Chapter 11. Aspect, mood and\nmodality marking takes place at predicate or clause level, as introduced in §2.9.\nKalamang has no tense marking.\n2.7 Simple clauses\nAs is apparent from many examples above, Kalamang has SV and APV con-\nstituent order with nominative-accusative alignment. Only the object is overtly\nmarked. Subject and object are not cross-referenced on the verb. The following\ntwo examples illustrate an intransitive and a transitive clause.\n(38)\nin\n1pl.excl\nkiem\nflee\n‘We flee.’\n(39)\nin\n1pl.excl\nsor=at\nfish=obj\npotma\ncut\n‘We cut fish.’\nKalamang has several trivalent verbs. It is uncommon to express both direct\nand indirect object, but when done, they are both marked with object marker\n46\n\n\n2.7 Simple clauses\n=at (hence its analysis as object marker and not as accusative). The verb ‘to give’\nhas deviant behaviour. It is a zero morpheme that triggers different morphology\ndepending on whether the recipient is expressed as a pronoun or as a noun. The\nfour possible give-constructions are given in Table 2.5.\nTable 2.5: All possible give-constructions for the clauses ‘he gives the\nsandals to his friend’ and ‘he gives the sandals to me’.\nA\nT=obj\ncaus=\nR\n=ben\ngive\nNominal R\nOption 1\nma\nsandal=at\ndi=\ntemanun\n=ki\n∅\n3sg\nsandal=obj\ncaus=\nhis friend\n=ben\ngive\nOption 2\nma\nsandal=at\ntemanun\n=ki\n∅\n3sg\nsandal=obj\nhis friend\n=ben\ngive\nPronominal R\nOption 1\nma\nsandal=at\ndi=\nan\n∅\n3sg\nsandal=obj\ncaus=\n1sg\ngive\nOption 2\nma\nsandal=at\nan\n∅\n3sg\nsandal=obj\n1sg\ngive\nNon-verbal clauses are common, since any property of an argument can act\nas a predicate with no overt copula needed. In (40) to (42), examples of locative,\nnominal and quantifier clauses are presented.\n(40)\nmu\n3pl\ntok\nstill\nwatko\nthere\n‘They are still there.’\n(41)\ntumun\nchild\nkon\none\nguru\nteacher\n‘One child is a teacher.’\n(42)\nkewe-an\nhouse-3poss\neir\ntwo\n‘I have two houses.’\nIn natural spoken Kalamang, when retrievable from the context, either the\nsubject or the object may be elided, depending on which stays the same across\nclauses or utterances.\nSimple clauses are discussed in Chapter 12.\n47\n\n\n2 Short grammatical overview of Kalamang\n2.8 Complex predicates\nComplex predicates (Chapter 13) include serial verb constructions and other mo-\nnoclausal constructions with more than one verb or verb-like element, most of\nwhich are linked with the help of predicate linker =i, as in (43).\n(43)\nma\n3sg\necien=i\nreturn=plnk\nbara\ndescend\n‘He returns down.’\nComplex predicates may also be formed with the dependent verbs kuru ‘bring’,\nbon ‘bring’, toni ‘say; think; want’ and eranun ‘cannot’.\nOther common types of complex predicates are complex source, goal and lo-\ncation constructions, which are mainly made with the help of the locative and\nlative postpositions and a varying number of verbs. Two locative examples are\ngiven in (44) and (45). Recall that locatives are frequently used predicatively.\n(44)\nma\n3sg\necien=i\nreturn=plnk\nkewe=ko\nhouse=loc\n‘He returns home.’\n(45)\nma\n3sg\nsara\nascend\nbo\ngo\nkarop-un\nbranch-3poss\nosa-t=ko\nup-t=loc\n‘He climbed up to the branch up there.’\n[conv12_16:39]\nThe two very common clitics =te and =ta are tentatively analysed as marking\nverbs as non-final within the clause, or as expressing a non-final state or event\nacross clauses. An example with =te is given in (46). Both clitics are discussed in\nChapter 15 on complex clauses.\n(46)\nka\n2sg\nmu\n3pl\n∅=te\ngive=nfin\nmu\n3pl\nna\nconsume\n‘You give [the food] to them, they eat.\n[conv11_5:18]\n2.9 Clausal modification\nClausal modification encompasses strategies for expressing the mood, aspect or\nmode of a verb or clause, or specifying the manner, temporal setting, degree\nor other characteristics of the state or event expressed by the predicate, such\nas repetition or exclusivity. Kalamang uses different morphological units (words,\n48\n\n\n2.10 Topic and focus\nclitics, affixes and particles) in different slots in the clause to achieve this. Several\nof these attach to the right edge of the predicate, as was illustrated in Table 2.4.\nKalamang has no tense markers.\nAmong the most common clausal modifiers are the aspectual markers iamitive\nse (roughly ‘already’) and nondum tok (‘(not) yet; still; first’), which follow the\nsubject NP and cover a wide range of functions, some of them in combination\nwith negator =nin. The four basic meanings ‘already’ and ‘not anymore’, and\n‘still’ and ‘not yet’ are illustrated in (47) to (50).\n(47)\nan\n1sg\nse\niam\ntumun-an=at\nchild-1sg.poss=obj\nboubou\nbathe\n‘I already bathed my child.’\n(48)\nan\n1sg\nse\niam\ntumun-an=at\nchild-1sg.poss=obj\nboubou=nin\nbathe=neg\n‘I’m not bathing my child anymore.’\n(49)\nan\n1sg\ntok\nstill\ntumun-an=at\nchild-1sg.poss=obj\nboubou\nbathe\n‘I’m still bathing my child.’\n(50)\nan\n1sg\ntok\nyet\ntumun-an=at\nchild-1sg.poss=obj\nboubou=nin\nbathe=neg\n‘I haven’t yet bathed my child.’\n2.10 Topic and focus\nKalamang has a common and versatile topic marker me and two focus markers =a\nand =ba. The topic marker typically follows the NP or PP and the focus markers\nattach to the NP or PP. The most typical uses are illustrated here.\n(51)\ncanam\nman\nme\ndist\nme\ntop\nma\n3sg\nkip=at\nsnake=obj\nsem\nafraid\n‘As for that man, he is afraid of snakes.’\n(52)\ncanam\nman\nme\ndist\nme\ntop\nkip=at\nsnake=obj\nsem\nafraid\n‘That man is afraid of snakes.’\n(53)\nka\n2sg\nneba=at=a\nwhat=obj=foc\nparuo\ndo\n‘What are you doing?’\n49\n\n\n2 Short grammatical overview of Kalamang\nTopic and focus are described in Chapter 16.\n2.11 Areal linguistic context\nBecause Kalamang is spoken in an area with long-standing contact between Aus-\ntronesian (AN) and non-Austronesian (Papuan) languages, in this section, I com-\npare Kalamang to AN and Papuan languages in East Indonesia. The picture that\nthis comparison sketches of Kalamang is that of a language with a fair number\nof both AN and Papuan grammatical features, but which is not a typical example\nof either. Nor is Kalamang a typical language of the proposed linguistic areas in\nEast Indonesia (Klamer & Ewing 2010, Schapper 2015, Klamer et al. 2008). Obvi-\nously, such classifications are entirely dependent on the selection of the features,\nwhich in turn is dependent on the available linguistic data.1 Problems with the\nnotion of linguistic area are summarised in Klamer & Ewing (2010: 13), see also\nsources therein. Nevertheless, the comparisons made in this section show how\nKalamang fits into our current knowledge of the common features of Papuan and\nAustronesian languages.\n1In fact, if one takes into account the WALS features and languages, the Papuan languages do\nnot stand apart from the rest of the world’s languages at all (Comrie & Cysouw 2012).\n50\n\n\n2.11 Areal linguistic context\nTable 2.6: Characteristics of Austronesian languages in East Nusantara\n(Klamer & Ewing 2010)\nKalamang\nreference\nPhonology\nprenasalised consonants\n+/−\n§3.4.6.4\nroots are generally CVCV\n−\n§3.2.1\n−dispreference for homorganic consonant clusters\n+/−\n§3.2.2, §3.4.3.2\n−dispreference for closed syllables, creation of open syllables\n−\n§3.2.1\nmetathesis\n−\n§3.4.5\nMorphology\nno productive voice system on verbs\n+\n§12.2.1.1\nagent/subject indexed on verb as prefix/proclitic\n−\n§12.2.1.1\nmorphological distinction between alienable/inalienable nouns\n+\n§6.1.2.1\nleft-headed compounds\n+/−\n§6.2.3\ninclusive/exclusive distinction in pronouns\n+\n§7.1\nSyntax\nverb-object order\n−\n§12.1\nprepositions\n−\n§6.4\npossessor-possessum order\n+\n§9.2\nnoun-numeral order\n+\n§6.3.2\nclause-final negators\n+\n§12.5.1\nclause-initial indigenous complementisers\n−\n§15.2\nabsence of a passive construction\n+\nnot treated\nformally marked adverbial/complement clauses\n−\n§15.2\nOther\nparallelisms without stylistic optionality\n−\nnot treated\nKlamer & Ewing (2010) summarise previous proposals for characterising the\nAN languages of East Nusantara and Papuan languages.2 The characteristics of\nAN languages in East Nusantara are given in Table 2.6. The characteristics of\nPapuan languages are given in Table 2.7. Note that the Papuan characteristics\nare for all Papuan languages, not just those spoken in East Nusantara. Both lists\nare compared with Kalamang.\nOf the 19 AN characteristics, Kalamang shares 7 wholly and 3 partially. Of the\n15 Papuan characteristics, Kalamang shares 9. So while Kalamang is more similar\n2Klamer & Ewing (2010: 1): “[W]e define East Nusantara as a geographical area that extends from\nSumbawa to the west, across the islands of East Nusa Tenggara, Maluku including Halmahera,\nand to the Bird’s Head of New Guinea in the east [...]. In the northwest, the area is bounded\nby Sulawesi.”\n51\n\n\n2 Short grammatical overview of Kalamang\nTable 2.7: Characteristics of Papuan languages (Klamer & Ewing 2010)\nKalamang\nreference\nPhonology\nno distinction between /r/ and /l/\n−\n§3.1, but cf. §3.1.1.7\nMorphology\nmarking of gender\n−\nCh. 6\nsubject marked as suffix on verb\n−\n§12.2.1.1\nno inclusive/exclusive distinction in pronouns\n−\n§7.1\nmorphological distinction between al. and inal. nouns\n+\n§6.1.2.1\nSyntax\nobject-verb order\n+\n§12.1\nsubject-verb order\n+\n§12.1\npostpositions\n+\n§6.4\npossessor-possessum order\n+\n§9.2\nclause-final negators\n+\n§12.5.1\nclause-final conjunctions\n+\n§15.1.2\nclause-chaining\n+\n§15.1.3\nswitch reference\n−\nnot treated\nmedial vs. final verbs\n−\nnot treated\nserial verb constructions\n+\nCh. 13\nto the Papuan languages, at least when we look at these particular features, it\nalso shares many characteristics with the AN languages of East Nusantara. This\nis not surprising, given that Kalamang likely has a long history of contact with\nAN languages (see §1.2).\nOne can see there is some overlap between the features in Tables 2.6 and 2.7.\nKlamer et al. (2008: 1) give five “defining” features that the AN and Papuan lan-\nguages of East Nusantara have in common, represented and compared to Kala-\nmang in Table 2.8.\nThe first three defining features of East Nusantara languages – possessor-\npossessum order, a difference in marking between alienable and inalienable pos-\nsessed nouns, and clause-final negation – are considered to be Papuan features\nthat have influenced the AN languages in the region. Kalamang has the first and\nthe third. The fourth and fifth features – SVO constituent order and clusivity in\npronouns – are considered to be AN features that have been adopted by many\nPapuan languages in the region. Kalamang has the latter.\nKlamer et al. (2008) define the East Nusantara area, but are criticised for not\nlooking to languages further west and especially east in doing so (Schapper 2015).\nThe latter publication defines Melanesian features, and proposes an area within\n52\n\n\n2.11 Areal linguistic context\nTable 2.8: Characteristics of languages in East Nusantara (Klamer et al.\n2008)\nKalamang\nreference\npossessor-possessum order\n+\n§9.2\novert marking of difference alienability in possession\n−\nCh. 9\nclause-final negators\n+\n§12.5.1\nsubject-verb-object order\n−\n§12.1\ninclusive/exclusive distinction in pronouns\n+\n§7.1\nEast Indonesia called linguistic Wallacea.3 Table 2.9 lists the Melanesian features\nand compares them to Kalamang.\nTable 2.9: Characteristics of languages in Melanesia (Schapper 2015)\nKalamang\nreference\npossessive classification\n?\nCh. 9\ncomplex numerals below ten\n+\n§8.1\nnoun-numeral order\n+\n§6.3.2\nabsence of /ŋ/\n−\n§3.1\npossessor-possessum order\n+\n§9.2\nclause-final negator\n+\n§12.5.1\n3Melanesia, based on the features considered in Schapper (2015), “begins in the area of Flores-\nSumba-Timor, reaches through New Guinea and into the Bismarck Archipelago, and concludes\nin Vanuatu-New Caledonia” (p.122). Linguistic Wallacea is similar to East Nusantara. Linguistic\nWallacea differs from Biological Wallacea in that the former does not include Sulawesi and the\nlatter does not include any parts of New Guinea.\n53\n\n\n2 Short grammatical overview of Kalamang\nTable 2.10: Characteristics of languages in Wallacea (Schapper 2015)\nKalamang\nReference\nsemantic alignment of verbal person markers\n−\n§12.2.1.1\nneuter gender\n−\nCh. 6\nreflex of *muku ‘banana’\n−\nnot treated\nsynchronic metathesis\n−\n§3.4.5\nKalamang has four of the six features. While Kalamang exhibits different ways\nto make possessive constructions, it is not clear what governs the use of these\nstrategies, and so it is unclear whether we can speak of possessive classification.\nThe only Melanesian feature that Kalamang clearly does not share is absence\nof /ŋ/. Being able to exclude Melanesian features from a proposal for an East\nIndonesian linguistic area, Schapper (2015) proposes four features that define\nlinguistic Wallacea, given in Table 2.10. Kalamang does not possess any of the\nproposed characteristics of AN and Papuan languages in Wallacea.\n54\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and\nmorphophonology\nThis chapter describes the Kalamang sound system. I start with the phoneme in-\nventory in §3.1, followed by a detailed account of consonants and vowels. §3.2\ndeals with syllable structure, and the realisation and occurrence of vowels and\nconsonants at different positions within the syllable. §3.3 focuses on stress as-\nsignment and intonation patterns. Kalamang stress is generally penultimate, but\nis contrastive, and minimal pairs are found. §3.4 gives an account of all Kalamang\nmorphophonological processes, and points out some unresolved morphophono-\nlogical features. The chapter concludes with the phonology of interjections in\n§3.5.\n3.1 Phoneme inventory\nThis section describes the properties and realisation of Kalamang consonants and\nvowels. Kalamang has 18 consonant phonemes: /p b t d c ɟ k g m n ŋ f s h w j l/,\nwhich will be presented in §3.1.1, and 5 vowel phonemes: /i e a o u/, presented in\n§3.1.2.\n3.1.1 Consonants\nThe consonants of Kalamang are shown in Table 3.1.\nKalamang has eight plosives, four voiced and four voiceless: bilabial /p/ and /b/,\nalveolar /t/ and /d/, palatal /c/ and /ɟ/, and velar /k/ and /g/. The voiceless stops\nwhich occur word-finally, /p/, /t/ and /k/, are unreleased in that position. There\nare three nasals: bilabial /m/, alveolar /n/ and velar /ŋ/. There is one trill: alveolar\n/r/. The most common fricative is alveolar /s/, but labiodental /f/ and glottal /h/\nare also attested, mainly in loan words. The language has two approximants:\nbilabial/velar /w/ and palatal /j/. Finally, there is a lateral /l/, also with alveolar\nplace of articulation.\nThe phonemes /c/, /ɟ/, /f/ and /h/ are very infrequent. They each account for\nfewer than 150 occurrences in the word list. The next least frequent consonant,\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\nTable 3.1: Consonant phonemes\nbilabial\nlabiodental\nalveolar\npalatal\nvelar\nglottal\nplosive\np b\nt d\nc ɟ\nk g\nnasal\nm\nn\nŋ\ntrill\nr\nfricative\nf\ns\nh\napproximant\nw\nj\nw\nlateral\nl\n/d/, has 301 occurrences (counted in August 2020). The reason these four conso-\nnants are so infrequent is mainly that they occur in loan words from Malay (§3.1.1)\nand, for /c/ and /ɟ/, that they are the diachronic result of assibilation (§3.4.4),\nwhich is an infrequent phenomenon.\nMinimal and near-minimal sets are given in (1) to (13). The sets in (1) to (3)\nhave the same places of articulation, while the others are similar in manner of\narticulation. The sets for voice contrasts for stops, nasals, liquids, fricatives and\nglides are given in syllable-initial position and in final position where available.\nThe fricatives /s/ and /h/ are not contrastive word-medially. Note also that holang\n‘k.o. dish’ in (3) is a loan from Malay. For more comments on the status of /h/,\nsee §3.1.1.4.\n(1)\nbilabials: /p – b – m – w/\npol ‘sap’\n[pol]\nbol ‘mouth’\n[bol]\nmul- ‘side’\n[mul]\nwol ‘family’\n[wol]\n(2)\nalveolars: /t – d – s – n – r – l/\ntan ‘arm’\n[tan]\ndan ‘to bury’\n[dan]\nsanam ‘scabies’\n[ˈsa.nam]\nna ‘to consume’\n[na]\nra ‘to hear’\n[ra]\nlam ‘soft coral’\n[lam]\n56\n\n\n3.1 Phoneme inventory\n(3)\nvelars and glottal: /k – g – w – h/ (/ŋ/ does not occur word-initially)\nkol ‘out’\n[kol]\ngol ‘ball’\n[gol]\nwol ‘family’\n[wol]\nholang ‘k.o. dish’\n[ˈho.laŋ]\n(PM loan)\n(4)\nvoiceless stops: /p – t – c – k/\npang ‘summit’\n[paŋ]\ntang ‘seed’\n[taŋ]\ncanam ‘man’\n[ˈca.nam]\nkang ‘sharp’\n[kaŋ]\n(5)\nvoiced stops: /b – d – ɟ – g/\nbon ‘to bring’\n[bon]\ndon ‘thing’\n[don]\njojon ‘k.o. tree’\n[ˈɟo.ɟon]\ngo ‘place’\n[go]\n(6)\nbilabial stops: /p – b/\npol ‘sap’\n[pol]\nbol ‘mouth’\n[bol]\n(7)\nalveolar stops: /t – d/\ntan ‘arm’\n[tan]\ndan ‘to bury’\n[dan]\n(8)\npalatal stops: /c – ɟ/\necie ‘to return’\n[ˈe.cie]\nkajie ‘to pick’\n[ˈka.ɟie]\n(9)\nvelar stops: /k – g/\ninitial\nkinggir ‘to sail’\n[ˈkiŋ.gir]\nginggir ‘afternoon’\n[ˈgiŋ.gir]\n(10)\nnasals: /m – n – ŋ/\ninitial\nmiŋ ‘oil’\n[miŋ]\nniŋ ‘ill’\n[niŋ]\niŋan ‘plate’\n[ˈpi.ŋan]\nfinal\nlem ‘axe’\n[lɛm]\nbelen ‘tongue’\n[be.ˈlɛn]\nleng ‘village’\n[lɛŋ]\n57\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\n(11)\nliquids: /l – r/\ninitial\nraŋ ‘open sea’\n[raŋ]\nla.laŋ ‘hot’\n[ˈla.laŋ]\nfinal\nper ‘water’\n[pɛr]\npel ‘bunch’\n[pɛl]\n(12)\nfricatives: f – s – h\nfikfika ‘palm cockatoo’\n[fik.ˈfi.ka]\nsuk ‘k.o. shell’\n[suk̚]\nhukat ‘fishing net’\n[ˈhu.kat̚]\n(13)\nglides: /w – j/\ninitial\nwam ‘roll’\n[wam]\nyam ‘to have sex’\n[jam]\n3.1.1.1 Stops\n/p/\n→[p] /#_\n→[p̚] /_#\n/p/ is a voiceless unaspirated bilabial stop. It occurs syllable-initially and syllable-\nfinally. In the latter position it is unreleased.\n(14)\nper [pɛr] ‘water’\ntep [tɛp̚] ‘fruit’\ntorpes [tor.ˈpɛs] ‘k.o. shell’\n/b/\n→[b]\n/b/ is a voiced bilabial stop. It only occurs syllable-initially.1\n(15)\nbal [bal] ‘dog’\niban [ˈi.ban] ‘k.o. worm’\n1Voiced stops do not occur syllable-finally, also not as underlying phonemes. The voiceless stops\nthat are syllable-final are so also underlyingly.\n58\n\n\n3.1 Phoneme inventory\n/t/\n→[t] /#_\n→[t̚] /_#\n/t/ is a voiceless unaspirated lamino-alveolar stop. It occurs syllable-initially\nand syllable-finally. In the latter position it is unreleased.\n(16)\ntiri [ˈti.ri] ‘to run’\npitis [ˈpi.tis] ‘money’\nleit [leit̚] ‘king’\n/d/\n→[d]\n/d/ is a voiced apico-alveolar stop. It occurs syllable-initially only.\n(17)\ndin [din] ‘fire’\namdir [ˈam.dir] ‘garden’\n/c/\n→[c]\n→[ç]\n→[\ntʃ]\n/c/ is a voiceless palatal stop. It occurs syllable-initially only and is rather rare,\noccurring mainly but not exclusively in loans from Malay. Pronunciation varies\n– sometimes it is slightly fricated and/or pronounced closer to the front of the\nmouth (more alveolar), such that an affricate transcription such as [\ntʃ] or a palatal\nfricative [ç] is more suitable. Word-medially it is very rare. For many indigenous\nwords, /c/ is likely a (diachronically) assibilated /t/ (see §3.4.4).\n(18)\ncok [cok̚] ‘sugar palm’\nkacok [ˈka.cok̚] ‘to be angry’\n/ɟ/\n→[ɟ]\n→[ʝ]\n→[\ndʒ]\n/ɟ/ is a voiced palatal stop. It occurs mainly in loans from Malay, where it cor-\nresponds to the affricate /dʒ/ (spelled <j>). Analogous to /c/, pronunciation of /ɟ/\n59\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\nvaries. Alternative realisations are [ʝ] and [\ndʒ]. /ɟ/ is also likely a (diachronically)\nassibilated /d/ (see §3.4.4). /ɟ/ occurs syllable-initially only.\n(19)\njojon [ˈɟo.ɟon] ‘k.o. tree’\nkajie [ˈka.ɟie] ‘to pick up’\n/k/\n→[k] /#_\n→[k̚] /_#\n/k/ is a voiceless unaspirated velar stop. It occurs syllable-initially and syllable-\nfinally. In the latter position it is unreleased.\n(20)\nka [ka] ‘2sg’\nnakal [na.ˈkal] ‘head’\nnak [nak̚] ‘fruit’\n/g/\n→[g]\n→[ŋg]\n/g/ is a voiced velar stop. It occurs syllable-initially only.\n(21)\ngier [ˈgi.er] ‘tooth’\ntagier [ta.ˈgi.er] ‘to be heavy’\nThere is some intra-speaker variation with regard to the prenasalisation of /g/.\nSome speakers have a strong tendency to prenasalise all word-initial instances\nof /g/. This is illustrated for /ge/ ‘no’ in Figure 3.1.\nFor some notes on the voice onset time of stops, as well as impressionistic palatog-\nraphy and linguography, see Visser (2016).\n3.1.1.2 Nasals\n/m/\n→[m]\n/m/ is a bilabial nasal that occurs syllable-initially and syllable-finally.\n(22)\nma [ma] ‘3sg’\nema [ˈe.ma] ‘mother’\nam [am] ‘breast’\n60\n\n\n3.1 Phoneme inventory\n(a) With prenasalisation\n(b) Without prenasalisation\nFigure 3.1: Spectrogram of /ge/ ‘no’ with and without prenasalisation\n/n/\n→[n]\n/n/ is an apico-alveolar nasal that occurs syllable-initially and syllable-finally.\n(23)\nnina [ˈni.na] ‘grandmother’\nminan [ˈmi.nan] ‘my liver’\nin [in] ‘1pl.excl’\n/ŋ/\n→[ŋ]\n/ŋ/ is a velar nasal that only occurs syllable-finally.\n(24)\nmang [maŋ] ‘language’\n3.1.1.3 Trill\n/r/\n→[r]\n→[ɾ] (fast speech, intervocalically)\n/r/ is an apico-alveolar trill that occurs syllable-initially and syllable-finally. It\ncan be realised as a tap, which happens mainly in fast speech and intervocalically.\n(25)\nror [ror] ‘wood; tree’\ngorip [ˈgo.rip̚] ∼[ˈgo.ɾip̚] ‘k.o. fish’\nsor [sor] ‘fish’\npururu [puruˈru] ∼[pu.ɾu.ˈɾu] ‘to fall’\n61\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\n3.1.1.4 Fricatives\n/f/\n→[f]\n/f/ is a labiodental fricative. It is an uncommon phoneme, occurring mostly\nin words that can be identified as Austronesian loans. Three examples are listed\nbelow, with a comparison to Malay where other Austronesian data are absent,\nwithout suggesting these are direct loans from Malay.\n(26)\nfarlak [far.ˈlak̚] ‘tarpaulin’ (cf. Malay tarapal)\nkalifan [ka.ˈli.fan] ‘type of mat’ (cf. Uruangnirin kalifan)\nkofir [ˈko.fir] ‘coffee’ (cf. Malay kopi)\n/s/\n→[s]\n→[s] ∼[h] /V_V (optional)\n/s/ is a voiceless alveolar fricative. It occurs in syllable-initial and syllable-final\nposition.\n(27)\nsem [sɛm] ‘to be afraid’\nmaser [ma.ˈsɛr] ‘star’\nbes [bɛs] ‘to be good’\nSome words with syllable-initial /s/ have alternative forms with [h]. The varia-\ntion occurs only intervocalically. Two examples of words where [s]∼[h] alterna-\ntion is possible are presented below.\n(28)\nkasamin [ka.sa.ˈmin] ∼[ka.ha.ˈmin] ‘bird’\nkasur [ka.ˈsur] ∼[ka.ˈhur] ‘tomorrow’\nVarying [s] with [h] is not possible for all words. For a further discussion of this\nprocess, debuccalisation, see §3.4.1.\n/h/\n→[h]\n/h/ is a voiceless glottal fricative. It occurs very infrequently in what appear\nto be native words, and in loans from Malay and Arabic. Note that all syllables\nwith /h/ are stressed. Nearly all instances of /h/ in the corpus occur after /a/ and\nbefore /a/ or /e/.\n62\n\n\n3.1 Phoneme inventory\n(29)\nkahen [ka.ˈhɛn] ‘far; long’\nhukat [ˈhu.kat̚] ‘fishing net’\nhalar [ˈha.lar] ‘to marry’\nbarahala [ba.ra.ˈha.la] ‘unemployed person’ (cf. Malay berhalangan ‘to be\nunable’\n3.1.1.5 Approximants\n/j/\n→[j]\n/j/ is a palatal approximant. It occurs syllable-initially only.\n(30)\nyar [jar] ‘stone’\nsayang [ˈsa.jaŋ] ‘nutmeg’\n/w/\n→[w]\n/w/ is a labiovelar approximant. It occurs syllable-initially only.\n(31)\nwar [war] ‘to fish’\nwewar [ˈwe.war] ‘axe’\n/j/ and /w/ are included as syllable-initial glides instead of treating these sounds\nas /i/ and /u/ (from which they are phonetically indistinguishable) for the follow-\ning reasons. First, in roots, two identical vowels are never adjacent. However,\n[j] + [i] and [w] + [u] are allowed together in a stressed syllable, as exemplified\nbelow.\n(32)\nyie [ˈji.e] ‘to swim’\nlayier [la.ˈji.er] ‘itchy’\npayiem [pa.ˈji.em] ‘to fill’\nwuong [ˈwu.oŋ] ‘to whistle’\nim sarawuar [im sa.ra.ˈwu.ar] ‘k.o. banana’\nAnother reason to prefer the analysis of syllable-initial glides is that in roots,\nKalamang never allows sequences of more than two vowels, unless one of the\nsounds is a glide /j/ or /w/. The glide appears in syllable-initial position.\n63\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\n(33)\nyuwane [ju.wa.ˈne] ‘this’\nkoyan [ko.ˈjan] ‘type of plant’\nwowa [ˈwo.wa] ‘aunt’\nyuon [ˈju.on] ‘sun’\nThe following list is an overview of which combinations of /j/, /i/, /w/ and\n/u/ within a syllable are possible, showing that /j/ and /w/ only appear syllable-\ninitially. There is no reason to treat these as vowel + glide. Vowel sequences are\ndescribed in §3.2.4.\n(34)\n/i/ + /j/\n–\n/j/ + /i/\nyie [ˈji.e] ‘to swim’\n/u/ + /w/\n–\n/w/ + /u/\newun [e.ˈwun] ‘base of a trunk’\n/u/ + /j/\n–\n/j/ + /u/\nyumene [ju.me.ˈne] ‘dist’\n/i/ + /w/\n–\n/w/ + /i/\nkawir [ˈka.wir] ‘Christian’\nThis does not mean that a syllable cannot start with /i/ or /u/. As exemplified\nin §3.1.2, /i/ and /u/ can appear syllable-initially when followed by a consonant.\n3.1.1.6 Lateral\n/l/\n→[l]\n/l/ is an apical alveolar lateral.\n(35)\nleng [lɛŋ] ‘village’\nlenggalengga [lɛŋ.ˌga.lɛŋ.ˈga] ‘chili’\npel [pɛl] ‘bunch’\n3.1.1.7 Variation\nThree pairs of consonants, although showing a robust distinction as illustrated\nin §3.1.1 above, show some alternation.\nThe [r] ∼[l] alternation is the most common, especially before and after /o/ or\n/ou/, as illustrated in (36).\n64\n\n\n3.1 Phoneme inventory\n(36)\nsol karek [sol ka.ˈrɛk̚] ∼sor karek [sor ka.ˈrɛk̚] ‘rattan’\nkor [kor] ∼kol [kol] ‘foot’\nroukmang [ro.uk.ˈmaŋ] ∼loukmang [lo.uk.ˈmaŋ] ‘to call out’\nSecondly, an [s] ∼[h] alternation occurs intervocalically in about a dozen\nwords. Some speakers claim this process is archaic, but words with [h] instead\nof [s] are used by both younger and older speakers.\n(37)\n[ka.sa.ˈmin] ∼[ka.ha.ˈmin] ‘bird’\n[ka.ˈsur] ∼[ka.ˈhur] ‘tomorrow’\n[ma.ˈsap̚] ∼[ma.ˈhap̚] ‘all’\nAll words with free variation between [s] and [h] intervocalically have /a/ as\nthe preceding vowel. On the surface, the only exception is the pronominal suffix\n[a.su.tak̚] ∼[a.hu.tak̚] ‘alone’, which surfaces as [sutak̚] ∼[hutak̚] when attached\nto a pronoun ending in /i/: [pi.ˈsu.tak̚] ∼[pi.ˈhu.tak̚] ‘we alone’.\nThere is one example of [w] ∼[b] alternation, given in (38). Some speakers use\nboth forms interchangeably, while others rejected one of the forms when asked.\n(38)\nwestal [ˈwɛs.tal] ∼bestal [ˈbɛs.tal] ‘hair’\nNote that Malay busi ‘vase’ is borrowed as [guˈsi] or [wuˈsi] into Kalamang\n(and cf. Geser-Gorom which has /w/ where Malay has /b/, personal field notes).\nThese sounds are not, to my knowledge, realised as [β], a widespread phoneme\nin Northwest New Guinea (Gasser 2017: 115).\n3.1.2 Vowels\nKalamang has five vowel phonemes: /i e a o u/. /a/ is by far the most common\nvowel phoneme, being more than twice as frequent as any other vowel in the\nword list. It remains unclear why this discrepancy exists. The phonemes are given\nin Figure 3.2 and their frequency in Figure 3.3.\nMinimal and near-minimal sets are given in (39).\n(39)\n/i/\nis ‘rotten’\n-pis ‘side’\ngusi ‘vase’\n/e/\nesa ‘father’\npes ‘peel’\nse ‘iam’\n/a/\nas- ‘edge’\npas ‘woman’\nsa ‘dry’\n/o/\nos ‘sand’\npos ‘hole’\nso ‘to peel’\n/u/\nus ‘penis’\npus ‘flower’\nmasu ‘to fish’\n65\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\na\ni\nu\ne\no\nFigure 3.2: Vowel phonemes\n1505\ni\n1508\ne\n4211\na\n1268\no\n1507\nu\n0\n1000\n2000\n3000\n4000\n5000\nFigure 3.3: Frequency of vowel phonemes in the Kalamang wordlist\n(August 2020)\n3.1.2.1 Description of the vowels\nKalamang has a stereotypical five-vowel system. The following examples illus-\ntrate all vowels in syllable-initial, syllable-medial and syllable-final position in\nmonosyllabic words.\n/a/ is an open unrounded vowel.\n(40)\nap [ap̚] ‘five’\nrap [rap̚] ‘to laugh’\nra [ra] ‘to hear’\n/e/ is a mid front unrounded vowel.\n(41)\net [ɛt̚] ‘canoe’\nset [sɛt̚] ‘bait’\nse [se] ‘cuscus (possum)’\n/i/ is a front close unrounded vowel.\n66\n\n\n3.1 Phoneme inventory\n(42)\nim [im] ‘banana’\nlim [lim] ‘navel’\npi [pi] ‘1pl.incl’\n/o/ is a mid back rounded vowel.\n(43)\nos [os] ‘sand’\nlos [los] ‘bridge’\nlo [lo] ‘to want’\n/u/ is a close back rounded vowel.\n(44)\nur [ur] ‘wind’\ntur [tur] ‘to fall’\ntu [tu] ‘to hit’\nThe realisation of these vowels is described in §3.1.2.2 to §3.1.2.4.\n3.1.2.2 Phonetic realisation of vowels\nThere is some variation in the phonetic realisation of the five vowels. An ex-\nploratory study of the variation in pronunciation of Kalamang vowels was pre-\nsented in Visser (2016). A formant plot based on the pronunciation of 79 vowels\nin open syllables after /t/ resulted in the formant plot in Figure 3.4, indicating\nthe approximate location of the five Kalamang vowels.\nFigure 3.4: Formant plot of the five vowels in open stressed syllables\nafter /t/\n67\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\nIn five-vowel systems variation in pronunciation is normal, because there is\nmore room for variation before confusion between two vowels arises than in a\nsystem with more vowels (Zsiga 2012: 59). Although there is some overlap be-\ntween /e/ and /i/, this seems to be due to between-speaker variation and not\nwithin-speaker variation. /e/ and /i/ are distinct phonemes in Kalamang, with\nminimal pairs in all positions.\n(45)\ninitial\niren ‘ripe’\n[ˈi.rɛn]\neren ‘body’\n[ˈe.rɛn]\nmedial\n-pis ‘side’\n[pis]\npes ‘peel’\n[pɛs]\nfinal\nki ‘2pl’\n[ki]\nke ‘slave’\n[ke]\nThere is vowel laxing in /e/, which in closed syllables is typically pronounced\n[ɛ], and in open syllables as [e]. The mean first and second formant of per ‘water’\nand pebis ‘woman’ by the same speaker illustrate the difference.\n(46)\nF1\nF2\n[pɛr] ‘water’\n610\n1921\n[ˈpe.bis] ‘woman’\n449\n2130\nVowel lowering or laxing in closed syllables is common in Austronesian lan-\nguages (Blust 2013: 263–265), and has been described for Papuan Malay (Kluge\n2014: 74-76). It can also be heard for /i/ and /a/ in Kalamang, but is much less\nsalient in those vowels than in /e/.\n3.1.2.3 Vowel reduction\nIn fast or casual speech, /a/ and especially /e/ in unstressed syllables (§3.3.1) are\ncommonly reduced to [ə]. If both /e/ and /a/ occur in unstressed syllables, as in\nsedawak ‘machete’, only /e/ is reduced. Examples are given in (47).\n(47)\n[ma.ˈna.du] ∼[mə.ˈna.du] ‘taro’\n[ga.ˈla] ∼[gə.ˈla] ‘spear’\n[ka.niŋ.go.ˈni.e] ∼[ka.niŋ.go.ˈni.ə] ‘nine’\n[se.da.ˈwak̚] ∼[sə.da.ˈwak̚] ‘machete’\n[pe.ˈlɛr] ∼[pə.ˈlɛr] ‘mast’\nExactly under which circumstances reduction to /ə/ takes place in Kalamang\nis a question for further research. Next to speech style and stress, there are many\nother possible factors, such as syllable type, position in the word and frequency\nof the word (cf. van Oostendorp 1998).\n68\n\n\n3.2 Phonotactics and syllable structure\n3.1.2.4 Free variation\nSome words have two or more variants where the vowel qualities differ on a\nlarger scale than as described in §3.1.2.3: there is variation between two or more\nof the five vowel phonemes. They are listed in (48).\n(48)\n[ka.ˈba.bur] ∼[ko.ˈba.bur] ‘fruit set’\n[ka.ˈbas] ∼[ko.ˈbas] ‘other’\n[ka.ˈwar.ma] ∼[ko.ˈwar.ma] ‘to fold’\n[ˈka.liŋ] ∼[ˈka.luŋ] ‘frying pan’\n[ke.ˈbis] ∼[ki.ˈbis] ‘shore; land; inland’\n[ke.ˈlak̚] ∼[ko.ˈlak̚] ∼[ko.ˈlɛk̚] ∼[ke.ˈlɛk̚] ‘mountain; forest’\n[kɛl.ˈkam] ∼[kɛl.ˈkɛm] ∼[kol.ˈkom] ‘ear’\n[ke.ˈwe] ∼[ko.ˈwe] ‘house’\n[ki.li.ˈbo.baŋ] ∼[ku.lu.ˈbo.baŋ] ‘butterflyfish sp.’\n[ko.ˈli.ɛp̚] ∼[ku.ˈli.ɛp̚] ‘cheek’\n[me.ˈle.lu.o] ∼[me.ˈla.lu.o] ‘to sit’\n[ˌku.si.ˈku.si] ∼[ˌku.su.ˈku.su] ‘cuscus (possum)’\nOn the basis of the present data, no conclusive explanation can be offered, but\nnote that all variation except the last in (48) occurs after /k/ or /l/, especially af-\nter initial /k/, and that several of the words in example (48) have both /k/ and\n/l/. There could be remnants of (or emerging) vowel harmony: in Mbaham (a lan-\nguage in the same family as Kalamang), disyllabic words with a stressed vowel /i/,\n/e/, /o/ or /u/ in the second syllable get the same vowel in the first syllable (Cot-\ntet 2014: 110). The forms kelek, kelkem/kolkom, kewe, kibis, kusukusu and melelu\nobey this rule.\n3.2 Phonotactics and syllable structure\nThis section describes syllable structure, focusing on roots, clitics and affixes\n(§3.2.1). Kalamang has very few restrictions on the phonemes in the syllable:\nmost phonemes can occur in all positions. Syllable structure, however, is lim-\nited to (C)V(C), with CVCVC as the most common root form. Phonotactics have\nbeen outlined for each phoneme in §3.1 above, but will be presented again sys-\ntematically here (§3.2.2 on consonants, §3.2.3 on vowels). Vowel sequences are\ndiscussed in §3.2.4.\n69\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\n3.2.1 Syllable structure\nA Kalamang syllable (σ) consists minimally of a vowel, and maximally of a vowel\nflanked by a consonant on both sides, such that:\nσ →(C)V(C)\nIn other words: each syllable has to have a nucleus in the form of a vowel, but\ncan do without either onset or coda. There are no consonant clusters within the\nsyllable.\nThe root is the part of a word to which morphological processes such as com-\npounding, reduplication, inflection and derivation may apply (Chapter 4). A root\n(ρ) can be consist of zero (in the case of the zero morpheme ∅‘give’, §12.2.1.2) or\nmore syllables:\nρ →σ*\nMonosyllabic roots are fairly common. There is one Kalamang root that con-\nsists of just a vowel. Otherwise monosyllabic roots may be VC, CV or CVC, with\nCVC being the most common form.\n(49)\nV: [u] ‘aunt’\nVC: [ar] ‘to dive’\nCV: [lu] ‘cold’\nCVC: [rap̚] ‘to laugh’\nDisyllabic roots are the most common type of roots. The most common root\ntype in the entire corpus is CVCVC. There is only one root with the form CVCCV.\n(50)\nV.V: [ˈa.u] ‘small child’\nV.VC: [ˈo.ur] ‘to fall down (of rain)’\nV.CV: [ˈe.sa] ‘father’\nV.CVC: [ˈi.rar] ‘mat’\nCV.CV: [ˈme.na] ‘later’\nCV.V: [ˈko.u] ‘to blow’\nCV.VC: [ˈki.el] ‘root’\nCV.CVC: [ˈli.dan] ‘friend’\nCVC.CVC: [tor.ˈpɛs] ‘k.o. shell’\nCVC.CV: [maŋ.ˈgi] ‘k.o. fish’\n70\n\n\n3.2 Phonotactics and syllable structure\nTrisyllabic roots are less common in my corpus, but can take all kinds of forms,\nincluding but not limited to:\n(51)\nV.CV.CV: [u.ˈna.pi] ‘k.o. sea cucumber’\nV.V.CVC: [e.ˈi.ruk̚] ‘to bend down’\nCV.V.CVC: [na.ˈu.war] ‘news’\nCV.CVC.CVC: [pa.ran.ˈsik̚] ‘near’\nCV.CV.CV: [ku.ˈre.ra] ‘octopus’\nCVC.CV.CV: [pul.ˈse.ka] ‘grasshopper’\nThe longest roots in my corpus are tetrasyllabic. Among the few examples are:\n(52)\nCV.CV.CV.CV: [ta.ku.ˈre.ra] ‘sour bilimbi fruit’\nCV.CV.CVC.CV: [ka.ta.weŋ.ˈga] ‘wild breadfruit’\nCV.CV.CV.V: [me.le.ˈlu.o] ‘to sit’\nCV.CV.CV.VC: [ka.ba.ˈru.ap̚] ‘grouper (fish)’\nCV.CV.VC.CVC: [ka.ra.ˈoŋ.gis] ‘skinny; blunt’\n3.2.2 Phonotactics of consonants\nAll consonants except /ŋ/ appear in onset position. In coda position there are\nmore restrictions. The voiced stops /b/, /d/, /ɟ/ and /g/ do not occur in coda po-\nsition, and neither do /f/, /h/, /j/, and /w/. Table 3.2 gives an overview of the\nphonotactics of consonant phonemes.\nTable 3.2: Consonant distribution\nonset\ncoda\np\n+\n+\nb\n+\n−\nt\n+\n+\nd\n+\n−\nc\n+\n−\nɟ\n+\n−\nk\n+\n+\ng\n+\n−\nonset\ncoda\nm\n+\n+\nn\n+\n+\nŋ\n−\n+\nr\n+\n+\nf\n+\n+\ns\n+\n+\nh\n+\n−\nj\n+\n−\nw\n+\n−\nl\n+\n+\n71\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\nSequences of two consonants, which may appear across syllable boundaries,\nare found in the corpus in the combinations given in Table 3.3. This includes\nthose that appear after compounding or in reduplication, or as a result of phono-\nlogical processes. The most common consonants in the coda are /m/, /n/, /r/ and\n/l/, and the most common in the onset are /p/, /t/, /k/, /m/ and /n/. These are also\namong the most frequent in the corpus in general. A larger dataset may provide\nexamples of additional, unusual distributions.\nAlthough there is a tendency for stops following nasals to be voiced rather\nthan voiceless, there is no absolute restriction on nasals + voiceless stops. This\ncan be seen in Table 3.3. Consider also the following examples, which show that\nsome of the nasal + voiceless stop sequences involve reduplications.\n(53)\n/m/ + /p/: [ˈlɛm.puaŋ] ‘island’\n/n/ + /p/: [tan.ˌpa.rok.ˈpa.rok̚] ‘fingers’\n/ŋ/ + /p/: [puŋ.ˈpuŋ.at̚] ‘k.o. fish’\n/m/ + /t/: [ˈtum.tɛŋ] ‘bedbug’\n/n/ + /t/: [ˈson.tum] ‘person’\n/ŋ/ + /t/: [ˈmiŋ.tun] ‘palm oil’\n/m/ + /k/: [am.ˈkeit̚] ‘to give birth’\n/n/ + /k/: [ˈkin.kin] ‘to hold’\n/ŋ/ + /k/: [ˌku.ruŋ.ˈku.ruŋ] ‘fish basket’\nThere are no examples of nasals followed by /c/.\n3.2.3 Phonotactics of vowels\nThere are no restrictions on the combination of vowels and consonants in roots,\nsuch that each CV combination and each VC combination (taking into account\nthat the set of consonants in coda position is reduced) is found. All five vowels\nare found in the nucleus, either with or without a coda and/or onset.\n3.2.4 Vowel sequences\nThe maximum number of adjacent vowels in roots is two, which always occur\nacross syllable boundaries: /V.V/. All possible sequences of two vowels are found,\nas long as they are two different vowels. Stress can fall on either of the syllables\ncontaining a vowel. Consider the following stress contrast.\n(54)\n/ˈna.in/ ‘like’\n/sa.ˈir/ ‘to shoot with a gun’\n72\n\n\n3.2 Phonotactics and syllable structure\nTable 3.3: Possible combinations of consonants across syllable bound-\naries\nPPPPPPPP\nP\ncoda\nonset\np\nb\nt\nd\nk\ng\nc\nɟ\nm\nn\nr\nf\ns\nh\nj\nw\nl\np\n+\n+\n+\n+\n+\n+\n+\n−\n+\n+\n−\n−\n+\n−\n+\n−\n+\nt\n+\n−\n+\n+\n+\n+\n−\n−\n+\n+\n+\n−\n−\n−\n−\n+\n−\nk\n+\n+\n+\n+\n+\n+\n−\n−\n+\n+\n−\n+\n+\n−\n−\n−\n−\nm\n+\n+\n+\n+\n+\n+\n−\n−\n+\n+\n+\n+\n+\n−\n+\n−\n+\nn\n+\n+\n+\n+\n+\n+\n+\n−\n+\n+\n−\n−\n+\n+\n+\n+\n−\nŋ\n+\n+\n+\n−\n+\n+\n−\n−\n+\n+\n+\n−\n+\n−\n−\n−\n+\nr\n+\n+\n+\n−\n+\n+\n+\n−\n+\n+\n+\n−\n+\n−\n+\n+\n+\ns\n+\n+\n+\n−\n+\n−\n−\n−\n+\n+\n−\n−\n+\n−\n−\n+\n−\nl\n+\n+\n+\n+\n+\n+\n+\n−\n+\n+\n−\n−\n+\n−\n+\n+\n+\n73\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\nVowel sequences with /i/ or /u/ may surface either as disyllabic vowel se-\nquences or as diphthongs, as illustrated for four roots in (55).\n(55)\n/pareir/ ‘to follow’\n[pa.ˈre.ir] ∼[pa.ˈr\neir]\n/haidak/ ‘true’\n[ˈha.i.dak̚] ∼[ˈh\nai.dak̚]\n/pour/ ‘Faor’\n[ˈpo.ur] ∼[p\nour]\n/laus/ ‘wide’\n[ˈla.us] ∼[l\naus]\nSome vowel sequences tend to be reduced to single vowels. /ei/ can be reduced\nto [e]/[ɛ] or [i], /ie/ can be reduced to [i], /uo/ can be reduced to [u] or [o], and\n/ou/ can be reduced to [u]. Examples are given below. I consider the forms with\nthe vowel sequence to be the underlying forms.\n(56)\n[ke.it̚] ∼[kɛt̚] ∼[kit̚] ‘top’\n[be.ki.ˈem.kaŋ] ∼[beˈkim.kaŋ] ‘shoulderblade’\n[ˈpa.ru.o] ∼[ˈpa.ro] ∼[ˈpa.ru] ‘to do’\n[saŋ.ˈgo.up̚] ∼[saŋ.ˈgup̚] ‘branch’\nThis type of reduction is more likely to occur in longer words, such that /ˈbe-\nkiem/ ‘shoulder’ is usually pronounced with a diphthong, but the longer /beˈkiem-\nkaŋ/ ‘shoulderblade’ usually is not. /eir/ ‘two’ is never pronounced as [ir], but in\nlonger numbers it is obligatorily shortened to [ir], resulting in [ˈpu.rir] ‘twenty’\nand [ˈrei.rir] ‘two hundred’ (see also §3.3.1.6). Reduction also happens when a\nthird vowel is added because of affixation, as in [ˈko.u] ‘to blow’ – [ko.u.ˈkin] ∼\n[ku.ˈin] ‘blow.vol’.\n3.3 Prosody\nProsody refers to phonetic and phonological properties of language at the supra-\nsegmental level: they pertain to the syllable or larger units of speech. In Kala-\nmang these properties are stress, length, and intonation patterns. §3.3.1 describes\nstress assignment in different kinds of words or parts of words, and the behaviour\nof stress under the influence of morphological processes. §3.3.2 treats occasional\nlengthening and shortening of vowels. §3.3.3 gives a brief overview of intonation\npatterns.\n3.3.1 Stress assignment\n3.3.1.1 Introduction\nKalamang has contrastive stress that is non-predictable in disyllabic roots, but\nhas a preference for the right edge in longer roots. The following sections first\n74\n\n\n3.3 Prosody\nexplain how stress is manifested, before providing a description of stress assign-\nment patterns. In disyllabic roots, stress is completely unpredictable (§3.3.1.2).\nRoots with more than two syllables, which are less common, never have stress\non the first syllable (§3.3.1.3). Stress can be on either of the syllables in a disyllabic\nvowel sequence (§3.3.1.4). Words carrying inflectional or derivational morphol-\nogy generally have quite strict stress rules: the stress tends to move to the right-\nmost syllable before a suffix or enclitic (§3.3.1.5). Compounds and reduplicated\nwords follow roughly the same rules as roots: stress on the first syllable of words\nlonger than two syllables is uncommon. Secondary stress appears in some com-\npounds (mainly numerals) and in reduplicated words with four or more syllables\n(§3.3.1.6 and §3.3.1.7). The analysis that best covers this variation is a trochaic foot\nstructure (ˈσ.σ) assigned from right to left. This analysis is presented in §3.3.1.8.\nA phonological word (see also §4.1.2 and §4.1.3) carries one main stress. Stress\nis manifested primarily by intensity and secondarily by length, stressed syllables\non average being louder and longer than unstressed syllables. This is illustrated\nin Figure 3.5 for /naˈkal/ ‘head’. The stressed syllable has a higher amplitude and\nis longer.\nFigure 3.5: Spectrogram, pitch and waveform for /naˈkal/ ‘head’\nA third indicator of stress is (high) pitch. Compare Figures 3.6 and 3.7. Fig-\nure 3.6 shows the spectrogram, pitch and waveform for /ˈpebis/ ‘woman’. Fig-\nure 3.7 shows the spectrogram, pitch and waveform for /peˈbisat/ ‘woman.obj’,\nwhere the F0 peak has moved from pe to bis under influence of the enclitic =at.\n75\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\nFigure 3.6: Spectrogram, pitch and waveform for /ˈpebis/ ‘woman’\nFigure 3.7: Spectrogram, pitch and waveform for /peˈbisat/, the object\nform for ‘woman’\n76\n\n\n3.3 Prosody\nSecondary stress (§3.3.1.6 and §3.3.1.7) has the same phonetic cues as primary\nstress, but they are weaker. Figure 3.8 shows /ˌsiŋaˈsiŋat/ ‘ant’. F0 is higher on the\ntwo stressed syllables, and they have a high intensity even though the stressed\n/i/’s are ‘competing’ with /a/’s, which are much louder vowels. Length plays no\nrole in this particular example.\nFigure 3.8: Spectrogram, pitch and waveform for /ˌsiŋaˈsiŋat/ ‘ant’\n3.3.1.2 Disyllabic roots\nThe great majority of disyllabic roots have one of the following CV patterns:\nCVCCVC, CVCVC, CVCV, VCV or VCVC. Stress is not related to syllable weight,\nposition of the syllable or word class, as the following examples illustrate. The\ncorpus contains several (near-)minimal contrastive pairs. CVCVC-words make\nup the largest part of all items in the corpus, and also the largest part of roots.\nThe fact that 129 CVCVC words in the word list have stress on the first syllable,\nagainst 190 with stress on the second syllable,2 proves the point that stress in\ndisyllabic roots is not predictable.\n2As counted in April 2019.\n77\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\n(57)\nσ structure\nfirst σ stress\nsecond σ stress\nCVCCVC\n/ˈkol.kom/ ‘footprint’\n/kol.ˈkom/ ‘ear’\nCVCVC\n/ˈko.ser/ ‘harvest fruit’\n/ko.ˈser/ ‘to lock’\nCVCV\n/ˈti.ri/ ‘to run’\n/ti.ˈri/ ‘drum’\nVCV\n/ˈu.da/ ‘rice sieve’\n–\nVCVC\n/ˈu.rap/ ‘street’\n/o.ˈlol/ ‘to catch’\n3.3.1.3 Roots with more than two syllables\nStress never falls on the first syllable of roots with more than two syllables. The\nmajority of such words carry stress on the penultimate syllable, but no rule can be\ngenerated since there are many counterexamples. Again, stress is not influenced\nby syllable weight or word class. Consider the following examples with matching\nsyllable structure but different stress patterns.\n(58)\nσ structure\npenultimate σ stress\nlast σ stress\nCVCVCCVC\n/wa.ˈlor.tɛŋ/ ‘broom’\n/ma.jil.ˈman/ ‘to flip’\nCVCVCVC\n/ka.ˈli.fan/ ‘mat’\n/ka.la.ˈbet/ ‘land worm’\nCVCCVCV\n/paŋ.ˈga.la/ ‘cassava’\n/saŋ.ga.ˈra/ ‘to search’\nCVCCVCVC\n/kal.ˈka.let/ ‘mosquito’\n/ka.sa.ˈmin/ ‘bird’\nCVCVVCV\n/na.su.ˈe.na/ ‘sugar’\nCVCVCVCV\n/ta.ku.ˈre.ra/ ‘k.o. fruit’\n/ka.sa.bi.ˈti/ ‘squash’\nThe current data set clearly suggests that stress has to be on one of the last\ntwo syllables. The only (apparent) root that has stress before the penultimate\nsyllable is a village name of an Austronesian-speaking village, which might be\na loan: /tu.ˈbu.ra.sap/ ‘Tuburuasa’. It is hard to say whether this is an exception,\nbecause tetrasyllabic roots are extremely rare.\n3.3.1.4 Stress in vowel sequences\nIn vowel sequences, stress can fall on either the first or the second vowel in the\nsequence. The current data do not suggest that there are any restrictions on the\noccurrence of stress in VV sequences. Stress is found on either the first or the\nsecond vowel in the sequence, regardless of which vowel that is, resulting in\nwords with penultimate and final stress. Words with vowel sequences and final\nstress are rare, however.\n(59)\npenultimate σ stress\nlast σ stress\n/ˈte.ok/ ‘fog’\n/pa.ˈos/ ‘mud’\n78\n\n\n3.3 Prosody\n/ˈna.in/ ‘like’\n/sa.ˈir/ ‘to shoot with a gun’\n/ˈpu.e/ ‘to hit’\n/ˈmi.a/ ‘to come’\n/sa.ˈe.rak/ ‘neg.exist’\nIn §3.2.4, it was described that vowel sequences with /i/ or /u/ may be pro-\nnounced as a diphthong in connected speech. Regardless of whether stress is on\nthe first or second vowel underlyingly, it surfaces on the diphthong: e.g. [pa.ra.ˈir]\n‘to split’, when pronounced as a diphthong, becomes /paˈr\nair/. Note that stress\nis not necessarily on the syllable that contains the pronounced diphthong, as in\n[ˈlɛm.pu.aŋ] ‘island’ (often pronounced /ˈlemp\nuaŋ/) and [ˈkol.ki.em] ‘thigh’ (often\npronounced /ˈkolk\niem/).\n3.3.1.5 Stress with clitics and affixes\nCliticisation and affixation (§4.1.3 and §4.1.4) influence the location of stress in\nthe root that the clitic or affix is added to. The basic rule is that, in words carrying\nsuffixes and enclitics, stress is generally on the penultimate syllable. In disyllabic\nroots with initial stress, this means that stress moves to the final syllable of the\nroot. Consider the following examples with disyllabic roots with penultimate\nstress.\n(60)\na. /ˈko.jal/ ‘to scratch’\n/ko.ˈjal=nin/ ‘scratch=neg’\nb. /ˈam.dir/ ‘garden’\n/am.ˈdir=ko/ ‘garden=loc’\nc. /ˈe.ma/ ‘mother’\n/e.ˈma=bon/ ‘mother=com’\nd. /ˈtek.tek/ ‘knife’\n/tek.ˈtek-ca/ ‘knife-2sg.poss’\nRoots that have final stress retain it:\n(61)\na. /na.ˈkal/ ‘head’\n/na.ˈkal-un/ ‘head-3poss’\nb. /ka.sa.ˈmin/ ‘bird’\n/ka.sa.ˈmin=nan/ ‘bird=too’\nWhen monosyllabic roots carry a suffix or enclitic, the root remains stressed:\n79\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\n(62)\na. /maŋ/ ‘language’\n/ˈmaŋ-an/ ‘language-1sg.poss’\nb. /et/ ‘canoe’\n/ˈet=ki/ ‘canoe=ins’\nProcliticisation has the same effect, i.e. stress is moved to the penult if it was\non the ultimate syllable, and remains on the penult if it was there in the root.\nConsider the following examples with applicative ko=.\n(63)\na. /ga.ˈre.or/ ‘to pour’\n/ko=ga.ˈre.or/ ‘to pour on’\nb. /ga.ˈruŋ/ ‘to talk’\n/ko=ˈga.ruŋ/ ‘to talk to’\nThis is also the case for the reciprocal proclitic nau=. In a few words, however,\nprimary stress falls on nau= even though it is not in penultimate position. It is\nunclear why.\n(64)\na. /ˈkin.kin/ ‘to hold’\n/na.u=ˈkin.kin/ ‘to hold each other’\nb. /ka.ha.ˈman/ ‘bottom’\n/ˈna.u=ka.ha.ˌman/ ‘to be attached by bottom’\nc. /na.maŋ.ˈa.dap/ ‘to face’\n/ˈna.u=na.maŋ.ˌa.dap/ ‘to face each other’\nIt is not the case that affixes and clitics cannot carry stress (as already evi-\ndenced by nau=). When a word carries two suffixes or enclitics, stress is still\nusually on the penult, and thus on an affix.\n(65)\na. /ˈne.ba/ ‘what’\n/ne.ba=ˈkap=ten/ ‘what=sim=at’\nb. /sor/ ‘fish’\n/sor-ˈun=at/ ‘fish-3poss=obj’\nThere are, however, many exceptions, such as:\n(66)\n/na.ˈkal/ ‘head’\n/na.kal-ˈun=bon=at/ ‘head-3poss=com=obj’\n80\n\n\n3.3 Prosody\nDisyllabic clitics also behave unpredictably. Consider, for example, the clitic\n=taet ‘again, more’. Normally, if stress is on the penult, then the first syllable of\nthis clitic is stressed, as in /rɛp.ˈta.et/ ‘to get again’. Some verbs, however, always\nhave stress on the antepenult when =taet is added. Examples are /sen.ˈsur=ta.et/\n‘cut with chainsaw again’ and /kor.tap.ˈtap=ta.et/ ‘cut horizontal again’. =saet\n‘only, exclusively’ behaves similarly to =taet. There is no good explanation for\nthis variation.\nWords with the disyllabic suffix -mahap ‘all’ also have non-predictable stress.\nConsider the following examples.\n(67)\na. /ˈmu.ap/ ‘food’\n/mu.ap.ˈma.hap/ ‘all food’\nb. /ˈson.tum/ ‘people’\n/son.ˈtum.ma.hap/ ‘all people’\nc. /per/ ‘water’\n/per.ˈma.hap/ ‘all water’\nd. /ke.ˈwe/ ‘house’\n/ke.we.ˈwe.ma.hap/ ‘all houses’\nOne clitic behaves differently from the other clitics and affixes. This is the\nvolitional marker =kin, which attracts stress.3 =kin is further described in 14.2.1.2.\n(Note the monophthongisation of /uo/ to [u]. The insertion of /t/ after the stem\nis described in 3.4.6.)\n(68)\na. /tur/ [tur] ‘to fall’\n/tur=kin/ [tur.ˈkin] ‘fall=vol’\nb. /komet/ [ko.ˈmet̚] ‘to see’\n/komet=kin/ [ko.met.ˈkin] ‘see=vol’\nc. /paruo/ [ˈpa.ru.o] ‘to do’\n/paruot=kin/ [pa.rut.ˈkin] ‘do=vol’\n=kin is not always able to attract stress from non-adjacent syllables. In (69a) it\nshifts from the first to the second syllable in the root, and in (69b) stress remains\non the penultimate syllable in the root even when =kin is attached.\n(69)\na. /marmar/ [ˈmar.mar] ‘to walk’\n/marmar=kin/ [mar.ˈmar.kin] ‘walk=vol’\n3Timothy Usher (p.c.) suggests that this is the case because it derives historically from a longer\nform *kinV.\n81\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\nb. /meleluo/ [me.ˈle.lu.o] ‘to sit’\n/meleluot=kin/ [me.ˈle.lut.kin] ‘sit=vol’\nMore data are needed to correctly analyse the effect of =kin on stress.\n3.3.1.6 Compounding and stress\nCompounding is the process whereby two or more roots join to make a new word\n(§6.2.3). Many of the words that are analysed as compounds in Kalamang involve\nbody parts or are numerals, so I focus on those in this section.\nLet us first take a look at body parts. No rule for stress in the compounds below\ncan be found: kor ‘leg; foot’ can enter into disyllabic compounds with stress on\nthe first or second syllable.\n(70)\n/kor/\n[kor]\n‘leg; foot’\n/korpak/\n[ˈkor.pak̚]\n‘knee’ (‘leg’ + ‘moon’)\n/korel/\n[kor.ˈɛl]\n‘footsole’ (‘foot’ + ‘back’)\nWhen a disyllabic or larger root is compounded with tan ‘arm; hand’ or kor\n‘leg; foot’, stress is not found on the first syllable, consistent with the rules for\nroots with more than two syllables described above.\n(71)\n/tangalip/\n[taŋ.ˈga.lip̚]\n‘fingernail’\n/tangarara/\n[taŋ.ˈga.ra.ˌra]\n‘ring’\n/kortangalip/\n[kor.ˈtaŋ.ga.ˌlip̚]\n‘toenail’\nAlso in the compounds in (72), stress is shifted away from the first syllable,\nresulting in (σ)σˈσσˌσ when the second part of the compound has two syllables\n(examples 72a and 72b), and in σσˈσσ when the second part of the compound is\nmonosyllabic (example 72c).\n(72)\na. /esnem/ [ˈɛs.nɛm] ‘man’ + /tumun/ [tu.ˈmun] ‘child’\n/esnemtumun/ [ɛs.ˈnɛm.tu.ˌmun] ‘male infant’\nb. /walaka/ [wa.ˈla.ka] ‘Gorom’ + /sontum/ [ˈson.tum] ‘person’\n/walakasontum/ [wa.la.ˈka.son.ˌtum] ‘Goromese person’\nc. /walaka/ [wa.ˈla.ka] ‘Gorom’ + /ca/ [ˈca] ‘man’\n/walakaca/ [wa.la.ˈka.ca] ‘Goromese man’\nCompound numerals have penultimate stress, even if the non-compound nu-\nmerals have stress on the final syllable. Karuok ‘three’ and kansuor ‘four’, though\n82\n\n\n3.3 Prosody\nunderlyingly containing vowel sequences, are almost always pronounced with\nmonophthongs: [karok]∼[karuk] and [kansor]∼[kansur], respectively, with stress\non the last syllable. In the compounds putkaruok ‘thirty’ and putkansuor ‘forty’,\nstress is on the penult. Eir ‘two’ surfaces as a diphthong, while purir (/purir/)\n‘twenty’ contains a monophthong [purir], although it likely derives historically\nfrom put- ‘ten’ and eir ‘two’. Compare the numerals in (73).\n(73)\n1\n/kon/\n[kon]\n10 /putkon/\n[ˈput.kon]\n2\n/eir/\n[eir]\n20 /purir/\n[ˈpu.rir]\n3\n/karuok/\n[ka.ˈrok̚]\n30 /putkaruok/\n[put.ˈka.rok̚]\n4\n/kansuor/\n[kan.ˈsor]\n40 /putkansuor/\n[put.ˈkan.sor]\n5\n/ap/\n[ap̚]\n50 /purap/\n[ˈpu.rap̚]\n6\n/raman/\n[ra.ˈman]\n60 /putraman/\n[put.ˈra.man]\n7\n/ramandalin/\n[ˌra.man.ˈda.lin]\n70 /putramandalin/\n[put.ˌra.man.ˈda.lin]\n8\n/irie/\n[i.ˈri.e]\n80 /putirie/\n[put.i.ˈri.e]\n9\n/kaniŋgonie/\n[ˌka.niŋ.go.ˈni.e]\n90 /putkaniŋgonie/\n[put.ˌka.niŋ.go.ˈni.e]\nStress on the penult is also maintained in longer compound numerals.\n(74)\n31 /putkaruoktalinkon/\n[put.ˌka.rok.ta.ˈliŋ.gon]\n32 /putkaruoktalineir/\n[put.ˌka.rok.ta.ˈlin.ir]\n33 /putkaruoktalinkaruok/\n[put.ˌka.rok.ta.liŋˈga.rok̚]\n34 /putkaruoktalinkansuor/\n[put.ˌka.rok.ta.liŋˈgan.sor]\n35 /putkaruoktalinap/\n[put.ˌka.rok.ta.ˈlin.ap̚]\n36 /putkaruoktalinraman/\n[put.ˌka.rok.ta.lin.ˈra.man]\n37 /putkaruoktalinramandalin/\n[put.ˌka.rok.ta.ˌlin.ra.man.ˈda.lin]\n38 /putkaruoktalinirie/\n[put.ˌka.rok.ta.lin.iˈri.e]\n39 /putkaruoktalinkaniŋgonie/\n[put.ˌka.rok.ta.ˌlin.ka.nin.go.ˈni.e]\n83\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\n3.3.1.7 Stress and reduplication\nDisyllabic reduplicated words behave like disyllabic roots: stress may be on the\npenultimate or last syllable, although the latter is less common than in non-\nreduplicated roots. Longer reduplicated words are more regular, often with penul-\ntimate stress and primary stress in the right half of the word, though exceptions\nare found. For more on reduplication, see §4.2.1.\nIn disyllabic words with partial or complete reduplication, stress is usually\non the first syllable but can also fall on the last syllable. There are no semantic\nor syllabic motivations for the assignment of stress in these words, in line with\nstress assignment in disyllabic roots.\n(75)\npenultimate σ stress\nfinal σ stress\n[ˈkor.kor] ‘to cut’\n[pul.ˈpul] ‘butterfly’\n[ˈtɛl.tɛl] ‘to rock’\n[tɛl.ˈtɛl] ‘k.o. root vegetable’\n[don ˈpɛn.pɛn] ‘sugar’\n[ˈsuŋ.suŋ] ‘pants’\nThe biggest group of reduplicated words with more than two syllables consists\nof fully reduplicated disyllabic roots, resulting in a tetrasyllabic word. Here one\nfinds all kinds of variation. Stress does not necessarily fall on the same syllable on\nthe non-reduplicated root as when it is reduplicated (as 76a-c illustrate). Primary\nstress is usually on the second part of the reduplicated word, but may also fall\non the first part, irrespective of whether the root has stress on the first or second\nsyllable.\n(76)\na. [ga.ˈruŋ] ‘to talk’\n[ˌga.ruŋ.ˈga.ruŋ] ‘to talk’ (durative)\nb. [ˈpa.r(u)o] ‘to do’\n[ˌpa.roˈwa.ro] ‘to do’ (durative, habitual)\nc. [ˈwin.jal] ‘to fish’\n[win.ˈjal.win.ˌjal] ‘to fish’ (durative)\nd. [ˈti.ri] ‘to run’\n[ti.ˈri.ti.ˌri] ‘to run’ (durative)\ne. not known\n[wa.ˌla.wa.ˈla] ‘to throw wood’\nf. not known\n[ˌmi.sil.ˈmi.sil] ‘cement floor’\n84\n\n\n3.3 Prosody\ng. not known\n[paŋ.ˈga.waŋ.ˌga] ‘leech’\nOther words with reduplication and more than two syllables involve a redu-\nplication of a CVC sequence. In all examples, stress is on the penult.\n(77)\na. [waŋ.ˈgon] ‘once’\n[waŋ.ˈgon.gon] ‘sometimes’\nb. [j(u)or] ‘true’ + [tun] ‘very’\n[jor.ˈjor.tun] ‘very right’\nc. [ˈsitak] ‘slowly’\n[si.ˈtak.tak] ‘very slowly’\nd. not known\n[siŋ.ˈgit.kit] ‘small bird’\ne. not known\n[kin.ˈkin.un] ‘small’\n3.3.1.8 Analysis: trochaic foot structure\nBy looking at roots longer than two syllables, as well as the effects of compound-\ning, cliticisation and affixation on stress, it appears that Kalamang prefers stress\non the penultimate syllable. Kalamang is therefore best analysed as having a ten-\ndency towards a trochaic foot structure (ˈσ.σ) assigned from right to left. This\nexplains the penultimate stress in nearly all words carrying affixes. It also ex-\nplains most compound forms and most reduplicated forms, and why stress is\nnever on the first syllable in words longer than two syllables. Moreover, there\nis a typological correlation between lack of a weight contrast, which applies to\nKalamang, and trochaic feet (Hayes 1995). Some of the attested stress patterns re-\nmain unaccounted for: disyllabic roots with stress on the last syllable ([kɛl.ˈkam]\n‘ear’), words involving morphology with stress on the first ([ˈn.au.=sa.ir] ‘to shoot\neach other’) or on the last syllable ([ka.lis.=ˈkin] ‘about to rain’), irregularities in\ncompounding, as well as irregularities in reduplication of disyllabic roots.\n3.3.2 Length\nLength does not have a contrastive function. Based on auditory impression, vow-\nels, sonorant consonants and /s/ can be lengthened at the end of a breath group\n(that is, what a speaker manages to say between two breaths), perhaps as one\nstrategy to indicate the end of such a unit. Lengthening is very common in a few\ncommon expressions, notably:\n85\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\n(78)\n/bot e/ [ˈboːteː] ‘bye!’\n/nebara paruo/ [neˈbara ˈparuoː] ‘what are you doing?’\n/ge o/ [ˈgeːoː] ‘no’ or ‘nothing’ (as an answer to the question above)\nFinal lengthening, a proposed universal (Cruttenden 1997: 33), is especially\nnoticeable in list-like repetitious descriptions like (79) and (80).\n(79)\nan\nan\n1sg\nseseri\nseser=i\npeel=plnk\nkoːyet\nkoyet\nfinish\nwaruoni\nwaruon=i\nwash=plnk\nkoyet\nkoyet\nfinished\n(...)\n(...)\n(...)\npasori\npasor=i\nfry=plnk\nkoːyet\nkoyet\nfinished\n‘After I’m done peeling and washing (...) and frying...’\n[conv12_7:10]\n(80)\nkoni\nkon-i\none-objqnt\nmasaːk\nmasak\nlift\nkoni\nkon-i\none-objqnt\nmamuːn\nmamun\nleave\n‘[You] lift one, leave one.’\n[conv17_0:43]\nLength is otherwise sometimes used in intensified words; for example, in colour\nterms. Consider the following examples.\n(81)\na. /kusˈkap/ ‘black’ + /=tun/ ‘very’\n[kuskapˈkaːptun] ‘very black’\nb. /baraŋˈgap/ ‘yellow’ + /=saet/ ‘only’\n[baraŋˈsaːet̚] ‘very yellow only’\nShortening of vowels can occur when two identical vowels appear on either\nside of /l/ or /r/. The shortened vowel must be unstressed. Consider the examples\nin (82).\n(82)\n/belen/ [bĕˈlen] ‘tongue’\n/bolon/ [bŏˈlon] ‘little, few’\n/gala/ [găˈla] ‘spear’\n/tiri/ [tĭˈri] ‘drum’\n3.3.3 Intonation\nThe basic intonation patterns of six kinds of clauses were investigated. Table 3.4\nintroduces the findings by summarising them in general terms.\nThis first analysis of some basic intonation patterns is based on Autosegmental\nMetrical phonology (AM, see Ladd 1996, Pierrehumbert 1980). AM is an abstract\nphonological model used to represent the contrastive elements of an intonational\n86\n\n\n3.3 Prosody\nTable 3.4: Introduction to intonation patterns\ntype\nintonation pattern\ndeclarative clause\nfinal fall\nnon-final clause\nfinal rise\npolar question\nfinal rise-fall\ncontent question\nfinal fall\nimperative\nfinal fall\nrequest\nfinal fall\nsystem. It links intonation to structural positions in the clause, such as heads and\nconstituent boundaries. The basic level at which intonational phrasing occurs\nin Kalamang is the Intonation Phrase (IP). At this point, lower-level units are\nnot necessary in a description of Kalamang intonation. The basic idea of the\nframework is that intonation can be described using two level tones or tonal\ntargets: high (H) and low (L), which represent a high or low in the fundamental\nfrequency or pitch (F0). These tones can either mark the head or the edge of a\nprosodic unit. If a tone marks the head, the tone is called a pitch accent.4 Tonal\ntargets can be combined to represent complex pitch movements.\nKalamang intonation was investigated by means of a questionnaire, inspired\nby Himmelmann & Ladd (2008) and Jun & Fletcher (2014). The questionnaire\nconsists of word lists, phrases and short conversations that five speakers trans-\nlated. Lists and phrases with target words in different positions were used to\ncheck whether stress was retained independent from position in the clause. Other\nphrases aimed at eliciting different sentence types, such as declarative clauses,\nquestion-word questions and polar questions. The following short dialogue was\nacted out by the participants, aiming at eliciting focus on the subject, object and\nverb, after eliciting a neutral clause.\n(83)\nA: What did Mayor do?\nB: Mayor CAUGHT an OCTOPUS.\nA: Who caught an octopus?\nB: MAYOR caught an octopus.\nA: What did Mayor catch?\nB: Mayor caught an OCTOPUS.\nA: What did Mayor do with the octopus?\nB: He CAUGHT it.\n4Note that this is an intonational pitch accent, not to be confounded with lexical tones.\n87\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\nThis resulted in more than 300 comparable data points. On average, there are\nthree or four examples of the same type (e.g. a clause with the same noun in initial\nposition). This data was supplied with natural language data from the corpus.\nPitch analyses were made with Praat (Boersma & Weenink 2020), and smoothed\nwith the Praat smoothing algorithm with a frequency band of 10 Hz. All pitch\ncurves printed here have been normalised (converted to semitones) so that they\nare comparable across speakers.\nKalamang has a high pitch accent (H*) on content words (nouns and verbs,\nbut probably not on pronouns), associated with the stressed syllable. Focused\nelements carry the highest pitch accent. Different intonation patterns are found\nfor different clause types. In the rest of this section, I will discuss the intonation of\ndeclarative clauses, non-final clauses, polar questions, question-word questions,\nand imperatives and requests.\n3.3.3.1 Declarative clauses\nDeclarative clauses end in a low boundary tone (L%). In Figure 3.9, the pitch\naccents occur on the penultimate syllables of /urkia/ and /terat/, and on /na/.\nPitch is falling gradually throughout the clause, so that each F0 peak is lower\nthan the one before.\nFigure 3.9: Declarative clause intonation\n3.3.3.2 Non-final clauses\nNon-final clauses end in a high boundary tone (H%). The rise may already start\non the penultimate syllable of the clause, as in Figure 3.10, which contains three\n88\n\n\n3.3 Prosody\nnon-final boundary tones in a row, with the rise starting on [ga] in sanggaran\n‘search’ and then twice on [mi] in mian ‘come’. It seems to be the case that the\nboundary tone must be higher than the pitch accents in the clause.\nFigure 3.10: Non-final clause intonation\n3.3.3.3 Polar questions\nPolar questions are formed with a HL%. Figure 3.11 shows a regular polar ques-\ntion.\nFigure 3.11: Regular polar question intonation\n89\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\nIn Figure 3.12, the speaker calls from some distance to people who are leaving.\nEven when combined with calling out to someone, the HL% stays intact, though it\nseems to end higher than in a normal polar question. As this is the only analysed\nexample of a calling, this observation remains to be confirmed by analysis of\nmore data. It should also be compared with non-question calling.\nFigure 3.12: Polar question intonation combined with a calling\nAlthough a polar question can be formed as in Figure 3.11, Kalamang speakers\noften add a clause-final tag ye ge ‘or not’. In these cases, there is still a HL contour\non the verb. The tag could be analysed as extrametrical, but there seems to be\nsome pitch movement within the tag as well, as can be seen in Figure 3.13.\nA proper analysis of these tags remains for further research.\n3.3.3.4 Question-word questions\nQuestion-word questions are tentatively analysed as having a low boundary tone\n(L%), which is similar to declarative clauses. An example with the question word\n/neba/ ‘what’ is shown in Figure 3.14(a). There does not seem to be a difference\nbetween clauses with different question words.\nAlthough having a L% like declarative clauses, there seem to be some slight\ndifferences between the two. Compare Figure 3.14(a) with 3.14(b), which have the\nsame syntactic structure, the declarative example with /ter/ ‘tea’ in object posi-\ntion and the question word example with the question word in that position. One\ndifference between the two is the left boundary. In the declarative clause, /urkia/\nseems to start with a dip. As is shown in Figure 3.9, however, this is not repre-\nsentative of a declarative clause. The dip is not audible either. A real difference\n90\n\n\n3.3 Prosody\nFigure 3.13: Polar question intonation with a tag ye ge\n(a) Question-word question\n(b) Declarative clause\nFigure 3.14: Intonation of a question-word question (a) and declarative\nclause (b)\n91\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\nmight be the decline. In both clause types, pitch is falling throughout the clause,\nbut the cline might be somewhat steeper for declarative clauses. Especially in\nFigure 3.15, the fall seems to be postponed until the last syllable, but note that\nthis fall is also much deeper than in Figure 3.14(a).\nFigure 3.15: Intonation of a question-word question\nOne way to find out whether there is a real difference between declarative\nclauses and question-word questions is by carrying out a perception task with\nnative speakers, but that is outside the scope of this work. For now, question-\nword questions are analysed as having a L%.\n3.3.3.5 Imperatives and requests\nData for imperatives and requests is rather scarce, but a tentative characterisation\nis given here. Speakers were asked how they would tell a guest to drink their\ntea, and how they would order a child to do the same thing, as illustrated in\nFigure 3.16. There does not seem to be a syntactic or morphological difference\nbetween the two kinds of clauses, since in both examples the verb is marked\nwith imperative =te. Both clause types have falling intonation throughout, and\na L%. The difference seems to be that the cline is much steeper in imperatives,\nbecause these start at a much higher pitch. Note, however, that the imperative\nand the request in these examples were uttered by different speakers. Another\nconfounding factor is that the imperative is child-directed speech, whereas the\nrequest is not. Universally, requests are at a high pitch throughout (Himmelmann\n& Ladd 2008: 251). More data are needed to confirm whether Kalamang requests\nare really carried out with a relatively low pitch.\n92\n\n\n3.3 Prosody\n(a) Polite request\n(b) Child-directed imperative\nFigure 3.16: Intonation of a clause with a polite request and with a child-\ndirected imperative\n3.3.3.6 Focus\nFocused NPs are marked with enclitic =a (§16.2), but are also singled out by means\nof intonation. Focused elements usually carry the highest pitch accent (H*) in the\nclause. This also applies to focused verbs, which are not marked morphologically.\nFigure 3.17 shows a focused subject, Figure 3.18 a focused object and Figure 3.19 a\nfocused verb. They are all compared to a clause without focus. Note that focused\ndeclarative clauses, like the ones here, end in a L%.\nThe comparison between the focused and neutral subject (Figure 3.17) is dif-\nficult, for several reasons. First, the pitch accent is always highest on the first\nitem in the clause, usually the subject. Second, the focused clause lacks an object.\nThird, the example with the focused subject starts with an interjection o. To find\nout whether there really is an extra-high-pitch accent on focused subjects, we\nneed two clauses that differ only in the use of the focus marker =a.\nThe focused object (Figure 3.18(a)) gets a higher H* than the other elements\nin the clause (the subject gets a seemingly higher pitch, but this is caused by\na hesitation in the speaker’s voice which Praat hasn’t interpreted well). The fo-\ncused object also gets a higher H* than an object that is not in focused position\n(Figure 3.18(b)).\nThe same holds for the focused verb (Figure 3.19(a)), which, although it is not\nmarked with =a, does receive an extra high H*. A comparison with a(nother) verb\nin non-focused position (Figure 3.19(b)) shows the difference.\n93\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\n(a) Focused subject\n(b) Neutral subject\nFigure 3.17: Intonation of a clause with a focused subject and with a\nneutral subject\n(a) Focused object\n(b) Neutral object\nFigure 3.18: Intonation of a clause with a focused object and with a\nneutral object\n(a) Focused verb\n(b) Neutral verb\nFigure 3.19: Intonation of a clause with a focused verb and with a neu-\ntral verb\n94\n\n\n3.3 Prosody\n3.3.3.7 Summary and comparative notes\nThe findings of this preliminary exploration of Kalamang intonation are sum-\nmarised in Table 3.5.\nTable 3.5: Intonation contours\ndeclarative clauses\nL%\nnon-final clauses\nH%\npolar questions\nHL%\nquestion-word questions\nL%\nfocused element\nH*\ntypically highest in clause\nimperatives\nL%\nhigh pitch throughout\nrequests\nL%\nlow pitch throughout\nPart of Kalamang intonation conforms to well-known cross-linguistic tenden-\ncies in intonation patterns: falling pitch for declarative clauses, rising pitch for\nnon-final clauses and an intonational pitch accent on focused information (Lind-\nström & Remijsen 2005: 844). The HL% for polar questions and L% for question-\nword questions is less common cross-linguistically (Hirst & Di Cristo 1998: 25),\nbut might be an areal trait. A quick survey of grammars of Papuan languages\nshows that falling contours on questions are common in these languages. The\nTimor-Alor-Pantar language Fataluku has a L+HL% for polar and question-word\nquestions (Heston 2014), and the isolate Kuot has a HL% on question-word ques-\ntions (Lindström & Remijsen 2005), just like Kalamang. Fataluku and Kuot are\nthe only Papuan languages that have received a thorough and theoretical anal-\nysis of their intonation, but a few other Papuan grammars mention intonation\ncontours and show pitch tracks.5 East-Timorese Makalero seems to have a HL%\non polar questions and a L% on question-word questions (Huber 2011: 438–444).\nOksapmin, a language of the Sandaun province in PNG, seems to have a HL%\non both polar and question-word questions (Loughnane 2009: 83). Savosavo po-\nlar and question-word questions are probably best characterised as having HL%,\n5I checked 96 Papuan grammars and grammar sketches in 2018. Of these, 29 make some mention\nof intonation, ranging from a brief mention in the chapter on discourse structuring to a number\nor arrow system to describe intonation created by the author of the grammar. Of these 29, only\nfive grammars include pitch contours. Of those five, only three have pitch contours generated\nwith help of software. Those three languages are described here. For the other two languages,\nMauwake and Menggwa Dla, only hand-drawn pitch contours without alignment or a Hz scale\nare available. The description of prosody in Qaqet came to my attention in 2020 and was added\nsubsequently.\n95\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\nwith polar questions having a higher pitch peak. For the Indonesian Bird’s Head\nisolate Mpur (Odé 1996: 83), falling intonation on at least some questions is re-\nported as well. Qaqet, a language of East New Britain in PNG, has a final falling\nintonation contour on content questions and a rising-falling contour on polar\nquestions (Hellwig 2019: 52). Due to time limitations, Austronesian languages of\nthe region were not considered, but note that the South Halmahera-West New\nGuinea language Ambel also has an utterance-final high followed by an extra-\nlow boundary tone in question-word questions (Arnold 2018: 81).\n3.4 Morphophonology\nThis section addresses morphophonological processes which occur through af-\nfixation or cliticisation. These are lenition (§3.4.1), elision (§3.4.2), assimilation\n(§3.4.3), palatalisation or assibilation (§3.4.4) and metathesis (marginal, §3.4.5).\nSome unresolved morphophonological features are described in §3.4.6.\n3.4.1 Lenition\nLenition is the weakening or opening of consonants. In Kalamang, this happens\nwith stops. Debuccalisation, an extreme case of lenition, is found with /s/ (see\n§3.4.1.2 for examples).\n3.4.1.1 Stop lenition\nThe stops /p/ /t/ and /c/ lenite at morpheme boundaries, such that they are re-\nalised as [w], [r] and [j] intervocalically. This applies regardless of whether the\nstop is part of the first or the second morpheme.\n(84)\n/p/ →[w]/[V]+_[V] or [V]_+[V]\n/t/ →[r]/[V]+_[V] or [V]_+[V]\n/c/ →[j]/[V]+_[V] or [V]_+[V]\nExamples for each will be described in turn. The following examples show leni-\ntion of /p/ to [w] at morpheme boundaries.\n(85)\n/pep/ ‘pig’ + /at/ ‘obj’\n[ˈpewat̚] ‘pig.obj’\n/ˈparuo/ ‘to do’ + reduplication\n[ˌparuoˈwaruo] ‘do.prog’\n/Kei/ ‘Kei’ + /pas/ ‘woman’\n[ˈkeiwas] ‘woman from Kei’\nThe following examples show lenition of /t/ to [r].\n96\n\n\n3.4 Morphophonology\n(86)\n/et/ ‘canoe’ + /un/ ‘3poss’\n[ˈerun] ‘canoe.3poss’\n/ˈewa/ ‘to speak’ + /te/ ‘imp’\n[eˈware] ‘speak!’\nFor lenition of /c/ to [j], see the following examples.\n(87)\n/gaˈla/ ‘spear’ + /ca/ ‘2sg.poss’\n[gaˈlaja] ‘spear.2sg.poss’\n/keˈwe/ ‘house’ + /ce/ ‘2pl.poss’\n[keˈweje] ‘house.2pl.poss’\nThe pattern does not apply to the other Kalamang plosive /k/, which is instead\ndescribed in §3.4.2 under elision.\n3.4.1.2 Debuccalisation\nDebuccalisation is a process whereby an oral consonant loses its oral pronunci-\nation and moves to the glottis. This can be seen as an extreme case of lenition\n(Zsiga 2012: 240). In Kalamang, there are some instances of s →h debuccalisa-\ntion. This process is non-productive, but can be seen in the aspectual marker se\nand in some words with intervocalic /s/. It does not apply to any affixes or clitics\nstarting with /s/.\nThe free-standing aspectual marker se is usually pronounced [he] after a vowel.\nThus:\n(88)\nBal\nbal\ndog\nse\nse\niam\nsorat\nsor=at\nfish=obj\nna,\nna\nconsume\nma\nma\n3sg\nhe\nse\niam\nnani\nnan=i\nconsume=plnk\nkoyet,\nkoyet\nfinish\n[...]\n[...]\n‘The dog ate the fish, after he ate, [...].’\n[stim1_1:03]\nThis is not an exceptionless rule, however, as one does occasionally find se\nafter vowels and (less commonly) he after consonants. In this work, I always use\nthe form se in glossed examples. In the transcriptions in the archive the actual\npronunciation is preserved. See §14.2.2.1 for further discussion of the use of se.\nOn the lexical level, there are traces of s →h debuccalisation in about a dozen\nwords, as described in §3.1.1.7.\n3.4.2 Elision of k\n/k/ is deleted intervocalically at morpheme boundaries. This applies both when\n/k/ is part of the root and when it is part of the affix. Consider the following\nexamples.\n97\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\n(89)\n/kaˈruok/ ‘three’ + /a/ ‘foc’\n[kaˈrua] ‘three.foc’\n/kou/ ‘to blow’ + /kin/ ‘vol’\n[kuˈin] ‘blow.vol’\n/pakˈpak/ ‘Fakfak’ + /ko/ ‘loc’\n[pakˈpao] ‘in Fakfak’\nSequences of three vowels may arise as a result of elision of /k/. Such a se-\nquence can be reduced, as in [kaˈrua] ‘four.num.obj’ and [kuˈin] ‘blow.vol’. Speak-\ners also accept [kouˈin] and [kaˈruoa] in careful speech. As described in §3.2.4, the\nvowel sequences /uo/ and /ou/ (as well as /ie/ and /ei/) can be reduced to single\nvowels.\nAlthough elision of /k/ is a well-established pattern, it is not applied through-\nout the language. A number of enclitics behave differently. These enclitics are\nlative =ka (§6.4.8), benefactive =ki (§6.4.5), instrumental =ki (§6.4.4) and simila-\ntive =kap (§6.4.6). Attached to a word ending in /k/, a single [k] is retained. When\nattached to a nasal or /r/, these clitics change the voiceless stop into a voiced [g].\nWhen attached to a root ending in a vowel, the suffix or enclitic is prenasalised\nand starts with [-ŋg]. In all other cases they retain their form. The behaviour of\nthese clitics is illustrated below with instrumental =ki.\n(90)\n/kaˈrek/ ‘string’ + /ki/\n[kaˈreki] ‘with string’\n/ˈwewar/ ‘axe’ + /ki/\n[weˈwargi] ‘with an axe’\n/siraˈrai/ ‘broom’ + /ki/\n[siraˈraiŋgi] ‘with a broom’\n/ˈliŋgis/ ‘carving tool’ + /ki/\n[liŋˈgiski] ‘with a carving tool’\nSee also §3.4.6.4 about prenasalisation, which might be a historical feature of\nKalamang of which there are remnants in cases like this.\nThree other clitics behave differently from lative =ka, benefactive =ki, instru-\nmental =ki and similative =kap on the one hand, and the suffixes and clitics\nexemplified in (89) on the other. These are the clitics that may be attached to\npronouns: associative =kin (§9.7), animate locative =konggo and animate lative\n=kongga (§6.4.9). When attached to nouns ending in a vowel or a [k], there is\nno elision. The same goes for nouns that are followed by the third-person plu-\nral pronoun mu (§7.2.3). However, when the pronoun stands alone, elision does\noccur. Consider the following examples with animate locative =konggo.\n(91)\na. /ˈtete/ ‘grandfather’ + /koŋgo/ ‘an.loc’\n[teˈtekoŋgo] ‘at grandfather’s’\nb. /ˈsanti/ ‘Santi’ + /mu/ ‘3pl’ + /koŋgo/ ‘an.loc’\n[sanˈtimuˌkoŋgo] ‘at Santi’s’\nc. /mu/ ‘3pl’ + /koŋgo/ ‘an.loc’\n[muˈoŋgo] ‘at theirs’\n98\n\n\n3.4 Morphophonology\n3.4.3 Assimilation\nThere are three kinds of assimilation, a process whereby one of a pair of adjacent\nsounds becomes similar to the other: velarisation, voicing assimilation and hiatus\nresolution. The former two interact and are treated together, whereas the latter\nencompasses vowel and consonant hiatus resolution.\n3.4.3.1 Velarisation and voicing assimilation\nThe first assimilation rule is velarisation of /n/ before /g/:\n/n/ →[ŋ] / _g\nThis interacts with the second rule, voicing assimilation, which turns morphemes\nstarting with a voiceless stop into a voiced stop when preceded by a nasal:\n[+stop] →[+voiced] / [+nasal]_\nAn example of velarisation is given in (92). In careful speech, /n/ is not velarised\nbefore /g/.\n(92)\n/ˈtan/ ‘arm; hand’ + /ˈgalip/ ‘bud’\n[taŋˈgalip̚] ‘fingernail’\nExamples of voicing assimilation are given in (93).\n(93)\n/saˈren/ ‘aground’ + /ten/ ‘at’\n[wat saˈrɛndɛn] ‘old coconut’\n/kalaˈmaŋ/ ‘Karas’ + /ko/ ‘loc’\n[kalaˈmaŋgo] ‘on Karas’\n/seram/ ‘Seram’ + /ka/ ‘lat’\n[seramga] ‘from/to Seram’\n/leŋ/ ‘village’ + /ca/ ‘2sg.poss’\n[ˈlɛŋɟa] ‘your village’\n3.4.3.2 Hiatus resolution\nKalamang makes use of vowel hiatus resolution when two identical vowels oc-\ncur across a syllable or word boundary. Consonant hiatus resolution happens in\ntwo cases: when two identical consonants become adjacent across a syllable or\nword boundary, and when stops with the same place of articulation (but different\nvoicing) occur across a syllable boundary.\nWhen the juxtaposition of two words or a word and a clitic or affix results\nin two identical vowels next to each other, these are realised as a single vowel\nwithout additional vowel length. Thus, when the object marker /at/ is cliticised\n99\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\nonto /gaˈla/ ‘spear’, it results in [gaˈlat̚]. Juxtaposition of the words /ˈema/ ‘mother’\nand /aŋˈgon/ ‘1sg.poss’ results in [emaŋˈgon] ‘my mother . Consider the sound\nwave and spectrogram in Figure 3.20.\nFigure 3.20: Sound wave and spectrogram of /ˈema/ and /aŋˈgon/ fused\ninto [emaŋˈgon]\nWhen the words are emphasised they are separated by a glottal stop: [ˈemaʔaŋˈ-\ngon]. The sound wave and spectrogram in Figure 3.21 visualise this.\nFigure 3.21: Sound wave and spectrogram of /ˈema/ and /aŋˈgon/ sepa-\nrated by a glottal stop\nTwo adjacent identical consonants, both across words and across syllables, are\npronounced as one, illustrated by the following two examples. Note that in the\nsecond example with instrumental =ki, which does not obey the elision of /k/-\nrule, degemination does take place.\n100\n\n\n3.4 Morphophonology\n(94)\n/taˈdon/ ‘to bite’ + /nin/ ‘neg’\n[taˈdonin] ‘bite.neg’\n/ˈtektek/ ‘knife’ + /ki/ ‘ins’\n[tɛkˈtɛki] ‘with a knife’\nIf a voiceless plosive is followed by a voiced plosive in the next syllable (the\nother way around is not applicable because roots cannot end in a voiced stop,\n§3.2), the consonant cluster is pronounced as a single voiced consonant. Exam-\nples include:\n(95)\n/pep/ ‘pig’ + /bon/ ‘com’\n[ˈpebon] ‘with a/the pig’\n/karuok/ ‘three’ + /gan/ ‘all’\n[karoˈgan] ‘all three’\nAs opposed to the hiatus resolution rules for identical vowels and consonants,\nthis rule does not apply across word boundaries.\nWhen two stops with different voicing and different places of articulation\nmeet, no morphophonological processes are observed: /buok-bon/ ‘betel=com’\nis pronounced [buokbon].\n3.4.4 Palatalisation/assibilation\nKalamang has an unproductive pattern of palatalisation or assibilation (a process\n“which convert[s] a (coronal) stop to a sibilant affricate or fricative before high\nvocoids”, Hall & Hamann 2006: 111), traces of which are found in the language as\nit is spoken today. The process affected the alveolar stops /t/ and /d/, which were\ntransformed into the palatal stops /c/ and /ɟ/. The reason I relate this process not\nonly to palatalisation, but also to assibilation, is that the pronunciation of these\nsounds varies between [c], [ç] and [\ntʃ] for /c/ and [ɟ], [ʝ] and [\ndʒ] for /ɟ/ (cf. §3.1.1).\nAlternation between /c/ and /t/ and between /ɟ/ and /d/ is limited to verbs and\ntheir imperative forms. All verbs with /c/ and /ɟ/ in the corpus (which are not\nloans) contain the vowel sequence /ie/.\n(96)\n/goˈcie/ ‘to live’\n/goˈti/ ‘live!’\n/ˈjecie/ ‘to return’\n/jeˈti/ ‘return!’\n/ˈɟie/ ‘to get’\n/ˈdi/ ‘get!’\nTwo other items with /c/ in the corpus are possessive suffixes. Compare these\nto their pronominal counterparts:\n(97)\n/ca/ ‘2sg.poss’\n/ka/ ‘2sg’\n/ce/ ‘2pl.poss’\n/ki/ ‘2pl’\nIt could tentatively be argued that assibilation has happened here in order\nto distinguish between the different functions of the pronouns. (Note that the\n101\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\nallomorphs of /ca/ and /ce/ after nasals are voiced, and thus become [ɟa] and [ɟe],\nrespectively.)\nCottet (2014) shows that assibilation is observed in various Trans-New Guinea\nlanguages of the Bird’s Head as well as in the West Bomberai language Mbaham,\nwhere it affects prenasalised voiced stops. In Mbaham, assibilation occurs only\nbefore vowel clusters (Cottet 2014: 172), cf. the Kalamang verbs with /ie/.\n3.4.5 Metathesis\nMetathesis, which changes the linear order of segments, occurs in one diphthong\nwhen suffixed. /eir/ is the word for ‘two’, but in dual pronouns, such as in /inier/\n‘1du.ex’ (cf. /in/ ‘1pl.excl’), /e/ and /i/ switch place. This is the only instance of\nmetathesis in my corpus.\n3.4.6 Unresolved morphophonological features\nIn this section, I outline two morphophonological features that remain unre-\nsolved. The first feature is a final /t/ or /n/ on roots of irregular verbs (§3.4.6.1), on\npossessed nouns (§3.4.6.2), on demonstrative roots and the question word root\n(§3.4.6.3). The second is prenasalisation (§3.4.6.4).\n3.4.6.1 Verb roots\nKalamang verb roots can end in many different phonemes: consider /ewa/ ‘to\nspeak’, /nuŋ/ ‘to hide’, /our/ ‘to fall down’, /paruak/ ‘to pick’ and /kojal/ ‘to\nscratch’. However, there is a large group of verbs which have a vowel-final verb\nroot, such as /bara/ ‘to descend’, /mia/ ‘to come’, /ra/ ‘to hear’ and /jecie/ ‘to re-\nturn’, which may be followed by an /n/ or /t/ phoneme. This happens often in\ncombination with another suffix or clitic, but also in their uninflected form these\nverbs may carry final /n/. That is, /baran/, /mian/, /ran/ and /(j)ecien/ are attested\nwithout a different meaning from the vowel-final forms. Table 3.6 outlines the\nbehaviour of a regular verb and of irregular vowel-final verbs.\nIn Table 3.6, /deir/ ‘bring’ exemplifies the behaviour of regular verbs with en-\nclitics. It has only one uninflected form: /deir/, and there is no material in be-\ntween the verb and the clitics. /sara/ ‘go up’, /jie/ ‘get, buy’, /melelu(o)/ ‘sit’ and\n/kelua/ ‘hear’ illustrate how most vowel-final verbs behave. A phoneme /n/ can\nbe added to the uninflected verb without a change in meaning, and the same\nphoneme appears between the root and the predicate linker /i/. A phoneme /t/\nappears between the root and the clitics /kin/, /nin/ and /et/. The imperative form\n102\n\n\n3.4 Morphophonology\nTable 3.6: The behaviour of vowel-final verb roots\nEnglish\nuninflected\n“uninflected”\nplnk\nvol\nneg\nimp\nirr\nbring\ndeir\ndeir=i\ndeir=kin\ndeir=nin\ndeir=te\ndeir=et\ngo up\nsara\nsaran\nsaran=i\nsarat=kin\nsarat=nin\nsarei\nsarat=et\nget; buy\njie\njien\njien=i\njiet=kin\njiet=nin\ndi\njiet=et\nsit\nmelelu(o)\nmelelun\nmelelun=i\nmelelut=kin\nmelelut=nin\nmelelu\nmelelut=et\nhear\nkelua\nkeluan\nkeluan=i\nkeluat=kin\nkeluat=nin\nkelu\nkeluat=et\nconsume\nna\nnan\nnan=i\nnat=kin\nnat=nin\nna\nnan=et\ngo\nbo\nbot\nbo=i\nbot=kin\nbot=nin\nbo=te\nbo=et\nis vowel-final. All directional verbs (like /sara/) have an imperative form in /ei/,\nwhereas in the other three the diphthong is reduced to a monophthong. In addi-\ntion, /jie/ undergoes depalatalisation to /di/. A second (much smaller) group of\nvowel-final verbs, exemplified by /na/ ‘consume’, behaves like the others with\nthe exception that it has /n/ instead of /t/ before the clitic /et/. To my knowledge,\nonly the verb /kona/ ‘see, think’ behaves like /na/. The third group, consisting of\n(at least) /bo/ ‘go’, shows more /t/ phonemes. The uninflected variant of /bo/ is\n/bot/. It “lacks” an intermediate phoneme when /i/ is suffixed. In the imperative\nmood, /bo/ patterns like regular verbs with the clitic /te/.\nIt is obvious that these phonemes /t/ and /n/ do not have a meaning in cur-\nrent Kalamang; they are not morphemes. They cannot be considered part of the\nenclitics, or conditioned by their phonetic shapes, because not all verbs behave\nin the same way. It is also not satisfactory to consider them as part of the root,\nbecause each root occurs with both /t/ and /n/ (except for bo ‘to go’, which only\noccurs with /t/). The analysis adopted here is that these verbs make use of root\nalternation depending on the suffix it is combined with. Since all verbs can occur\nin an uninflected form without either /t/ or /n/, this means we are dealing with\nalternations between three roots: vowel-final, /t/-final and /n/-final. Alternation\nof verb roots is reminiscent of what happens in Abui (Schapper 2017b: 28–29),\nwhere it is a result of sound changes and fusion with other morphemes. A simi-\nlar scenario seems likely for Kalamang, but the comparative data to confirm such\na hypothesis is lacking.6\n6There are other comparative data that may give a clue to the origin of /t/ and /n/. The West\nBomberai language Iha has the (singular patient) -ny and (plural patient) -te conjugations in\nsome verbs (Donohue 2015), and the East Timorese language Fataluku has the same subject\nclitic =n(u) and different subject =t(u) (Heston 2015). Although Kalamang has no synchronic\nnumber marking for patients or switch-reference marking, the phonemes /t/ and /n/ may be\nremnants of something similar.\n103\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\nThese alternations are not limited to Kalamang verbs. A similar phenomenon\napplies in demonstratives and question words, in combination with locative /ko/,\nlative /ka/ and an element /di/ or /ndi/ (whose meaning has not been identified,\nsee also §10.1). This is described in the next section.\n3.4.6.2 Possessed nouns\nThe second unresolved morphophonological feature appears when analysing cer-\ntain possessed nouns. In a minority of nouns carrying a possessive suffix (Chap-\nter 9), an /n/ or /t/ separates the noun from the suffix, in what appears to be an\nuncommon resolution of vowel hiatus. Consider the following examples with /n/\nand the first-person possessive and /t/ and the second-person possessive.\n(98)\na. kaka-n-an\nbrother-n-1sg.poss\n‘my brother’\nb. pitis-ca-t=at\nmoney-2sg.poss-t=obj\n‘your money’\nThe intervening /n/ is only found on nouns inflected with the first-person\nsingular possessive. The intervening /t/ is most common on nouns inflected with\na second-person possessive and object =at or focus =a. It is also found on nouns\nthat have the third-person possessive or nominaliser -un. Two examples are given\nbelow.\n(99)\na. banki-t-un\ncorpse-t-3poss\n‘his corpse’\nb. waruo-t-un\nwash-t-nmlz\n‘the washing’\nFinally, /t/ is found on two nouns inflected with the first-person inclusive plu-\nral -pe which also has the object marker =at.\n(100)\na. et-pe-t=at\ncanoe-1pl.incl.poss-t=obj\n‘our canoe’\n104\n\n\n3.4 Morphophonology\nb. sudeka-pe-t=at\ncontribution-1pl.incl.poss-t=obj\n‘our contribution’\nIn all cases, /n/ or /t/ occurs intervocalically. However, this is not the com-\nmon way to resolve to vowel hiatus (§3.4.3.2). In most cases, nouns, possessive\npronouns and other nominal morphology which results in adjacent vowels is re-\nsolved by merging the two vowels. Only noun + 2sg.poss/1pl.excl.poss + obj is\nnot found without intervening /t/.\n(101)\na. kewe-an\nhouse-1sg.poss\n‘my house’\nb. wusi-un\nvase-3poss\n‘his vase’\nc. boda-un\nstupid-nmlz\n‘stupidity’\nIn the cases with first-person singular and third-person possessive, as well as\nthe nominalised words, it remains unclear whether the use of intervocalic /n/\nor /t/ is lexically determined, as there are no minimal pairs. Note, however, the\nnear-minimal pair for first-person singular possessive -an:\n(102)\na. esa-n-an-a\nfather-n-1sg.poss=foc\n‘my father’\nb. ema-an-a\nmother-1sg.poss=foc\n‘my mother’\nPending further analysis, instances of /n/ and /t/ on possessed nouns are glossed\nwith n and t.\n3.4.6.3 Demonstratives and question words\nA third unresolved morphophonological feature relates to the proximal and dis-\ntal demonstratives and to question words carrying the locative clitic /ko/, the\n105\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\nlative clitic /ka/ or a suffix /di/ or /ndi/. The regular behaviour of /ko/ and /ka/ is\nillustrated below by means of the root /ep/ ‘behind’. The suffix /(n)di/ does not\noccur on other roots than those illustrated in Table 3.7. As opposed to the verb\nroots in §3.4.6.1 above, the demonstrative and question-word roots do not have\nan uninflected root ending in /n/ or /t/.7\nTable 3.7: Behaviour of vowel-final verb roots\nroot\nloc\nlat\n-(n)di\nep\n‘behind’\nep=ko\n‘behind’\nep=ka\n‘to/from behind’\nwa\nprox\nwa-t=ko\n‘here’\nwa-n=ka\n‘to/from here’\nwa-n-di\n‘like this’\nme\ndist\nme-t=ko\n‘there’\nwa-n=ka\n‘to/from there’\nmi-n-di\n‘like that’\ntama\nquestion words\ntama-t=ko\n‘where’\ntama-n=ka\n‘to/from where’\ntama-n-di\n‘how’\nNote that the lative forms undergo assimilation and surface as [waŋga], [meŋga]\nand [tamaŋga]. It is unclear whether /ka/ is prenasalised underlyingly, and sur-\nfaces as such when it is attached to vowel-final roots, or whether a linking pho-\nneme /n/ should be proposed, parallel to /t/ with /ko/. This dissimilar behaviour\nof /ka/ and /ko/ is also attested when the enclitics are attached to vowel-final\nnouns or nouns ending in /k/, as illustrated in (103). Whereas the stop in /ka/ is\neither prenasalised or retained, the stop in /ko/ is elided (see also §3.4.2). This\nwill be further described in §3.4.6.4 on prenasalisation.\n(103)\na. /keˈwe/ ‘house’\n[keˈweŋga] ‘to/from home’\n[keˈweo] ‘at home’\nb. /pakˈpak/ ‘Fakfak’\n[pakˈpaka] ‘to/from Fakfak’\n[pakˈpao] ‘in Fakfak’\nIn the rest of this grammar, the proximal forms watko, wangga and wandi, as\nwell as the distal forms metko, mengga and mindi are treated as fossilised forms,\nso just their surface forms are given and their morphemes are not separated in\nthe glosses.\n7The forms wat and met are underlyingly or diachronically wa=at ‘prox=obj’ and me=at\n‘dist=obj’ (see Chapter 10), respectively, and cannot be compared to a verb such as bo ‘to\ngo’, which has two uninflected forms: bo and bot.\n106\n\n\n3.4 Morphophonology\n3.4.6.4 Remnants of prenasalisation\nThough phonetic prenasalisation of stops occurs, it is not contrastive, so there is\nno set of prenasalised stop phonemes. Prenasalisation in Kalamang occurs word-\ninitially for some speakers, can be heard in some words, appears on some mor-\npheme boundaries, and shows up in demonstratives and question words with\ncertain morphology. I will discuss these occurrences of prenasalisation one by\none.\nFirst, there is intra-speaker variation in the pronunciation of words with initial\n/g/, which may or may not be prenasalised, as was described in §3.1.1.1.\nSecond, there is some intra-speaker variation in the pronunciation of the word\n/ˈneba/ ‘what’, which is pronounced [ˈnɛmba] by some speakers and [ˈneba] by\nothers.\nThird, prenasalisation sometimes occurs at morpheme boundaries where a\nmorpheme-final vowel becomes adjacent to the morpheme-initial stop /k/. Con-\nsider the following examples.\n(104)\n/mu/ ‘3pl’ + /kaˈruok/ ‘three’\n[muˈŋgarok̚] ‘they three’\n/ˈema/ ‘mother’ + /ki/ ‘ben’\n[eˈmaŋgi] ‘for mother’\n/weˈle/ ‘vegetable’ + /kap/ ‘sim’\n[weˈleŋgap̚] ‘green; blue’\nHowever, a rule [k] →[ŋg] / [V]+_ cannot be assumed. As described in §3.4.2,\nin many instances, /k/ is elided intervocalically.\nEspecially intriguing are the locative /ko/ and lative /ka/ clitics, which are\nformally and functionally very similar. However, /k/ in /ko/ is always elided in-\ntervocalically, whereas /k/ in /ka/ is prenasalised to [ŋg]. Consider the words in\nTable 3.8, some of which are repeated from (103) above. Note also that the combi-\nnation of a root ending in /k/ with /ka/ does not result in a prenasalised enclitic\nbut in a degeminated /k/.\nTable 3.8: Behaviour of vowel-final verb roots\nwith lative /ka/\nwith locative /ko/\n/seˈkola/ ‘school’\n[sekoˈlaŋga] ‘to/from school’\n[sekoˈlao] ‘at school’\n/ˈjawa/ ‘Java’\n[jaˈwaŋga] ‘to/from Java’\n[jaˈwao] ‘on Java’\n/keˈwe/ ‘house’\n[keˈweŋga] ‘to/from home’\n[keˈweo] ‘at home’\n/pakˈpak/ ‘Fakfak’\n[pakˈpaka] ‘to/from Fakfak’\n[pakˈpao] ‘in Fakfak’\n107\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\nThe fourth instance of prenasalisation shows in demonstratives and question\nwords and is also related to =ka, =ko and -(n)di, as was described and exempli-\nfied in §3.4.6.3 above. To summarise what was described there, lative =ka is pre-\nnasalised in combination with demonstratives and question words (which have\nvowel-final roots). Before locative =ko, on the other hand, a phoneme /t/ appears,\nof which it is unclear how it should be analysed. This is also the only instance\nin Kalamang phonology where prenasalisation with /d/ occurs, as exemplified\nin (105). There seems to be (a remnant of) a suffix -di or -ndi, whose function\nremains unclear, and which is prenasalised when attached to the demonstrative\nroots wa or me, or to the question root tama.\n(105)\n/tama/ question word root + /(n)di/\n[taˈmandi] ‘how’\n/wa/ proximal dem. root + /(n)di/\n[ˈwandi] ‘like this’\n/me/ distal dem. root + /(n)di/\n[ˈmindi] ‘like that’\nAt this point, it is unclear whether the suffix is /di/ or /ndi/, as there are no\nother instances of this in the corpus.\nTo summarise this section, there are remnants of prenasalisation mainly with\n/g/ (or /k/), and marginally with /b/ and /d/.8 Although the occurrence of pre-\nnasalisation at morpheme boundaries appears to be linked to the problem of /n/\nappearing in verb roots and after demonstratives and question words (and note\nthat stops are voiced after nasals, as described in §3.4.3), it seems to me that we\nare dealing with remnants of prenasalised phonemes here. First, prenasalisation\n(phonetically) occurs not only at morpheme boundaries, but also word-initially\nand word-medially. Second, prenasalisation is phonemically present in the West\nBomberai languages Mbaham and Iha, as well as in proto-Mbaham-Iha (Usher &\nSchapper 2018). Timor-Alor-Pantar languages, e.g. Abui, are speculated to have\nlost it (Kratochvı́l 2007: 7).\n3.5 The phonology of interjections\nThe sounds people use for calling and shooing away other people or animals,\nas well as those used in other interjections, often have a phonology that di-\nverges from the phonology of the rest of the language (Dixon 2010: 283). This\n8Note also that there are instances where there has been an obvious loss of prenasalisation be-\ntween vowels – for example, in the numerals /kodak/ ‘just one’ and /kodaet/ ‘one more’. These\nare diachronically /kon/ + /tak/ and /kon/ + /taet/, respectively. It is likely that these forms\noriginally were [kondak̚] and [kondaet̚] (nasal assimilation, §3.4.3), which were reanalysed as\nmonomorphemic words before the nasal was removed for some reason. Otherwise, we would\nexpect [korak̚] and [koraet̚] (lenition of intervocalic stops, §3.4.1).\n108\n\n\n3.5 The phonology of interjections\nTable 3.9: Calling sounds\nfunction\n(typical) form(s)\ncall a chicken\n[kruː kokokokokokok]\ncall a goat\n[mɛːmɛmɛmɛmɛ]\ncall a dog\n[huhuhu], [oː oː oː]\ncall a cat\n[puspus], [ci(ː)kacikacika], [sikasikasikasikasika]\ncall a cassowary\n[luːaluːaluːaluːaluːa]\nshoo away an animal\nrepetitions\nof\n[hɛsː],\n[həsː],\n[həˈsɛ(h)],\n[uˈsɛ(h)],\n[eˈsɛ(h)], [sɛ(h)], [sə(h)]\ncall a person\n[uei] , [ststststst]\nis also the case in Kalamang. Some of the most common calling and shooing-\naway sounds are listed in Table 3.9 (number of repetitions approximate and\nnot fixed), and some of the most common interjections are listed in Table 3.10\non the next page. The latter also gives an impression of the intonation (rising,\nfalling, flat or no comment if unclear) and the pitch (high, low or no comment\nif unclear). Recordings of calling sounds are collected in the Kalamang corpus at\nhttp://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1C4F-8.\nThese lists feature one sound that is not found elsewhere in Kalamang: the\nglottal stop, which occurs in two of the agreement interjections. Phonotactically\ndivergent is the word-final use of CC sequences (/kr/ and /st/) and /h/. Other-\nwise, there is frequent use of devices that are not frequent elsewhere in Kala-\nmang: lengthening, the phoneme /h/ and minimal forms consisting of just a\nvowel. The interjection [ˈemɑ] is the only word pronounced with [ɑ] (cf. ema\n[ˈema] ‘mother’). Interjections are further described in §5.10.\n109\n\n\n3 Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology\nTable 3.10: Other interjections\nfunction\n(typical) form(s)\nintonation\nfiller\n[a], [e]\nflat, low\noptionally lengthened or aspirated\nagreement\n[a], [aʔa] –optionally nasalised;\nfalling, low\n[mː], [mʔm], or a nasal central\nvowel;\nalso [yo] or [ya]\nconfirmation seeking\n[i(h)], [e(h)] or central vowel\nrising, high\noptionally aspirated or nasalised\nemphasis\n[o(ː)]\nflat, high\nenjoyment\n[hiː]\nflat, high\nvarious\n[e] [eh]\npain\n[aˈdi(h)]\nhigh\nrepair initiator\n[hã]\nrising\ncontempt, dissatisfaction\n[aˈdi(h)],\n[aˈre],\n[di(h)],\n[dɛ(h)],\n[dei(h)]\nrising, low\noptionally lengthened\ncontempt, dissatisfaction\n[inˈjːe]\nrising, low\n(feigned) incredulity\n[ja ˈaula]\nsurprise, contempt\n[ˈemɑ]\nfalling\nsurprise\n[uei]\nhigh\n110\n\n\n4 Morphological units and processes\nThis chapter outlines Kalamang morphological units and processes. Morpholog-\nical units (§4.1) are meaning-bearing units that can be divided into types with\ndifferent phonological and morphosyntactical behaviour. There are four types:\nbases (which include roots), affixes, clitics and one particle. Bases combine with\naffixes and clitics to form words. The definitions given here are predictive for the\nspelling (see Haspelmath 2011: 71), as well as necessary for the description of the\nKalamang grammar. Morphological processes (§4.2) alter the meaning or part of\nspeech of a word, or show grammatical relationships between words. Kalamang\nmakes use of reduplication, compounding, affixation and cliticisation.\n4.1 Morphological units\n4.1.1 Word\nA word is defined as a morpheme or a sequence of morphemes that has one\nprimary stress, and across whose boundaries morphophonological rules such as\nlenition do not apply (§3.4).\nIt has the following syntactic properties:\n1. It can occur without other units; it can be uttered on its own and still be\nmeaningful.\n2. It has some freedom with respect to its position in the clause. Although\nindependent units fill slots in the clause, these may be shuffled around for\nreasons of prominence, for example.\n3. It can contain an affix and one or more clitics, in that order.\nWords may consist of more than one morpheme, but the order of these mor-\nphemes is fixed. Words are printed with space around them.\nWords are syntactic units; their distributional properties are determined by\nthe syntax – the topic of Chapter 5 and Chapter 12. The occurrence of words\nas free, independent forms is attested, for example, in answers to questions, or\n\n\n4 Morphological units and processes\nwhen describing things or actions by means of pointing. An additional indication\nof the independence of words comes from the way speakers treat them: when\ntranslating from Kalamang to Papuan Malay, words are what people immediately\nrecognise as a unit in their language, and for which they can offer a translation\n(even if a direct or literal translation is not possible).\n4.1.2 Bases and roots\nA root is a synchronically and diachronically unanalysable form. A base is a form\nto which further morphological processes such as compounding, reduplication,\naffixation and cliticisation can be applied, and which may or may not be a mor-\nphologically complex form.\nA good example of complex bases are compounds, which are words consisting\nof two roots, to which morphological processes such as reduplication or posses-\nsive inflection apply. The roots tan ‘arm; hand’ and parok ‘limb extremity’ can\nbe compounded to form tanparok ‘finger’. This base can be reduplicated as tan-\nparok∼parok ‘fingers’ or inflected with a possessive pronoun, e.g. tanparok-ca\n‘your finger’.\nRoots can be free or bound. An example of free roots are the demonstrative\nroots wa ‘prox’, me ‘prox’, owa ‘fdist’, yawe ‘down’ and osa ‘up’ (Chapter 10),\nwhich may occur independently, but which are also commonly inflected. Free\nroots are phonological words, carrying one main stress (§3.3.1). Bound roots can-\nnot function as words on their own, but must undergo some morphological pro-\ncess. An example of bound roots are the five inalienable roots described in §6.1.2.1,\nsuch as nam- ‘husband’, which must occur with possessive marking. The root of\nthe noun tumun ‘child’ is tum-, as its reduplicated form is tumtum ‘children’.\n4.1.3 Affix\nAn affix is a unit that is dependent both phonologically and syntactically. It at-\ntaches at word level; each affix is restricted to one word class only. Affixes attach\ndirectly to words (consisting of one or more roots), and never to other affixes\nor to clitics. This attachment leads to the application of the phonological rules\nsketched in §3.4; for example, when [n] occurs adjacent to a velar, it is velarised\nto [ŋ]. An affix can have primary stress, but then none of the syllables in the\nroot can. Affixes are part of the phonological word when stress rules are applied\n(§3.3.1). A ‘word+affix’ is spelled as one word with space around it, and is glossed\nwith a dash in between.\n112\n\n\n4.1 Morphological units\nKalamang has prefixes and suffixes. All prefixes are numeral classifiers (§8.1.1).\nA list of affixes and their allomorphs, as well as a reference to where they are\ndescribed, can be found on page 443.\nAn example of an affix is the second-person plural possessive suffix -ce. It\nattaches only to nouns, and undergoes voicing assimilation (§3.4.3) when it is at-\ntached to a noun ending in a nasal. Another suffix is the quantifier object marker\n-i, which only attaches to quantifiers in object position (§6.3.2).\n4.1.4 Clitic\nClitics are bound morphemes. They differ from affixes in that they either attach\nto more than one word class but show morphophonological integration with\ntheir host, or they attach to one word class only but do not obey morphophono-\nlogical rules. Kalamang has proclitics and enclitics. Clitics always follow affixes.\nClitics are part of the phonological word when stress rules are applied (§3.3.1).\nThe combination ‘host+clitic’ is spelled as one word, and is glossed with an equal-\nity sign in between.\nKalamang clitics behave differently with respect to the kind of host they attach\nto and the degree of morphophonological integration they show. In general, the\nproclitics attach to one word class only (verbs), but do not obey morphophonolog-\nical rules like lenition. The enclitics generally are promiscuous with respect to the\nword class they attach to (typically attaching to either the predicate or the NP),\nbut obey morphophonological rules. Some enclitics show less morphophonologi-\ncal integration with their host. Most of the enclitics starting with /k/, for example,\ndo not show deletion when attached to a noun ending in /k/ (§3.4.2); volitional\n=kin attracts stress, and attributive =ten lenites sometimes, but not always.\nPostpositions are clitics because, although they are perfectly integrated phono-\nlogically, they do not attach to nouns only, but to the right edge of the NP, irre-\nspective of which host constituent happens to be there. In practice, this means\npostpositions are found on nouns and nominal modifiers. This clitic status has\nnot kept postpositions from forming such close ties with some words that they\nhave become part of them. Examples are the distal demonstrative object form\nmet (from me ‘dist’ and =at ‘obj’) and the morphophonologically problematic\nlocative and lative demonstratives metko ‘there’ and wangga ‘to/from here’ (de-\nscribed in §3.4.6).\nTable 4.1 is a comprehensive list of Kalamang clitics, with a summary of their\nbehaviour and a reference to a detailed description elsewhere.\nClitics follow affixes, as exemplified for the third-person possessive suffix -un\nand the object clitic =at in (1).\n113\n\n\n4 Morphological units and processes\nTable 4.1: Clitics\nform\nfunction\nattaches to\nphonologically\nreference\nintegrated\n=a\nfocus\nNP\nyes\n§16.2\n=at\nobject\nNP\nyes\n§6.4.2\n=bon\ncomitative\nNP\nyes\n§6.4.3\n=ero\nconditional\nPred\nyes\n§14.2.1.5\n=et\nirrealis\nPred\nyes\n§14.2.1.1\n=i\npredicate linker\nPred\nyes\n§13.1\n=in\nprohibitive\nPred\nyes\n§14.2.1.4\n=ka\nlative\nNP\npartly\n§6.4.8\n=kap\nsimilative\nNP\npartly\n§6.4.6\n=ki\ninstrumental\nNP\npartly\n§6.4.4\n=ki\nbenefactive\nNP\npartly\n§6.4.5\n=kin\nvolitional\nPred\nno\n§14.2.1.2\n=ko\nlocative\nNP\npartly\n§6.4.7\n=kongga\nanimate lative\nPron, N\nno\n§6.4.9\n=konggo\nanimate locative\nPron, N\nno\n§6.4.9\n=nan\n‘also’\nany\nyes\n§14.3.4\n=nin\nnegation\nPred\nyes\n§12.5\n=saet\n‘exclusively’\nany\nyes\n§14.4\n=sawe(t)\nexcessive\nPred\nyes\n§14.3.2\n=ta\nnonfinal\nPred\nyes\n§15.1.4\n=taero\n‘even if’\nPred\nyes\n§14.2.1.5\n=taet\n‘more; again’\nPred\nyes\n§14.3.5\n=tak\n‘just; only’\nany\nyes\n§7.1.4,\n§8.2,\n§10.2.2.4,\n§13.1.4\n=tar\nplural imperative\nPred\nyes\n§14.2.1.3\n=te\nimperative\nPred\nyes\n§14.2.1.3\n=te\nnonfinal\nPred\nyes\n§15.1.4\n=teba\nprogressive\nPred\nyes\n§14.2.2.2\n=ten\nattributive\nPred\nsometimes\n§6.3.5\n=tenden\n‘so’\nPred\nyes\n§15.1.2.4\n=tun\nintensifier\nPred\nno\n§6.2.4.3,\n§8.3, §11.3,\n§14.3.2\ndi=\ncausative\nPred\nno\n§11.4.4.1\nko=\napplicative\nV\nno\n§11.4.3\nnak=\n‘just’\nV\nno\nwordlist\nnau=\nreciprocal\nV\nno\n§11.4.2\nma=\ncausative\nV\nno\n§11.4.4\n114\n\n\n4.1 Morphological units\n(1)\nin\n1pl.excl\npep-mang-un=at\npig-language-3poss=obj\nparuon\nmake\n‘We’re making pig’s language [= ugly language].’\n[conv1_7:15]\n4.1.5 Particle\nOne unit, iamitive se (an aspectual marker that can often be translated as ‘al-\nready’, see §14.2.2.1), does not fit into any of the categories described above and\nis analysed as a particle.\nSe is phonologically quite dependent: it does not carry stress, and it usually\nobeys morphophonological rules. In the great majority of instances, when se fol-\nlows a word ending in a consonant it takes the form se and when it follows a\nword ending in a vowel it takes the form he. Se is also grammatically dependent,\nin the sense that it has no meaning on its own, it does not occur on its own, and\nit has a fixed position in the clause: it comes right after the subject NP. In these\nrespects se behaves like an enclitic. However, se is not bound to its phrasal host.\nConsider the question-answer pair in (2). When answering a question with a sub-\nject, se and a verb, a speaker may elide the verb, but answering with the subject\nand se is ungrammatical, showing that se is not bound to the subject NP.\n(2)\nA: naman=a\nwho=foc\nse\niam\nbot\ngo\n‘Who has already gone?’\nB: *an\n1sg\nse\niam\n‘Me.’\n[elic]\nWe also find se in clauses where the subject is elided, as in example 3, which\nconsists of the clauses [after burying him] and [went back up]. The second clause\nstarts with se, and the subject ‘we’ is elided.\n(3)\nmat\n3sg.obj\ndan=i\nbury=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nse\niam\necien=i\nreturn=plnk\nsara\nascend\n‘After burying him [we] went back up.’\n[narr2_0:34]\nAnother example showing that the subject and se do not form a tight bond is\nthe repetition of se. What is repeated in a clause with hesitation is not the subject\n+ se, but se only. Both instances of se are unstressed.\n115\n\n\n4 Morphological units and processes\n(4)\nEmun\nemun\nmother.3poss\nse...\nse\niam\nse\nse\niam\nwanir.\nwanir\ntwice\n‘Her mother [did it] already... already twice.’\n[narr25_1:45]\nBut se cannot stand alone as an answer, as in (5).\n(5)\nA: ka\n2sg\nse\niam\nbot\ngo\n‘Have you gone already?’\nB: *se\niam\n‘Yes/already.’\nNotice the difference compared to the other aspectual unit tok ‘yet’, also de-\nscribed in §14.2.2.1, which is a word. It carries its own stress, retains its phonolog-\nical form no matter which units surround it (nothing can be prefixed or suffixed\nto tok), and, most importantly, it can stand alone as an answer (see also the sec-\ntion on interjections, 5.10). In (6), the speaker acts out a conversation between\ntwo people. (Thus, A and B do not stand for two actual speakers in the recording,\nbut two fictional speakers.)\n(6)\nA: ki\n2pl\nse\niam\nkai=at\nfirewood=obj\nrep\nget\n‘Did you already get firewood?’\nB: tok\nnot.yet\n‘Not yet.’\n[conv9_31:24]\n4.1.6 Comparison with native speakers’ spelling\nKalamang is hardly ever written by its speakers, but now that the internet is\nbecoming a part of life for some of them, the body of written Kalamang is grow-\ning. Besides that, I have a small corpus of written Kalamang provided by some\nof my informants. The biggest part of this written corpus constitutes the almost\n2000 example sentences that Fajaria Yarkuran wrote for the Kalamang dictionary\n(§1.6.3). Even though she may have been influenced by my spelling of Kalamang\nunits (we have transcribed hours of text together with her looking at the way\nI spelled things), it is obvious that there is a grey area between word and affix\n116\n\n\n4.2 Morphological processes\nalso for the Kalamang native speaker. Most affixes and clitics (such as the pos-\nsessive suffixes, predicate linker =i and volitional =kin) are always spelled by\nFajaria as one word together with the root. There are also affixes, such as the\nclassifier prefixes, where spelling varies: they are sometimes spelled as one word\nwith the numeral and sometimes separated. Among the clitics we also see vari-\nation. Comitative postposition =bon is always written with space around it, but\nlative and locative =ka and =ko, respectively, are found both as one word with\nthe host and with space on either side. Most nouns, verbs, adverbials, quantifiers\nand demonstratives are spelled as words, but there is variation in compounds\nand incorporated nouns.\nIn absence of a standard Kalamang spelling, it is thus absolutely not clear in\nall cases how to segment Kalamang units for a native speaker.1 This supports the\nidea that there is a mismatch between the categories for morphemes that we find\nin languages, and the ones we have names for (affix, clitic, word). Not only cross-\nlinguistically, as emphasised by Haspelmath (2011), but also within a language,\npace Gil (2020). He gives the example of associative nya, spelled once as a word\nand once as an affix within the same clause of Riau Indonesian; and he shows the\nanalysis of Papuan Malay units sa ‘1sg’ and pu ‘poss’ as words by Kluge (2014:\n377) and as clitics by Donohue & Sawaki (2007: 260).\n4.2 Morphological processes\nHere, I describe the characteristics of four morphological processes: reduplica-\ntion, compounding, and affixation and cliticisation.\n4.2.1 Reduplication\nReduplication is the systematic repetition of a root or part of a root, which can\nhave either semantic purposes (to create new words) or grammatical purposes\n(e.g. to change the number, aspect or word class of a word, Rubino 2005). Kala-\nmang makes use of both full reduplication, which involves the entire root, and\npartial reduplication, which involves a part of the root. Table 4.2 on the next page\ngives an overview of the different word classes where reduplication is found,\nwith the most common functions, and a reference to where these functions are\n1I started a test where I let different speakers transcribe the same 11 sentences from corpus\nrecordings, to see how they would segment units. I did not do the test with more than two\nspeakers, however, because I realised there was a lack of good speakers who could write clearly\nenough to determine segments. Although most Kalamang speakers are literate, many of them\nare not experienced or fluent writers.\n117\n\n\n4 Morphological units and processes\ndescribed. In the following, full and partial reduplication in Kalamang are illus-\ntrated. The examples given also list their function as found in context in the\ncorpus.\nTable 4.2: Reduplication: word classes and functions\nword class\nfunction\nreference\nnouns\nplural, distributive, in-between, noun\nderivation, verb derivation\n§6.2.4, 11.2.2, 11.3\nnumerals\ndistributive\n§8.3\nstative verbs\nintensification\n§11.3\nverbs\ndurative, distributive, habitual\n§11.5\n4.2.1.1 Full reduplication\nFull reduplication is the most common form of reduplication in Kalamang, and it\nis used for the inflection of verbs (to make duratives, habituals and distributives),\nto derive verbs from nouns, to intensify stative verbs, to indicate the extreme\nof a noun referring to a location, to make plural nouns, to make distributive\nnouns, and for indicating in-between states with nouns. Full reduplication usu-\nally involves the root only, such that inflectional morphology like the enclitic\n=tun ‘very’ or locative =ko is not reduplicated. Non-productive morphology, like\nthe morpheme na- that is found on many AN loan verbs, is not reduplicated ei-\nther. Incorporated nouns are not reduplicated. The longest reduplicated roots\nfound in the corpus have three syllables and are verbs. Only monosyllabic nouns\nare fully reduplicated to make plural forms. Longer nouns are partially redupli-\ncated, as illustrated further below. Morphophonological rules like lenition apply\nto reduplicated roots as well. Consider the examples in Table 4.3.\n4.2.1.2 Partial reduplication\nPartial reduplication can be leftward or rightward, and can involve one or more\nsyllables. As this type of reduplication is less common, there are not enough data\nto determine how much material gets repeated. Tables 4.4, 4.5 and 4.6 shows the\nfound patterns with different word classes: nouns, stative intransitive verbs and\nother verbs. For most processes, only one or two examples are available.\n118\n\n\n4.2 Morphological processes\nTable 4.3: Full reduplication\nbase\nother\nreduplicated form\nfunction\nmorphology\n/ˈparuo/\n‘to do’\n–\n/ˌparuo∼ˈwaruo/\n‘to do’\nhabitual, durative\n/ˈter-na/\n‘to drink tea’\n/ter/ ‘tea’\n/ter-ˈna∼na/\n‘to drink tea’\ndurative\n/ˈkomet/\n‘to see; to look’\n–\n/ˌkomet∼ˈkomet/\n‘to look’\ndurative\n/aˈsokmaŋ/\n‘to be short of\nbreath’\n–\n/aˈsokmang ∼\naˌsokmang/\n‘to be short of\nbreath’\ndurative\n/na-ˈbaca/\n‘to read’\nna- AN loan V\n/na-ˈbaca∼ˌbaca/\n‘to read’\ndistributive\n/mun/\n‘flea’\n/ˈmun∼mun/\n‘to search for\nfleas’\nnoun →verb\n/bes/\n‘good’\n=tun ‘very’\n/bes∼ˈbes=tun/\n‘very good’\nintensification\n/ˈsiun/\n‘edge’\n=tun ‘very’\n/siˌun∼siˈun=tun/\n‘the very edge’\nextreme\n/leŋ/\n‘village’\n–\n/ˈleŋ∼leŋ/\n‘villages’\nplural\n/kitˈ=ko/\n‘on top’\n=ko locative\n/kit∼ˈkit=ko/\n‘on tops’\ndistributive\n/paˈsier/\n‘sea water’\n–\n/ˌpasier∼ˈwasier/\n‘brackish water’\nin-between\n119\n\n\n4 Morphological units and processes\nTable 4.4: Reduplication: rightward and leftward\nbase\nreduplicant\nreduplicated form\nfunction\n/keˈwe/ ‘house’\n-CV\n/kewe∼ˈwe/ ‘houses’\nplural\n/kuˈliep/ ‘cheek’\n-CVVC\n/kuˈliep∼ˌliep/ ‘cheeks’\nplural\n/ˈkorpak/ ‘knee’\n-CVC\n/korˈpak∼pak/ ‘knees/\nplural\n/don/ ‘thing’\nCV-\n/ˈdo∼don/ ‘clothing’\nN →N\n/ˈsaun/ ‘night’\nCVV-\n/ˈsau∼saun/ ‘very dark; darkness’\nN →N\n/seˈlet/ ‘piece’\nCVCV-\n/seˌle∼seˈlet/ ‘pieces’\nplural\nThe identified processes with nouns are listed in Table 4.4. There is rightward\nreduplication with -CV, -CVC and -CVVC reduplicants, and leftward reduplica-\ntion with CV-, CVV- and CVCV- reduplicants. This type of reduplication with\nnouns is mostly used for plurals of polysyllabic nouns. No type of reduplicant\nhas more than two different examples.\nTable 4.5 illustrates all found patterns with stative intransitive verbs (which are\nglossed without infinitive marker and copula verb to save space). A -CVC redupli-\ncant is common, because several stative intransitive verbs end in -sik (e.g. paran-\nsik ‘near’, yorsik ‘straight’) or -kap (all colours) and are reduplicated like tabusik\n‘short’ and iriskap ‘white’ in (4.5). However, leftward reduplication with different\nsyllable types is also attested. In fact, all examples in (4.5) end in -CVC, yet the\nlast three are not reduplicated rightward, but leftward, with varying amounts of\nreduplicated material.\nTable 4.6 shows all found patterns with other verbs. The reduplicated form of\necie ‘to return’ carries distributive marker -p (§11.5). Both rightward and leftward\nreduplication is attested. The reduplicant -CVCVV is found with one other verb\nthan konawaruo ‘to forget’ (illustrated in 4.6), namely the similar-sounding ko-\nraruo ‘to bite’, which is reduplicated as koraruoraruo. One reduplicant, -CVC, is\nattested four times in the corpus. It is also found with eiruk ‘to squat’, iskap ‘to\nplane’ and korot ‘to slice’. There are not enough data to discern other patterns.\nMedial reduplication is of two types: simplex and complex (Rubino 2005). In\nthe simplex type, phonological material to the left or to the right of the redu-\nplicant is exactly reduplicated. This is illustrated in Table 4.7. For most of these\nexamples, it is arbitrary where to put the ∼’s, as reduplication could be either\nrightward or leftward. There are some irregularities in this type. The plural of\nesa ‘man’, formed with kinship plural marker -mur, involves reduplication of -mu,\nbut also deletion of the final vowel -a. The reduplicated form of tarauk ‘snapped’\n120\n\n\n4.2 Morphological processes\ninvolves a vowel change from /a/ to /e/. These are exceptions.\nIn the complex type, a vowel (or vowel and consonant, in one case) from the\nleft side of the reduplicant is used and a consonant from the right side (Table 4.8).\nThis is found with CV, CVV and CVC reduplicants only, and is not attested with\nnouns. With verbs, it has the same functions as described for other types of redu-\nplication above. Reduplicated polysyllabic numerals are always of the complex\nmedial type and serve to create distributive numerals. (Monosyllabic distributive\nnumerals are fully reduplicated.)\nA small number of words that seemingly involve reduplication have no corre-\nsponding root.\n(7)\na. /ˌmisilˈmisil/ ‘cement floor’\nb. /ˈwuorˌwuor/ ‘to dream’\nc. /nokˈnok/ ‘to whisper’ (cf. /noˈkidak/ ‘to be silent’)\nd. /boukˈbouk/ ‘to bark’\ne. /korˈtaptap/ ‘to cut out’\nf. /ˈmarmar/ ‘to walk’\ng. /ˌsiŋa(t)ˈsiŋat/ ‘ant’\nh. /paŋˈgawaŋˌga/ ‘leech’\nKalamang also makes use of repetition. Repetition is distinguished from redu-\nplication by two diagnostics: repetition applies to the domain of the word (such\nTable 4.5: Reduplication: stative intransitive verbs\nbase\nreduplicant\nreduplicated form\nfunction\n/tabuˈsik/ ‘short’\n-CVC\n/tabuˈsik∼sik/\n‘very short’\nintensification\n/iˈriskap/ ‘white’\n-CVC\n/iˈriskap∼kap/\n‘very white’\nintensification\n/ˈtemun/ ‘big’\nCVC-\n/tem∼ˈtemun/\n‘very big’\nintensification\n/ˈalus/ ‘soft’\nCV-\n/al∼ˈalus/\n‘very soft’\nintensification\n/gaˈwar/ ‘fragrant’\nCVCV-\n/ˌgawa∼ˈgawar/\n‘very fragrant’\nintensification\n121\n\n\n4 Morphological units and processes\nTable 4.6: Reduplication: other verbs\nbase\nreduplicant\nreduplicated form\nfunction\n/ˈewa/\n‘to speak’\n-CV\n/eˈwa∼wa/\n‘to speak’\ndurative\n/ecie/\n‘to return’\n-CVV\n/eˈcie-p∼ˌcie-p/\n‘to return’\ndistributive\n/saŋgaˈra/\n‘to search’\n-CVCV\n/saŋˌgara∼ˈgara/\n‘to search’\ndurative,\ndistributive\n/koˈnawaˌruo/\n‘to forget’\n-CVCVV\n/konaˌwaruo∼ˈwaruo/\n‘to forget’\ndistributive\n/bolˈkoyal/\n‘to eat’\n-CVC\n/bolkoˈyal∼yal/\n‘to eat’\ndurative\n/laˈur/\n‘to rise’\nCVV-\n/lau∼ˈlaur/\n‘to rise’\ndurative\n/ˈgoŋgin/\n‘to know’\nCVC-\n/goŋ∼ˈgoŋgin/\n‘to know’\ndistributive\n/saˈrut/\n‘to rip\nCVCV-\n/saˌru∼saˈrut/\n‘to rip’\ndistributive\nTable 4.7: Simplex medial reduplication\nbase\nreduplicant\nreduplicated form\nfunction\n/kaˈlomun/ ‘unripe’\n-CVC-\n/kalom∼ˈlom∼un/\n‘unripe’\ndistributive?\n/ˈesa/ ‘man’\n-CV-\n/es∼ˈmu∼mur/\n‘men’\nplural\n/ˈusar/ ‘to erect’\n-CV-\n/u∼ˈsa∼sar/\n‘to erect’\ndistributive?\n/taraˈuk/ ‘snapped’\n-CV-\n/tera∼ra∼ˈuk/\n‘snapped’\ndistributive?\n/naˈwaŋgar/ ‘to wait’\n-CVCCV-\n/na∼waŋˈga∼waŋˌgar/\n‘to wait’\ndurative\n122\n\n\n4.2 Morphological processes\nTable 4.8: Complex medial reduplication\nbase\nreduplicant\nreduplicated form\nfunction\n/ˈkaɟie/ ‘to pick’\n-CV-\n/ka∼ˈɟa∼ɟie/ ‘to pick’\ndurative\n/ˈkojal/ ‘to mix’\n-CV-\n/ko∼ˈjo∼jal/ ‘to mix’\nintensification\n/kaˈhen/ ‘far’\n-CV-\n/ka∼ˈha∼hen/ ‘very far’\nintensification\n/naˈurar/ ‘to turn’\n-CVV-\n/nau∼ˈrau∼rar/ ‘to turn’\ndurative\n/kaˈruok/ ‘three’\n-CV-\n/ka∼ˈra∼ruok/ ‘three’\ndistributive\n/kanˈsuor/ ‘four’\n-CVC-\n/kan∼ˈsan∼suor/ ‘four’\ndistributive\nthat each repeated word carries its own stress) and repetition may have two or\nmore copies (whereas reduplication involves two copies only). Repetition is dif-\nferent from tail-head linking (§15.1.3) in that it occurs within the clause. As an\nexample, consider the repetition of yal ‘to paddle’ (repeated three times, each\nrepetition carrying a main stress) and war ‘to fish’ in (8) (repeated twice and\nwith predicate linker =i). Reduplication is predominantly attested with verbs to\nindicate iteration or duration.\n(8)\nan\n1sg\nse\niam\nkoi\nagain\nyal\npaddle\nyal\npaddle\nyal\npaddle\ntebol-suban\nreef_edge-fish\nwar=i\nfish=plnk\nwar=i\nfish=plnk\neh\nint.e\nsor\nfish\nnat=nin\nconsume=neg\n‘I paddled and paddled again, fished at the reef edge, fished and fished,\nthe fish didn’t bite.’\n[narr8_1:02]\nRepetition and reduplication may be combined. In (9), the reduplicated tiri ‘to\nsail’ is repeated. There are thus two words in (9): [tiˈritiˌri] [tiˈritiˌri].\n(9)\nwarkin\ntide\nnaman=et\ndeep=irr\npi\n1pl.excl\nwandi\nlike_this\nsiktak∼tak=i\nslow∼ints=plnk\ntiri∼tiri\nsail∼prog\ntiri∼tiri\nsail∼prog\n‘When the tide is deep we sail slowly like this.’\n[conv1_1:33]\nIn a few rare cases, a reduplicated word is reduplicated. In (10), the reduplicated\nreduplication is pronounced [ewaˈwaewaˌwa] (note the stress difference with a\nsingly reduplicated ewa ‘to speak’: /eˈwawa/).\n123\n\n\n4 Morphological units and processes\n(10)\nma-mun\n3sg-proh\nma\n3sg\nneba\nph\newa∼wa∼ewawa=in\ntalk∼prog∼prog=proh\n[...] ewa∼wa∼ewawa\ntalk∼prog∼prog\n‘She shouldn’t talk, talk [disturbing].’\n[conv10_15:23]\nBoth repetition and reduplication of reduplicated words are rather rare. It re-\nmains unclear what their function is, and whether there is a difference between\nthe two. Perhaps one cannot distinguish between repetition and reduplication\nfor reduplicated words that already have a primary and secondary stress, like\n[tiˈritiˌri].\n4.2.2 Compounding\nCompounds are bases derived from two roots. Kalamang has nominal compounds,\ndescribed in §6.2.3, and noun-verb compounds, described as noun incorporation\nin §11.2.1. Compounds act as single syntactic units: inflection and other marking\nis applied to the base.\nNominal compounds typically consist of two nominal roots. They may be fur-\nther inflected with possessive suffixes (as in 11, with a third-person possessive)\nor case clitics (as in 12, with an object postposition).\n(11)\nyap_seran-un\nyam-3poss\n‘their yam’\n[conv10_16:03]\n(12)\nmin-kalot=at\nsleep-room=obj\nkasi\ngive\nbersi\nclean\n‘clean the bedroom’\n[narr41_0:13]\nAlthough nominal compounds typically consist of two nouns, they may also\nbe a verb and a noun, such as min-kalot in (12).\nCompounds may be one or two phonological words (§3.3.1 and §4.1.2). Com-\npounds that form one phonological word (such as min-kalot /miŋˈgalot/ ‘bed-\nroom’) are quite rare. Compounds with mang ‘language’, sontum ‘person’, -ca\n‘man’ and -pas ‘woman’ as the second constituent always form one phonological\nword. In running text, compounds that form one phonological word are spelled\nas one word, and compounds that are two phonological words are spelled as two\nwords. This is visible in the gloss by use of a dash for one phonological word and\na dot or a space for two phonological words, respectively.\nNoun-verb compounds are verbs with an incorporated object noun. Noun in-\ncorporation is a process whereby a verb is derived from the compounding of a\n124\n\n\n4.2 Morphological processes\nnominal root and a verbal root (Mithun 1984). For Kalamang, there are two diag-\nnostics to determine whether or not a noun is incorporated: prosody and object\nmarking. Incorporated nouns form a prosodic unit together with the verb, such\nthat stress is assigned on the incorporation construction (i.e. the verb with incor-\nporated noun). In a clause with a non-incorporated noun followed by a verb each\nhas its own stress (see §3.3.1). The other diagnostic is object marking. Incorpo-\nrated nouns lack object marking, indicating that they are no longer an argument\nin the clause. Both diagnostics are illustrated in the minimal example (13).\n(13)\na. an\nan\n1sg\nˈperat\nper=at\nwater=obj\nˈna\nna\nconsume\n‘I drink water.’\nb. an\nan\n1sg\nˈperna\nper-na\nwater-consume\n‘I drink water.’\n[elic_inc_2]\nSome incorporated nouns also show lenition, such as muawaruo ‘to cook’,\nwhere the noun muap ‘food’ is incorporated in the verb paruo ‘to make’. An\nexample is given in (14). Lenition cannot be used as a diagnostic for noun incor-\nporation, as it happens only for some very frequent combinations. In (15), the\nnoun kurera ‘basket’ is incorporated in the verb paruo ‘to make’, but there is no\nlenition of the initial /p/ of paruo.\n(14)\nJuaria\nJuaria\nJuaria\nse\nse\niam\nmuawaruoni\nmuap-paruon=i\nfood-make=plnk\nkoyet.\nkoyet\nfinish\n‘Juaria has cooked.’\n[narr7_12:08]\n(15)\nMama\nMama\nMama\nTua\nTua\nTua\nkureraparuo.\nkurera-paruo\nbasket-make\n‘Mama Tua making a basket.’\n[stim42_4:26]\n4.2.3 Affixation and cliticisation\nAffixation and cliticisation are important word-formation processes. Affixes are\nphonologically and syntactically dependent: they attach to one word class only\n125\n\n\n4 Morphological units and processes\nand are morphophonologically integrated (§4.1.3). Clitics, on the other hand, ei-\nther attach at phrase level (thus being able to be hosted by several word classes)\nor they do not show morphophonological integration (§4.1.4). In Kalamang, it is\nimpossible to distinguish affixes and clitics based on the morphological processes\nthey are involved in. Affixes are mainly derivational but can also be inflectional.\nCliticisation is primarily used for inflection, but there are also derivational clitics.\nAffixes typically derive new morphemes by placing them in another word class\nor a different sub-class of the same word class. For example, nominaliser -un de-\nrives nouns from verbs (§6.2.1), agent nominaliser -et derives agentive nouns\nfrom other nouns (§6.2.2) and the possessive suffixes make possessive pronouns\nfrom pronouns (Chapter 9). Some affixes are inflectional: for example, all the clas-\nsifier prefixes which inflect numerals (§8.1.1), plural kinship suffix -mur (§7.2.1)\nand prohibitive -mun, which attaches to pronouns (§14.2.1.4). The only affixes\nthat can co-occur are plural -mur and the possessive suffixes.\n(16)\ndudan-mur-un\nsibling-kin.pl-3poss\n‘his/her siblings’\nClitics are mainly inflectional, and include postpositions as well as aspect and\nmood markers. Among the derivational clitics are attributive =ten, which derives\nadjectives from verbs but is also attested in non-verbal predicates (§6.3.5), and\ncausative ma= (§11.4.4). Cliticisation always occurs after affixation. A derived\nnoun, for example, can carry a postposition. Lenget ‘villager’ from leng ‘village’\nand agent nominaliser -et becomes lenget=at when it is the last constituent of\nthe object NP, as in (17). Amkeiret ‘birth parent’ from amkeit ‘to give birth’ and\nagent nominaliser -et can be inflected with animate lative =kongga, as in (18).\n(17)\nma\n3sg\nsontum\nperson\nleng-et=at\nvillage-nmlz=obj\nmerengguen\ngather\n‘He gathered the village people.’\n[narr27_3:17]\n(18)\ndon\nthing\nwa\nprox\nme\ntop\nse\niam\namkeit-et=kongga\ngive_birth-nmlz=an.lat\n‘This thing comes from the birth parent.’\n[conv20_38:53]\nEnclitics are frequently combined. Postpositions are the innermost enclitics,\nforming the base together with their host NP. They can be followed by focus\nmarker =a (§16.2) when in argument function, as in (19). Several nouns with\npostpositions can be used in predicate function too (§6.4). When inflected with\n126\n\n\n4.2 Morphological processes\naspect and mood morphology or for negation, this follows the postpositions, as\nillustrated in (20).\n(19)\nan\n1sg\nkewe=at=a\nhouse=obj=foc\nkon-i\none-objqnt\nparuo\nmake\n‘I made a house.’\n[narr41_0:45]\n(20)\nka\n2sg\nme\ntop\nor=ko=te\nback=loc=imp\n‘You’re in the back!’\n[narr19_5:00]\nCertain aspect and mood enclitics may combine on the predicate as described\nin §14.1.\nThe corpus contains exactly one example of combined proclitics: reciprocal\nnau= and causative ma= on the root sem ‘to be afraid’. Causative ma= derives\nthe bases masem ‘to scare’, which turns into reciprocal naumasem ‘to scare each\nother’.\n127\n\n\n\n\n5 Word classes\nWord classes are categories of words in the lexicon that share morphosyntac-\ntic behaviour. They are also referred to as grammatical categories or parts-of-\nspeech and are the building blocks of grammar. In this chapter, the Kalamang\nword classes are introduced and defined. For most word classes the major defi-\nnitional criteria are based on the morphosyntactic behaviour of the words, but\nsometimes semantic patterns determine ambiguous cases or support the syntac-\ntic criteria. In the case of demonstratives (§5.5) and question words (§5.8) func-\ntional properties are an important criterion for grouping words together, as they\ncan replace words from (an)other class(es) in the clause.\nI start with a description of the major open word classes: verbs (§5.1) and nouns\n(§5.2). Pronouns, a closed subclass of nouns, are described in §5.3. The closed mi-\nnor word classes are described subsequently: quantifiers in §5.4, demonstratives\nin §5.5, postpositions in §5.6, adverbials in §5.7, question words in §5.8, conjunc-\ntions in §5.9 and interjections in §5.10. Each section starts with a summary of the\ncriteria used to define the class, followed by examples.\n5.1 Verbs\nThe open class of verbs consists of words that typically function as predicates. A\npredicate is an expression that takes a subject to form a clause, and it expresses\nsomething about this subject. Furthermore, verbs:\n1. may occur in complex predicates;\n2. may be used as adnominal modifiers with attributive marker =ten.\nSemantically, verbs are words that denote events, states or properties. In the\ncase of homonymous nouns and verbs like rer ‘story’ and rer ‘tell a story’, the\nsemantic criteria determine that the second rer is a verb. Verbs can be active or\ndynamic (denoting events) or stative (denoting states or properties). Kalamang\nhas no separate adjective class; instead, properties (e.g. colours and attributes)\n\n\n5 Word classes\nare expressed with monovalent verbs. I refer to these modifier words as stative\nverbs.\nKalamang has two verb classes: regular verbs and irregular verbs. Regular\nverbs can take mood enclitics, negator =nin and predicate linker =i directly on\nthe root. On irregular verbs, an /n/ or /t/ is inserted before some enclitics. Also,\nan optional /n/ may appear on uninflected forms. Lastly, they typically have a\nvowel-final imperative instead of using imperative =te (§14.2.1.3). The most com-\nmon verbal inflections are illustrated in Table 5.1. Regular verbs may have any\nfinal phoneme, while all irregular verbs are vowel-final. The irregular verb class\nhas two subclasses: transitive/intransitive verb pairs in -ma and -cie (§11.1.2.1)\nand directional verbs in -ra or -a (§11.1.2.2).\nTable 5.1: Behaviour of regular and irregular verbs under inflection\nregular\nirregular\nroot\ndeir\njie\ngloss\nbring\nget; buy\nalt. root\n–\njie-n\n=i plnk\ndeir=i\njie-n=i\n=et irr\ndeir=et\njie-t=et\n=kin vol\ndeir=kin\njie-t=kin\n=nin neg\ndeir=nin\njie-t=nin\n=in proh\ndeir=in\njie-t=in\nimperative\ndeir=te\ndi\nEach verb licenses zero to three arguments. Verbs follow the subject and the ob-\nject. There is no agreement marking on the verb.1 (1) contains a zero-intransitive\nclause without argument. (2) has a monovalent stative verb and (3) a monova-\nlent active verb, each with one argument. (4) shows a bivalent verb with its two\narguments. (5) contains a trivalent verb with its three arguments.\n(1)\nmu\n3pl\ntoni\nthink\nkalis=kin\nrain=vol\n‘They think it will rain.’\n[narr22_4:04]\n1Except for verbs in the imperative mood, which distinguish between singular and plural sub-\njects (§11.5).\n130\n\n\n5.1 Verbs\n(2)\nteun\nfruit\nten\nbad\n‘The fruits are bad.’\n[narr13_4:14]\n(3)\nmu\n3pl\nkiem\nrun\n‘They run.’\n[narr40_15:26]\n(4)\nemun\nmother\ntumun=at\nchild=obj\nnarorar\ntake_by_hand\n‘The mother takes the child by the hand.’\n[stim4_4:47]\n(5)\nmu\n3pl\nkawir-un=at\nhat-3poss=obj\nmat\n3sg.obj\nnaunak\nshow\n‘They showed him the hat.’\n[stim31_2:30]\nVerbs may be part of complex predicates (Chapter 13). (6) shows a directional\nconstruction, with tiri ‘sail’ and yecie ‘return’ to express ‘sail back’. (7) combines\na stative verb ‘be far’ and a directional verb ‘descend’ to form ‘go down far’.\n(6)\nin\n1pl.excl\nse\niam\ntiri\nsail\nyecie\nreturn\n‘We sailed back.’\n[narr44_2:56]\n(7)\nma\n3sg\nkahen=i\nfar=plnk\nbaran\ndescend\n‘He goes down far.’\n[stim44_0:32]\nAll verbs can be used attributively, that is, modifying a noun in a noun phrase\n(NP). In attributive function, verbs can carry the attributive clitic =ten (§6.3.5).\nA verb in post-nominal position can be a predicate, in which case it is bare, or\nit can be a modifier, in which case it carries =ten. Consider the contrast in (8).\nIn (8a), the noun ror ‘wood’ is incorporated in the verb potma ‘cut’. In (8b), the\nverb paramua ‘cut’ functions as a modifier of the noun and carries the attributive\nenclitic =ten.\n(8)\na. ror-potma\nwood-cut\n‘to cut wood’\n[narr7_4:13]\nb. ror\nwood\nparamuan=ten\ncut=at\n‘cut wood (wood that is cut)’\n[elic_vvsa_4]\n131\n\n\n5 Word classes\nConsider also the contrast in (9), where the two verbs are either used in at-\ntributive function modifying the subject, or in predicative function.\n(9)\na. tumun\nchild\nririn=ten\ntall=at\nkiem\nrun\n‘The tall child runs.’\nb. tumun\nchild\nkiem=ten\nrun=at\nririn\ntall\n‘The running child is tall.’\n[elic_adj_45]\nThe examples in (10) illustrate the attributive use of a monovalent stative non-\nagentive word (‘rotten’), a monovalent dynamic non-agentive verb (‘fallen’), a\nmonovalent agentive verb (‘running’) and a bivalent verb (‘reading’).\n(10)\na. don\nthing\nmun=ten\nrotten=at\nwandi=et\nlike_this=irr\nka\n2sg\nbisa\ncan\nna=ta\neat=nfin\n‘You can eat rotten things like this.’\n[narr39_7:35]\nb. tumun\nchild\ntur=ten\nfall=at\nma\n3sg\nelao\ndown.loc\nmelalu\nsit\n‘The fallen child (he) sits on the floor.’\n[elic_vvsa_12]\nc. tumun\nchild\ntiri=ten\nrun=at\nladan\nshirt\nkerkap=ten=at\nred=at=obj\nsabur\nwear\n‘The running child wears a red shirt.’\n[elic_vvsa_13]\nd. tumun\nchild\ndoa=at\nprayer=obj\nnabaca=ten\nread=at\nladan\nshirt\nkerkap=ten=at\nred=at=obj\nsabur\nwear\n‘The child that is reading a prayer wears a red shirt.’\n[elic_vvsa_15]\nNote that the use of =ten on an attributively used verb is not obligatory. It is\nless common with monovalent stative non-agentive verbs than with other verbs,\nperhaps because they are semantically more fit to be used attributively. Lack of\n=ten is especially common on the dimension words temun ‘big’ and cicaun ‘small’,\nas in (11).\n(11)\nmu\n3pl\nfiber\nfibre_boat\ntemun\nbig\nkerunggo\ninside\n‘They are in a big fibre boat.’\n[conv14_10:45]\n132\n\n\n5.2 Nouns\nBesides attributive =ten, the placement of a demonstrative can help disam-\nbiguate between an attributive and predicative reading. Noun + Verb + Demon-\nstrative is interpreted as a NP with an attributively used verb; Noun + Demon-\nstrative + Verb and Pronoun + Verb is interpreted as a NP plus a predicate (with\na verb in predicative use), as illustrated in (12).\n(12)\na. [tumun\nchild\ntabusik\nshort\nwa]NP\nprox\n‘this short child’\nb. [tumun\nchild\nwa]NP\nprox\n[tabusik]Pred\nshort\n‘This child is short.\nc. [ma]NP\n3sg\n[tabusik]Pred\nshort\n‘He is short.’\n[elic_adj]\nThere are four valency-changing constructions and operations: reflexives, re-\nciprocals, applicatives and causatives (§11.4.\n5.2 Nouns\nThe open class of nouns consists of words that can be marked with possessive\nmorphology. Semantically, nouns refer to (animate) beings, places, substances\nand (abstract or inanimate) things. They head NPs, which typically function as\narguments in the clause. (NPs may also occur in predicate function in nominal\nor equational clauses, see §12.3.)\nNPs function as the clausal arguments subject and object. Esnem ‘man’ is the\nsubject of an intransitive verb in (13). Emun ‘his/her mother’ is the subject of a\ntransitive verb and tumun ‘child’ is the object in (14). Both direct and indirect ob-\nject NPs are marked with the object postposition =at. There is no gender marking\nand no obligatory number marking.\n(13)\nesnem\nman\nse\niam\nlalat\ndead\n‘The man is dead.’\n[narr22_2:52]\n(14)\nemun\nmother.3poss\ntumun=at\nchild=obj\nnarorar\ntake_by_hand\n‘The mother takes the child by the hand.’\n[stim4_4:47]\n133\n\n\n5 Word classes\nNouns are the head of the NP and can be followed by one or more modifiers.\n(15) and (16) show an attributive modifier with and without attributive marker\n=ten, respectively. (17) shows quantifier reidak ‘many’ modifying a noun, and\nin (18) numeral quantifier karuok ‘four’ modifies a noun.\n(15)\n[pebis\nwoman\ntowari∼wari]NP\nyoung∼red\nmarua\nmove_seawards\n‘The young women went towards sea.’\n[narr19_4:22]\n(16)\n[pasa\nrice\nlu=ten]NP\ncold=at\nmambon\nexist\n‘Is there cold rice?’\n[conv10_3:36]\n(17)\n[sontum\nperson\nreidak]NP\nmany\ntoni\nsay\nmu\n3pl\n[...]\n‘Many people say they [...].’\n[conv16_1:04]\n(18)\n[tumtum\nchildren\nkaruok]NP\nfour\nmarmar=i\nwalk=plnk\nmia\ncome\n‘Four children come walking.’\n[stim31_1:46]\nSome nouns require the insertion of a classifier on a numeral modifier (§8.1.1).\nNouns are the only words that may carry possessive morphology. They can\nbe both possessed (kewe ‘house’ in 19a) and possessors (kewe ‘house’ in 19b). The\npossessive suffix is always on the head and never on the dependent (§9.2).\n(19)\na. Malik\nMalik\nkewe-un\nhouse-3poss\n‘Malik’s house’\n[stim42_10:46]\nb. kewe\nhouse\nanggas-un\ndoor-3poss\n‘the house’s door’\n[stim42_12:29]\nIf a noun inflected with a possessive suffix is in object position, the possessive\nsuffix comes before the postposition. See (20).\n(20)\net-an=at\ncanoe-1sg.poss=obj\n‘my canoe’\n[narr41_1:05]\n134\n\n\n5.3 Pronouns\nNouns and NPs are described in Chapter 6. That chapter also includes a descrip-\ntion of Kalamang noun subclasses (§6.1), which have some minor morphosyntac-\ntic differences but which mainly form semantic classes: proper nouns and com-\nmon nouns, alienable and inalienable nouns, mass and count nouns, relational\nnouns, and kinship terms. Most kinship terms (§7.2.1), for example, have a plu-\nral form. Proper nouns (§6.1.1) differ from other nouns in that they cannot carry\npossessive morphology or be reduplicated. Common nouns may be reduplicated\nto create plurals, to indicate distributivity or extremity, or to create other nouns\nby associations (§6.2.4).\n5.3 Pronouns\nThe closed class of pronouns, like nouns, consists of NP heads which fill argu-\nment slots in the clause and which can carry postpositions. Pronouns differ from\nnouns in four respects. Pronouns:\n1. take the suffixes -(a)hutak ‘alone’, -tain ‘alone’, -(nV)ninggan ‘all’ and pro-\nhibitive -mun;\n2. do not carry possessive suffixes;\n3. cannot be modified by an attributively used verb;\n4. cannot be reduplicated.\nKalamang pronouns distinguish first, second and third person; singular, dual\nand plural number; and have a clusivity distinction in the first-person dual and\nplural. The pronominal paradigm is given in Table 5.2.\nTable 5.2: Pronouns\nsg\ndu\npl\n1in\npier\npi\n1ex\nan\ninier\nin\n2\nka\nkier\nki\n3\nma\nmier\nmu\nPronouns take several suffixes. The singular and plural forms take two re-\nstricting suffixes translatable as ‘alone’: the restrictive/contrastive focus suffix\n135\n\n\n5 Word classes\n-(a)hutak and the quantifying suffix -tain. Plural pronouns take the suffix -(nV)-\nninggan ‘all’. These and other characteristics of pronouns are described in Chap-\nter 7. Singular and plural forms also take prohibitive -mun (§12.5.2).\nPronouns can substitute for a NP in subject and object position. Like nouns,\nthey can be modified by, for example, a quantifier as in (21) or a demonstrative\nas in (22).\n(21)\nin\n1pl.excl\nikon\nsome\ntok\nyet\npatin=nin=ten\nwound=neg=at\n‘Some of us are not wounded yet.’\n[narr22_7:10]\n(22)\nan\n1sg\nyuwa\nprox\nme\ntop\nwarpas=a\nwitch=foc\nan=at\n1sg=obj\nmelebor=ta\nmove_to_side=nfin\n‘As for me, the witch shoved me aside.’\n[narr23_4:56]\nPronouns do not carry possessive morphology. Instead there is a paradigm of\npossessive pronouns which can be used pronominally as well as adnominally\n(§7.1.6. The paradigm is given in Table 5.3 and an example with a possessive\npronoun in object position is given in (23).\nTable 5.3: Possessive pronouns\nsg\npl\n1in\npin\n1ex\nanggon\ninggon\n2\nkain\nkin\n3\nmain\nmuin\n(23)\nma\n3sg\nmain=at\n3poss=obj\nna\nconsume\n‘He drinks his [one/drink].’\n[stim4_2:07]\nAlthough pronouns usually occupy the same slot as nouns, nouns and pro-\nnouns may co-occur to topicalise a referent. The pronoun can come both before\nand after the noun. Rather than proposing two slots here or analysing this as\nco-indexation, these seem to be cases of apposition (see §12.6.2).\n(24)\nma\n3sg\ncanam\nman\nmat\n3sg.obj\nkoluk\nmeet\n‘He, the man, meets her.’\n[stim42_3:42]\n136\n\n\n5.4 Quantifiers\n(25)\ncanam\nman\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nkaluar\nexit\n‘The man, he has come out.’\n[stim7_22:55]\n5.4 Quantifiers\nQuantifiers are words indicating the quantity of the referent of a NP. Quantifiers\ncan be subdivided into two groups: numerals (§5.4.1) and non-numeral quanti-\nfiers like reidak ‘many’ and tebonggan ‘all’ (§5.4.2). Members of this class behave\nas follows. Quantifiers:\n1. are adnominal modifiers in the NP which, if the referent is clear from the\ncontext, can also be the NP head;\n2. can be predicates in a quantifier clause;\n3. may in most cases carry the suffix -i ‘objqnt’ and -tak ‘just, only’.\n(26) has the quantifier karuok ‘four’ as an adnominal modifier to kewe ‘house’.\nQuantifiers have a fixed position in the NP (§6.3); they follow the noun and pos-\nsessive suffix, and precede possessive pronouns. In (27), the nominal referent is\nclear from the context, and so the quantifier eir ‘two’ is the NP head.\n(26)\nkewe=at\nhouse=obj\nkaruok-i\nthree-objqnt\nin\n1pl.excl\nparuo\nmake\n‘Three houses we made.’\n[narr40_0:53]\n(27)\neir\ntwo\nnau=namanghadap\nrec=face\n‘Two [animals] face each other.’\n[stim14_2:09]\n(28) illustrates the use of quantifier reidak ‘many’ in predicate function.\n(28)\nin\n1pl.excl\nreidak\nmany\n‘We were many.’\n[narr40_1:56]\nThe suffix -i occurs on quantifiers in object position, as illustrated in (29).\n137\n\n\n5 Word classes\n(29)\nmingtun=at\npalm_oil=obj\nbolon-i\nlittle-objqnt\nko=yuon\nappl=rub\n‘[You] rub a little palm oil on.’\n[narr31_1:33]\nHowever, when another modifier follows the quantifier, -i does not occur.\n(30)\nmu\n3pl\n[yap_seran-un\nyam-3poss\nnak-eir\nclf_fruit1-two\nmet]NP\ndist.obj\ntoni\nwant\npasor=ta\nfry=nfin\neba\nthen\nmu\n3pl\nnan=et\nconsume=irr\n‘They want to fry those two yams and then they want to eat.’\n[conv10_16:02]\nThe suffix -tak ‘just, only’ is illustrated in (31). When suffixed to kon ‘one’, it\nresults in kodak instead of the expected kondak.2\n(31)\nsom\nperson\nkodak\nonly_one\npas\nwoman\nkodak\nonly_one\n‘Only one person, only one woman.’\n[narr40_10:42]\n5.4.1 Numerals\nNumerals are a subclass of quantifiers with the following additional diagnostics.\nNumerals, but not other quantifiers:\n1. may be reduplicated to create distributive numerals;\n2. can carry a classifier prefix;\n3. can carry the suffix -gan ‘all’.\nKalamang numerals from one to ten are given in Table 5.4. Higher numerals,\ninformation on the formation of cardinals, and other details about numerals can\nbe found in §8.1.\nReduplication of numerals denotes distributivity (indicating that the number\napplies to each referent, or that the referents are divided into groups of the size\nthe numeral indicates, Gil 2013). Distributive numerals can be in attributive func-\ntion following the noun, as in (32), but may also be used predicatively.\n2Note the similarity of this suffix with the last part of the pronominal suffix -autak ‘alone’,\nChapter 7, and the last part of reidak ‘many’, example 28.\n138\n\n\n5.4 Quantifiers\nTable 5.4: Numerals 1–10\n1\nkon\n2\neir\n3\nkaruok\n4\nkansuor\n5\nap\n6\nraman\n7\nramandalin\n8\nirie\n9\nkaninggonie\n10\nputkon\n(32)\ngoni-kinkin\nsack-small\nkilo\nkilo\nputkon_ba_ap∼ap=kin\nfifteen∼distr=poss\nBulog\nBulog\nyuwane\nprox\n‘[It] comes in small sacks of fifteen kilos each, this Bulog rice.’\n[conv13_0:12]\nWhen a numeral modifies certain nouns, a classifier is used. Kalamang has\nsixteen classifiers associated with different individual nouns or groups of nouns,\nbut not all nouns are associated with a classifier (§8.1.1). The classifier is prefixed\nto the numeral quantifier. A classifier + numeral combination always directly\nfollows the noun, as the fruit classifier tep and the numeral eir ‘two’ in (33).\n(33)\nim\nbanana\ntep-eir\nclf_fruit2-two\ntwo bananas\n[stim38_10:32]\nNumerals, including pronouns inflected with a numeral (§5.3), can carry the\nsuffix -gan ‘all’. This suffix is most commonly used with eir ‘two’ to create eirgan\n‘both’, as in (34).\n(34)\nkon=a\none=foc\nma\n3sg\ntan-un=at\nhand-3poss=obj\neir-gan\ntwo-all\nmadong\nstretch\n‘One, he stretches out both his arms.’\n[stim45_1:28]\nNouns cannot carry -gan. For instance, to say ‘all houses’ one cannot say\n‘house-gan’; on must instead use the quantifier tebonggan ‘all’, as illustrated be-\nlow.\n139\n\n\n5 Word classes\n(35)\na. * kewe-gan\nhouse-all\ntemun\nbig\n‘All houses are big.’\n[elic]\nb.\nkewe\nhouse\ntebonggan\nall\ntemun\nbig\n‘All houses are big.’\n[elic]\n5.4.2 Non-numeral quantifiers\nKalamang has six non-numeral quantifiers, listed in Table 5.5. For some com-\nments on their individual properties, see §8.2. Unlike numeral classifiers, these\ncannot be reduplicated to create a distributive quantifier and they cannot be pre-\nceded by a classifier.\nTable 5.5: Non-numeral quantifiers\nbolon\na little\ntaukon, ikon\nsome\nreidak\nmuch/many\nreingge\nnot much/many\ntebonggan\nall\n5.5 Demonstratives\nDemonstratives form a closed class of words that locate a referent in space, time\nor discourse in relation to the deictic centre. Pronominally, demonstratives take\nthe slot of the noun; identificationally, demonstratives occur in copula and non-\nverbal clauses; adnominally, demonstratives occur after the noun. There are six\ndemonstratives, which behave differently with respect to their ability to occur in\nthese slots. Table 5.6 gives an overview of the demonstrative roots and their syn-\ntactic use. There are five demonstrative roots whose main function is to locate a\nreferent in space in relation to the deictic centre. Wa is generally associated with\nproximal reference, and me with more distal reference. These may occur pronom-\ninally, adnominally and identificationally. A third deictic demonstrative root, far\ndistal owa, only occurs adnominally and identificationally, and occurs much less\n140\n\n\n5.5 Demonstratives\nfrequently than wa and me. Elevationals yawe ‘down’ and osa ‘up’ occur adnomi-\nnally and identificationally. In addition, there is an anaphoric demonstrative, opa,\nwhich is only used adnominally. The description of demonstratives is expanded\nupon in Chapter 10.\nTable 5.6: Demonstratives and their syntactic distribution\nform\npronominal\nadnominal\nidentificational\nwa proximal\n+\n+\n+\nme distal\n+\n+\n+\nowa far distal\n+\n+\nyawe ‘down’\n+\n+\nosa ‘up’\n+\n+\nopa anaphoric\n+\nThe same root is used in all positions, as illustrated below for proximal wa.\nWa and me as adnominal and pronominal demonstratives are infrequent; almost\nall corpus occurrences of wa and me are identificational. The three uses are illus-\ntrated in (36) (adnominal), (37) (pronominal), (38) (identificational in argument\nfunction) and (39) (identificational in predicate function). When used adnomi-\nnally or identificationally in argument function, the demonstrative is almost in-\nvariably followed by me ‘top’.\n(36)\ngoras\ncrow\nwa\nprox\nme\ntop\nbara=te\ndescend=nfin\nkul\nbasket\nnerunggo\ninside\nsor=at\nfish=obj\njie\nget\n‘This crow went down into the basket and got a fish.’\n[stim3_0:05]\n(37)\nma\n3sg\nwat\nprox.obj\nparuo\nmake\n‘She made this.’\n[conv17_8:37]\n(38)\nwa\nprox\nme\ntop\nyartep\nsardine\n‘This is a sardine.’\n[stim15_2:03]\n(39)\nnamun=a\nhusband.3poss=foc\nwa\nprox\nkiun=a\nwife.3poss=foc\nwa\nprox\ntumun-un=a\nchild-3poss=foc\nwa\nprox\n‘Her husband is this, his wife is this, their child is this.’\n[stim6_19:23]\n141\n\n\n5 Word classes\nThe elevationals yawe ‘down’ and osa ‘up’ can only be used adnominally and\nidentificationally. This is illustrated for yawe ‘down’ in (40) (adnominal) and (41)\n(identificational).\n(40)\nma\n3sg\ntama\nwhere\nka\n2sg\nbo\ngo\nminggalot-an\nbedroom-1sg.poss\nyawe\ndown\nkomere\nlook\n‘Where is it? You go look in my bedroom down there.’\n[conv17_3:42]\n(41)\nlempuang\nisland\nyawe\ndown\n‘The island is down there.’\n[stim43_2:22]\nThe demonstrative roots wa, me, owa, yawe and osa can take the lative enclitic\n=ka and the locative =ko (§10.1.4). The roots wa and me are also used to create\nmanner, quality, quantity and degree demonstratives (§10.1.3).\nFinally, there is a demonstrative opa, which is always used adnominally. It\nsignals that a referent represents shared knowledge between the speaker and\naddressee. This demonstrative is further described in §10.2.4 and Visser (2020c).\nAn example is given in (42).\n(42)\nudang\nlobster\nopa\nana\nka\n2sg\nkuet=nin\nget=neg\n‘Didn’t you get that lobster (we talked about earlier)?’\n[conv1_6:05]\n5.6 Postpositions\nPostpositions3 mark the function of core and peripheral argument noun phrases.\nKalamang has nine postpositions: object =at, comitative =bon, instrumental =ki,\nbenefactive =ki, similative =kap, locative =ko, animate locative =konggo, lative\n=ka and animate lative =kongga. They are enclitics that attach to the right edge\nof the NP. The postpositions are further described in Chapter 6. References to\nthe specific sections are given in Table 5.7.\n3These are analysed as postpositions, not case markers, because of the domain of attachment\n(the NP, not the noun), a lack of agreement or declension paradigms, and because the forms\nare almost mutually exclusive. The author has no strong preference for either analysis, and\nencourages the reader to replace “postposition” with “case marker” in their mind if they wish.\n142\n\n\n5.7 Adverbial modifiers\nTable 5.7: Postpositions\nform\nfunction\ngloss\nreference\n∅\nsubject (S, A)\n–\n–\n=at\nobject (O)\nobj\n§6.4.2\n=bon\ncomitative\ncom\n§6.4.3\n=ki\ninstrumental,\nins\n§6.4.4\nbenefactive\nben\n§6.4.5\n=kap\nsimilative\nsim\n§6.4.6\n=ko\nlocative\nloc\n§6.4.7\n=ka\nallative, ablative\nlat\n§6.4.8\n=konggo\nanimate locative\nan.loc\n§6.4.9\n=kongga\nanimate allative, ablative\nan.lat\n§6.4.9\n5.7 Adverbial modifiers\nAdverbial modifiers is a cover term for morphemes that modify the clause by\nchanging the mood, aspect or mode of a predicate or clause; or specify the man-\nner, temporal setting, degree or other characteristics of the state or event ex-\npressed by the verb, such as repetition or exclusivity. They are independent\nwords, proclitics, enclitics and suffixes that occupy different slots in the clause.\nThey do not form a real word class, but are given here for ease of reference.\nAdverbial modifiers can be divided into functional groups such as modal adver-\nbials or manner adverbials. See Chapter 14 for an overview of all morphemes and\ntheir positions in the clause. One important position is the post-subject position,\nwhich is taken by iamitive se, nondum tok,4 gen ‘maybe’ and some modal ad-\nverbials. The predicate can host a number of clitics, including mood and aspect\nmarkers. Clausal negation is also marked as a clitic on the predicate (described\nin §12.5).\nThe following examples illustrate post-subject iamitive se and koi ‘again’ in\n(43), clause-final reon ‘maybe’ in (44), clause-initial temporal adverbials and pro-\ngressive =teba and volitional =kin on the predicate in (45).\n(43)\nmu\n3pl\nse\niam\nkoi\nagain\nyal\npaddle\n‘They already paddled again.’\n[narr19_10:06]\n4See Olsson (2013) and van der Auwera et al. (2013) for a definition of and information about\nthe categories iamitive and nondum, respectively.\n143\n\n\n5 Word classes\n(44)\nesa\nfather\nanggon\n1sg.poss\ntemun=a\nbig=foc\nan=at\n1sg=obj\ngonggung\ncall\nreon\nmaybe\n‘Maybe my uncle called me.’\n[conv9_9:20]\n(45)\nma\n3sg\ntoni\nsay\nopa_yuwa\ntoday\nan\n1sg\ndodon\nclothes\nwaruo=teba\nwash=prog\nkasur\ntomorrow\nmu\n3pl\nkolak=ka\nmountain=lat\nbot=kin\ngo=vol\n‘She said: “Today I’m washing clothes.” Tomorrow they want to go to the\nmountains.’\n[conv11_6:15]\n5.8 Question words\nQuestion words or content interrogatives are words that are used to make non-\npolar questions, indicating the part of the proposition that the speaker is asking\nabout. They form a closed class. Question words take the slot of the constituent\nthat the speaker is asking about. They cut across several word classes (Schachter\n& Shopen 2007: 33), with Kalamang having nominal, adnominal, predicative and\nadverbial question words, and one quantifier question word. Their main shared\nfeature is that they structurally replace other constituents, which is why they\nare discussed together here. As for their form, all question words but neba ‘what’\ncontain a sequence ama, and all but neba and naman ‘who’ contain the sequence\ntama or its allophonic variant rama. The question words are listed in Table 5.8.\nNeba ‘what’ is a very generic question word which can question both items and\nactions. It also functions as a placeholder for any constituent, see §17.5.\nTable 5.8: Question words\nquestions\nsyntactic identity\nnaman\nwho\nperson\npronominal\nneba\nwhat\ngeneric\npronominal\ntama\nwhich\nitem/thing\nadnominal\ntamangga\nfrom/to where\ngoal/source\npredicative\n(with other verb, §6.4.8, §13.3)\ntamatko\nwhere\nlocation\npredicative\ntamandi\nwhy/how\nreason/manner\nadverbial\npuraman\nhow many\nquantity\nquantifier\n144\n\n\n5.8 Question words\nNaman ‘who’ and neba ‘what’ are nominal, taking the place of subjects and\nobjects, with the ability to carry postpositions (§5.2). Naman replaces pronouns,\nbeing unable to carry possessive morphology, but having the possibility to carry\ngeneric possessive =kin or animate lative and locative postpositions =kongga and\n=konggo, respectively. Naman and neba, as well as tama below, can be followed\nby a focus marker =ba. In question-answer pairs, the answer may then also be\nfollowed by =ba, as in (46).\n(46)\nA: naman=ba\nwho=foc\n‘Who?’\nB: an=ba\n1sg=foc\n‘Me.’\n[overheard]\n(47)\nmena\nthen\nmu\n3pl\nneba=at=a\nwhat=obj=foc\nparuot=kin\ndo=vol\n‘Then, what do they want to do?’\n[narr45_3:01]\nTama ‘which’ usually modifies the noun in the NP, replacing a demonstrative.\nNeba does not occur replacing demonstratives.\n(48)\nA: anggas=at\ndoor=obj\ntarat-un\nclose-nmlz\neranun\ncannot\n‘Couldn’t you close the door?’\nB: anggas\ndoor\ntama\nwhich\n‘Which door?’\n[conv9_17:05]\nTamangga ‘to/from where’ and tamatko ‘where’ are formed with tama plus\nthe lative or the locative enclitic, respectively (for the morphosyntax see §3.4.6).\nThey have verbal properties. Tamangga, like other words carrying lative =ka, is\nprimarily used in complex predicates (see Chapter 13), for example with jie ‘get’\nin (49). Tamatko, like other words carrying locative =ko, is usually in predicate\nfunction. It can stand on its own, as illustrated in (50), or be accompanied by\nanother verb. A short form of tamatko is tama. These suffixes are also described\nin §6.4.8 and 6.4.7.\n(49)\nka\n2sg\ntamangga=ta\nfrom_where=nfin\njie\nget\n‘Where did you get [it] from?’\n[conv1_5:23]\n145\n\n\n5 Word classes\n(50)\nema\nmother\ntamatko\nwhere\n‘Where is mother?’\n[narr40_5:19]\nTamandi is an adverbial question word. It is illustrated modifying komele ‘burn’\nin (51), and paruo ‘do’ in (54) below. In addition, it is used as a greeting with the\nmeaning ‘how are you doing?’. It seems to contain the suffix -ndi, which is also\nfound on manner demonstratives (§10.1.3).\n(51)\ndin\nfire\nsaerak\nneg_exist\nin\n1pl.excl\ntamandi=a\nhow=foc\nlampur=at\nlamp=obj\nkomele\nburn\n‘There was no fire, how could we burn the lamps?’\n[narr40_0:33]\nPuraman ‘how many’ replaces a quantifier. (52) illustrates puraman following\na classifier (§8.1.1).\n(52)\nwat\ncoconut\nnak-puraman-i\nclf_fruit1-how_many-objqnt\nmindi\nlike_that\nkajie\npick\n‘How many coconuts did [we] pick like that?’\n[conv11_4:50]\nNote that there is no question word for time. Yuol tama ‘which day’ was\nelicited, but does not occur in the natural speech corpus. There is one occurrence\nof yuol puraman ‘which day’.\n(53)\nma\n3sg\ntoni\nsay\nyuol\nday\npuraman\nhow_many\nusar=et\nbuild_frame_house=irr\n‘Which day do [we] install the frame of the house?’\n[narr46_2:11]\nThe syntax of questions with question words is further described in §12.4.1.1.\n5.9 Conjunctions\nConjunctions are words that connect words, phrases or clauses (Schachter & Sho-\npen 2007: 45). Kalamang has sequential, disjunctive, adversative, consequence\nand reason, concessive and conditional conjunctions. Coordination achieved with\n‘and’ in English is done by apposition of two words, phrases or clauses in Kala-\nmang, or, in the case of noun coordination, with comitative postposition =bon\n(§6.4.3). Clause conjunction is described in depth in §15.1.2. The three most com-\nmon conjunctions are introduced here.\nBa ‘but’ is an adversative coordinator, as illustrated in (54). It is also used to\nconjoin numerals between 11 and 29, as described in §8.1.\n146\n\n\n5.10 Interjections\n(54)\nma\n3sg\nmuawese\nhungry\nba\nbut\nma\n3sg\ntamandi\nhow\nparuot=et\ndo=irr\n‘He’s hungry but what can he do?’\n[stim2_4:31]\nYe ‘or’ is a disjunctive coordinator. Intonationally, it belongs to the first clause.\nIn addition to its coordinative function, it can also be used as a tag ‘maybe’. Both\nuses are illustrated in (55).\n(55)\nKalau\nkalau\nif\nsontum\nsontum\nperson\ntur\ntur\nfall\nye,\nye\nor\ndon\ndon\nthing\nmuat\nmu=at\n3pl=obj\npue\npue\nhit\nye.\nye\nmaybe\n‘If a person falls, or maybe a thing hits him...’\n[narr34_4:31]\nEba ‘then’ is used to connect two clauses that refer to sequential events. Into-\nnationally, it belongs to the second clause. Koi ‘then’ also expresses sequential\nmeaning, but is often placed after the subject, although it can also be clause-initial\nwhen the subject is elided. There is no restriction on the combination of eba and\nkoi. (56) illustrates post-subject koi and eba. (57) illustrates koi clause-initially in\nan example where there is no subject because it is from a procedural text explain-\ning how to build a traditional house. Koi is also an adverbial that means ‘again’,\nsee §5.7.\n(56)\nIn\nin\n1pl.excl\nkoi\nkoi\nthen\ntimunat\ntimun=at\ntip=obj\npotma,\npotma\ncut\ntimunat\ntimun=at\ntip=obj\npotma\npotma\ncut\nbara\nbara\ndescend\nmelalu,\nmelalu\nsit\neba\neba\nthen\nin\nin\n1pl.excl\nsensurgi\nsensur=ki\nchainsaw=ins\nkaborunat\nkabor-un=at\nstomach-3poss=obj\nparair.\nparair\nchop\n‘Then we cut the tips, cut the tips and put [the canoe] down, then we chop\nits stomach with the chainsaw.’\n[narr14_1:39]\n(57)\nsaban\nbamboo\npotmat=et\ncut=irr\nkoi\nthen\nkanggaran\nbamboo_floor\nparuot=et\nmake=irr\n‘[One] cuts bamboo, then [one] makes the bamboo floor.’\n[narr6_4:51]\n5.10 Interjections\nInterjections are conventionalised utterances expressing spontaneous emotions\nor reactions. They are extra-grammatical and can be utterances on their own or\n147\n\n\n5 Word classes\nthey can be apposed to a sentence. They include cries of disgust or surprise, as\nwell as greetings and words like ‘yes’ and ‘no’.\nKalamang has a number of interjections that I have classified in a few semantic\n(and partly phonological) subcategories. These are listed here, together with their\ngloss used in the corpus, some words on their use and their phonological form.\nA non-exhaustive list of common interjections, their approximate form and their\ngloss is given in Table 5.9. More information about the phonetics of Kalamang\ninterjections can be found in §3.5. They are further described and illustrated in\n§17.3.\nTable 5.9: Interjections and their gloss\n(typical) form(s)\nfunction\ngloss\na, e\nfiller\nfil\na (a), m (m), yo, ya\nagreement\nyes\nadi(h)\npain, discomfort\npain\n(a)dih, (a)deh\ncontempt, dissatisfaction\nint.pej\ne\nvarious\nint.e\neh\nintroduce quote\nquot\nema\nsurprise, contempt\nsurpr\nge\ndisagreement\nno(t)\nha\nrepair initiator\nwhat\nhi\nenjoyment\nyay\ni(h), e(h)\nconfirmation-seeking\ntag\ninye\ncontempt, dissatisfaction\nint.pej\nkan, adu(h)\nvarious Malay loans\nint.mly\nmera\ndownplay, obviousness\nint\nmo\nsoftener\nsoft\no\nemphatic\nemph\no(h)\nsurprise\nsurpr\nsome\n(annoyed) encouragement\nenc\nuei\nsurprise\nsurpr\nya aula\n(feigned) incredulity\nmy god\n148\n\n\n5.10 Interjections\nBelow I elaborate on the function of some of these interjections.\n• Filler interjections (fil) serve to keep the floor while thinking.\n• Agreement interjections (‘yes’) serve to express agreement. Sometimes\ntranslatable as ‘yes’, often more appropriately ‘yeah’, ‘OK’, ‘go on (I’m lis-\ntening)’.\n• The confirmation-seeking tag (tag) is described in §12.4.1.2.\n• Emphatic o ‘emph’ is typically clause-final, with an intensifying or rein-\nforcing function.\n• Multi-functional interjections glossed as int.e express among other things\nresignment or encouragement and are used for intensifying commands or\nstatements, like o ‘emph’.\n• The gloss int.mly is used for interjections borrowed from Malay, usu-\nally kan ‘right’ or adu(h), an expression of pain or disappointed surprise.\nConfirmation-seeking tag to(h) is glossed as ‘right’ and is treated in §12.4.1.2.\nThe remainder of interjections in the corpus that are not listed here are simply\nglossed as int, and include interjections of surprise like [oi] or [ui], calls like [ei],\nand a number of [o]’s indicating relief or recognition.\nConventions around greeting each other, asking for permission to leave, giving\nthanks and ending a narrative, among other things, are described in Chapter 16.\n149\n\n\n\n\n6 Nouns, noun phrases and\npostpositional phrases\nThis chapter examines nouns in more detail. These were introduced in §5.2 as\nwords that can be marked with possessive morphology. Here we also explore\nnoun phrases (NPs), the larger units that are headed by nouns, and postpositional\nphrases (PPs), headed by postpositional enclitics to the NP.\nThe first two sections deal with nouns. Fundamental distinctions within the\nclass of nouns are treated in §6.1 and noun derivation in §6.2. NP structure is\ndescribed in §6.3, with sections on the different modifiers in the NP: quantifiers\n(§6.3.2), possessive pronouns (§6.3.3), demonstratives (§6.3.4), attributives (§6.3.5)\nand relative clauses (§6.3.6). The fourth section (§6.4) treats the marking of both\ncore and peripheral arguments, which are PPs headed by enclitic postpositions.\nNP coordination is treated in §6.5.\nChapters 7 to 10 describe in detail the main constituents of the NP other than\nthe noun (pronouns, quantifiers, possessive markers and demonstratives).\n6.1 Noun subclasses\nKalamang nouns can be divided into several subclasses. The first division is be-\ntween proper nouns (§6.1.1) and common nouns (§6.1.2). Within the group of\ncommon nouns there are alienable and inalienable nouns (or free and bound\nroots) (§6.1.2.1). Mass nouns (§6.1.2.2) and some kinship terms (§6.1.2.3) behave\nslightly differently from other nouns.\n6.1.1 Proper nouns\nProper nouns refer to unique places and (groups of) people. Proper nouns can\nbe personal names, family names, place names or ethnonyms. In contrast to\ncommon nouns, proper nouns cannot be reduplicated. Possessive suffixes (§9)\non proper nouns are unattested in the corpus and only marginally accepted in\nelicitation. Proper nouns are not quantified. Otherwise, they behave similarly to\ncommon nouns, heading NPs. Person reference is described in §7.2. Examples of\n\n\n6 Nouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\nplace names can be found on the map of Karas on page 517 and in the dictionary\n(Visser 2020a) or the word list on page 451.\n6.1.2 Common nouns\nCommon nouns have a general reference to places, objects, persons, substances\nand abstract things. Unique reference to places and persons is the role of proper\nnouns (§6.1.1). The following subsections treat alienability distinctions, the be-\nhaviour of count and mass nouns and the behaviour of kinship terms.\n6.1.2.1 Alienability\nKalamang common nouns display an alienable/inalienable distinction. Alienable\nforms are free roots, which means they can always occur uninflected. The large\nmajority of Kalamang nouns are alienable, and include words referring to places,\nobjects, substances and abstract things, such as kolak ‘mountain; mainland’, sasul\n‘spoon’, ror ‘tree; wood’, ema ‘mother’ and rer ‘story’. A small minority of the\nnouns are inalienable; they are bound roots that must carry a possessive suffix\n(Chapter 9).\nInalienable roots include certain kinship terms, part-of-whole terms and rela-\ntional nouns. They can be divided into three groups based on the morphology\nthey take and their semantic categories.\nFirst, there is a small group of five roots1 which can never occur without a\npossessive suffix. They all refer to family members, and are listed in (1).\n(1)\na. dun- ‘opposite-sex sibling’\nb. kia- ‘same-sex sibling; cousin’\nc. kiar-/kie- ‘wife’\nd. nam- ‘husband’\ne. tara- ‘grandparent; grandchild’\nOther kinship terms (see §6.1.2.3 and §7.2) are alienable, as are words like li-\ndan ‘friend’ and kiekter ‘shadow’. One kinship term, tumun ‘child’, looks like it\nhas the fossilised third-person possessive suffix -un, but is a free root. It has a\nreduplicated form tumtum ‘children’, showing that the root is tum. Possessive\nsuffixes, however, are attached to the root tumun: tumun-an ‘child-1sg.poss’ and\ntumun-un ‘child-3poss’.\n1A sixth root, teit- ‘neighbour’, was elicited as inalienable but does not occur in the natural\nspoken corpus.\n152\n\n\n6.1 Noun subclasses\nSecond, there is a larger group of inalienable nouns that specify parts of a\nwhole. They almost always modify another noun, and tend to carry the third-\nperson possessive marker -un. They typically refer to parts of plants or to ways\nof grouping units (e.g. poup- ‘bundle’). Table 6.1 contains the currently known ex-\namples from the corpus, but it is likely that more such forms exist. Forms marked\nwith an asterisk are also classifiers, see §8.1.1.\nTable 6.1: Part-whole nouns\nal-*\n‘string’\nar-*\n‘stem’\nkang-\n‘thorn’\nkiel-\n‘root’\nkun-\n‘pith’\nnak-*\n‘fruit’\nol-\n‘leaf’\nor-\n‘tail’\npan-\n‘heap’\npoup-*\n‘bundle’\ntak-*\n‘leaf; page; thin, flat surface’\ntang-*\n‘seed’\ntem-\n‘stem’\ntep-*\n‘fruit’\nThird, Kalamang has ten attested relational nouns. These must be in a locative\nor lative NP (e.g. elak yumetko ‘bottom there’ or elak=ka ‘to/from below’), or\ncarry one of the following suffixes:\n• third-person possessive -un (indicating a part/whole-relationship), e.g. kewe\nmul-un ‘house side-3poss’, ‘the side of the house’\n• -pis ‘side’, e.g. kit-pis ‘top-side’\n• -kadok ‘side’, e.g. raor-kadok ‘middle-side’\nThe relational nouns are listed in Table 6.2. They are commonly inflected with\nthe possessive suffix -un and sometimes also carry the locative postposition =ko.\nSome forms may directly carry =ko. Table 6.2 shows the roots, the inflected forms\nand the forms with postpositions as they occur in the corpus.\n153\n\n\n6 Nouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\nTable 6.2: Relational nouns\nroot\ninflected/\nwith postposition\nas- ‘edge’\nasun(ggo)\nelak- ‘bottom, underside’\nelaun(ggo), elao\nkeit- ‘top, upper side’\nke(i)run(ggo), k(e)itko\nkol- ‘outside’\nkolko\nmul- ‘side’\nmulun(ggo), mulko\nne(r)- ‘inside’\nnerun(ggo), ne(r)ko\nsiep- ‘edge’\nsiun(ggo)\n(sil)ep- ‘backside’\nsileunggo, (sil)epko\ntalep- ‘outside’\ntalepko\ntim- ‘edge; tip’\ntimun, timgo\n(2) and (3) show siep- ‘edge’ inflected with third-person possessive -un and\nwith both -un and locative =ko. (4), (5) and (6) show kit- ‘top’ with locative =ko,\n-pis ‘side’ and -kadok ‘side’.\n(2)\nmier-gan\n3pl-both\nneba-un\nwhat-3poss\nkit-pis\ntop-side\nsiep∼siep-un\nedge∼ints-3poss\neir-gan\ntwo-both\n‘Both their whatsits point up, both on the very edge.’\n[stim38_9:05]\n(3)\nmu\n3pl\nse\niam\nkoi\nthen\nwat\ncoconut\npes=at\nshell=obj\ndi=kahalong\ncaus=spear\nsiep-un=ko\nedge-3poss=loc\n‘Then they put coconut shell on the edge of the spear.’\n[conv8_3:13]\n(4)\nma\n3sg\nkit=ko\ntop=loc\n‘He’s up [there].’\n[stim3_0:35]\n(5)\nma\n3sg\nkit-pis=i\ntop-side=plnk\nsarat=nin\nascend=neg\nma\n3sg\nelak-pis=i=a\ndown-side=plnk=foc\nbarat=et\ndescend=irr\n‘It doesn’t go up, it goes down.’\n[stim3_1:31]\n(6)\nkewe-un\nhouse-3poss\nkit-kadok\ntop-side\n‘His house is at the top.’\n[conv9_24:29]\n154\n\n\n6.1 Noun subclasses\nNote that nouns with -pis and -kadok can be used predicatively (illustrated for\n-pis in 5 and for -kadok in 6), or can be arguments, as illustrated for the object\nNPs in (7) and (8).\n(7)\nkiel-un\nroot-3poss\nyuon\nsun\ntalawak-pis=at\neast-side=obj\njiet=et\nget=irr\n‘If [you] get an east-side root...’\n[conv20_2:49]\n(8)\ndinding\nwall\nkibis-kadok=at\nshore-side=obj\nmera\nthen\nkosalir=kin\nchange=vol\n‘(They) then want to change the shore-side wall.’\n[conv9_1:34]\nThese suffixes, like locative =ko and lative =ka, are not exclusive to locational\nnouns. One example with predicative nouns -pis is given in (9).\n(9)\nkon\none\nkahaman-un\nbottom-3poss\nkit-pis\ntop-side\nkon\none\nelak-pis\ndown-side\nba\nbut\ntemun\nbig\n‘One’s bottom is at the top, one is at the bottom, but [it’s] big.’\n[stim38_6:23]\nA fourth group of bound roots related to noun categorisation are numeral\nclassifiers. Though likely derived from nouns, they are not nouns themselves,\nbut prefixes to numerals. There are fifteen classifiers, which occur in combination\nwith a subset of the nouns. See §8.1.1 for further discussion.\n6.1.2.2 Count nouns\nWithin the group of common nouns, Kalamang has mass nouns and count nouns,\nwhich behave differently with respect to quantifiers (§5.4.2). Mass nouns require\na measure noun when quantified with a numeral quantifier. This measure noun\noccurs between the noun and the quantifier. Examples of mass nouns are granu-\nlar substances such as nasuena ‘sugar’, os ‘sand’, nd pasa ‘rice’ and liquids such as\nper ‘water’. Examples of measure nouns are kiem ‘basket’ and goni ‘sack’. Mass\nnouns can be quantified with most quantifiers, except taukon/ikon ‘a few’, which\nis reserved for count nouns, as in (10). Their counterpart bolon ‘a little’ is used\nfor mass nouns, as in (11).\n(10)\ntumtum\nchildren\ntaukon\nfew\nme\ntop\nBobi\nBobi\nemun=a\nmother=foc\nkona\nsee\n‘A few children, Bobi’s mother saw [them].’\n[conv4_5:09]\n155\n\n\n6 Nouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\n(11)\nnasuena\nsugar\nbolon-i\nlittle-objqnt\nbaran\ndescend\n‘[You] put a little sugar in.’\n[conv11_1:55]\nSome nouns occur with classifiers when modified by a numeral (§8.1.1). There\nis a difference between constructions with a mass noun combined with a measure\nnoun on the one hand, and a (mass) noun with a classifier on the other hand. First,\nthe use of classifiers is not obligatory in Kalamang, whereas the use of a mass\nnoun directly followed by a numeral (without a measure noun) is ungrammatical.\nSecond, measure nouns that can be used to quantify mass nouns can be used with\nany mass noun (the measure noun gelas ‘glass’ can be used for any mass noun),\nand the measure noun chosen for a certain mass noun is not fixed (you can put\ntea in a glass, a mug, a thermos, a kettle, a hole in the ground, etc.). Classifiers can\nonly be used with a specific subset of nouns. Third, measure nouns are alienable.\nClassifiers, on the other hand, are prefixes that attach to numeral quantifiers.\n6.1.2.3 Kinship terms\nSome kinship terms behave differently from other nouns, being the only nouns\nwith a plural form. This is a collective plural, which means the plural forms refer\nto a group as a whole. All plurals are made with the suffix -mur or -mumur, which\ndoes not occur elsewhere in the language. The imperative plural =r is described\nin §14.2.1.3. Kinship terms that have a plural form are listed in Table 6.3.\nTable 6.3: Plural kinship terms\nsingular\nplural\n‘man; father; uncle (FB)’\nesa\nesmumur\n‘woman; mother; aunt (MZ)’\nema\nemumur\n‘uncle (MB)’\nmama\nmamamur\n‘aunt (FZ)’\nwowa\nwowamur\n‘aunt (FZ)’\nulan\nulanmur\n‘grandfather’\ntata\ntatamur\n‘grandmother’\nnina\nninamur\n‘grandparent, ancestor; grandchild’\ntara\ntaramur\n‘parent in law; child in law’\nketan\nketanmur\n‘cross-cousin’\nkorap\nkorapmur\n‘parallel cousin opposite sex’\ndudan\ndudanmur\n‘parallel cousin same-sex’\nkia\nkiamur\n156\n\n\n6.2 Noun derivation\nNote that the singular terms for parallel cousins do not correspond completely.\nDudanmur and kiamur are terms of reference for a person’s cousins. The term\nof address (inflected for first-person singular) for a cousin of the same sex is\nkian ‘my sister/brother’ and for a cousin of the opposite sex it is dunan ‘my sis-\nter/brother’ (not dudan-an). At the same time, there are no recorded plural forms\nfor siblings. This means there is no overlap between the inalienable kinship terms\nin §6.1.2.1 and the kinship terms listed here. For more on kinship terms, see §7.2.1.\n6.2 Noun derivation\nNouns can be derived in three ways. §6.2.1 discusses nouns derived from verbs.\n§6.2.2 treats agentive nominalisation. §6.2.3 describes nominal compounds, which\nderive nouns from two nouns, or from a verb and a noun. Noun reduplication is\ndescribed in §6.2.4.\n6.2.1 Verb-to-noun derivation\nA verb can be nominalised by the suffixing nominaliser -un (homonymous with\nthird-person possessive marker -un), such that it can assume the position of head\nof the NP. Derivation with -un happens in four contexts, presented here in or-\nder of frequency. First, verbs must be nominalised in combination with the verb\neranun ‘cannot’ (§12.5.4). Second, stative verbs can be nominalised to create at-\ntributive nouns. Third, transitive verbs may be nominalised, which is especially\ncommon with Malay loans. Fourth, a kind of nominalisation takes place in verb\npairs that are connected with the comitative postposition =bon.\nVerbs preceding eranun ‘cannot’ must be nominalised with -un. A transitive\nexample is given in (12) and an intransitive one in (13).\n(12)\nanggas=at\ndoor=obj\ntarat-un\nclose-nmlz\neranun\ncannot\n‘[He/she] cannot close the door.’\n[conv9_17:02]\n(13)\nma\n3sg\ntoni\nsay\no\nemph\nan\n1sg\nnan-un\nconsume-nmlz\neranun\ncannot\n‘He said: “Oh, I cannot eat.”’\n[narr44_4:49]\nAttributive nouns can be derived from intransitive stative verbs, such as kahe-\nnun ‘length; distance’ from kahen ‘to be far’ and tiun (tik-un) ‘age, period of time’\nfrom tik ‘to be old’. The nouns ririnun ‘length’, derived from ririn ‘to be tall’, and\ntemunun ‘size’, derived from temun ‘to be big’, are used in (14).\n157\n\n\n6 Nouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\n(14)\nkowarma=teba\nfold=prog\ntemun-un\nbig-nmlz\nririn-un\ntall-nmlz\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nme\ndist\n‘Just fold, the size and the length are good.’\n[conv17_36:41]\nThree stative verbs possibly contain a fossilised possessive suffix: kinkinun\n‘small’, (ci)caun ‘small’ and temun ‘big’. These still need to be inflected with -un\nto be used as nouns, as is illustrated for temun in (14).\nTransitive verbs may also be nominalised with -un. This is especially frequent\nwith loan verbs from Malay, as illustrated in (15).\n(15)\na. maun ‘will’ (<Indonesian mau ‘to want’)\nb. mencariun ‘way to make a living’ (<Indonesian cari hidup ‘to make a\nliving’, <Malay and Kalamang mencari ‘to make a living’)\nc. mangartiun ‘understanding’ (<Malay and Kalamang mangarti ‘to un-\nderstand’)\nd. karajangun ‘job; work’ (<Malay and Kalamang karajang ‘to work’)\nTo this list can be added the lexical negative construction sukaun ge or sukaun\nVerb=nin ‘to not like’ (§12.5.4), derived from Malay suka ‘to like’. Nominalisation\nwith Kalamang transitive verbs is infrequent, but possible. Consider konenenun\n‘memory’ from konenen ‘to remember’ in (16).\n(16)\nsupaya\nso_that\nma\n3sg\nneba-un\nph-3poss\nmet\ndist.obj\nse\niam\nmamun=et\nleave=irr\n[...] konenen-un\nremember-nmlz\nleng-un\nvillage-3poss\n‘So that she leaves her whatsit behind, the memories of her village.’\n[conv8_4:45]\nAnother infrequent nominalisation occurs with comitative =bon. It occurs on\npairs of verbs, for which an overt link is created with comitative =bon, a post-\nposition on the NP. To make the construction, therefore, the verb must be nom-\ninalised. In the English translation the verbs remain verbs, and in the Kalamang\nexamples they also seem to have the position and function of verbs. -un is there-\nfore perhaps only a way to make =bon compatible with verbs, without actually\nchanging the function of the verbs.\n158\n\n\n6.2 Noun derivation\n(17)\nmu\n3pl\nmat\n3sg.obj\nmetko=a\ndist.loc=foc\nse\niam\ndan-un=bon\nbury-nmlz=com\nkuru\nbring\nmasarat-un=bon\nmove_landwards-nmlz=com\n‘Did they bury him there? Did they bring him here?’\n[conv7_2:01]\n(18)\nka\n2sg\nrat-un=bon\nmove-nmlz=com\nka\n2sg\nmiat-un=bon\ncome-nmlz=com\nbisa\ncan\n[When sending a child to buy something] “Can you go and come back\nimmediately?”\n[elic]\n6.2.2 Agentive nominalisation\nThe suffix -et is added to nouns to create agent-denoting nouns, typically describ-\ning occupation, residency or origin. It is gender neutral. Though productive, at\nleast on place names, it is not very common. Some examples are given in (19).\nAlternatively, origin can be described by adding sontum ‘person’, -ca ‘man’ or\n-pas ‘woman’ to a noun, as described in §6.2.3.2.\n(19)\na. canam ‘man’\ncanam-et ‘from the man’s side of the family’\nb. leng ‘village’\nleng-et ‘villager’\nc. Tamisen ‘Antalisa (village)’\nTamisen-et ‘Antalisa person’\nd. kol- ‘outside’\nkol-et ‘outsider; stranger’\nThere is one corpus example where an agentive noun is derived from a verb,\ngiven in (20).2\n2Several data points suggest a link between agentive nominaliser -et and a more general “ani-\nmator”. Many animal names, especially those for insects, end in -et or -let (given in i). This is\nnot a productive suffix on animal names, and there is no proof of a diachronic relation with\nthe agentive nominaliser -et. However, note also the animate classifier et- (§8.1.1). A specula-\ntive relation could be made between donenet ‘black ant’ and -nenen ‘body hair’ (‘that which is\nhairy’), and between kalabet ‘earth worm’ and kalawen ‘soft’ (‘that which is soft’). Kedederet\n‘k.o. bird’ could be derived from an onomatopoeion.\n(i)\na. donenet ‘black ant’\nb. kalabet ‘earth worm’\n159\n\n\n6 Nouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\n(20)\nkamang ‘to receive treatment from a medicine man’\nkamang-et ‘medicine man’\n6.2.3 Nominal compounds\nA common way to derive nouns is by compounding. Compounds are bases de-\nrived from two roots, as introduced in §4.2.2. All Kalamang compounds are en-\ndocentric, which means that the category of the whole is identical to that of one\nof the constituents. Left-headed compounds, where the first constituent is the\nhead, and right-headed compounds, where the second constituent is the head,\nboth occur, illustrated in (21). They are described in §6.2.3.1 and §6.2.3.2.\n(21)\na. wienar\nparrotfish\nsaruam\n?\n‘longnose parrotfish’ (Hipposcarus harid)\nleft-headed\nb. sayang\nnutmeg\nror-un\ntree-3poss\n‘nutmeg tree’\nright-headed\nIrrespective of type, both constituents need not have an independent meaning.\nIn wienar saruam, wienar is the general word for ‘parrotfish’ (compare wienar\ntebolkin ‘roundhead parrotfish’, lit. ‘parrotfish belonging to the reef edge’), but\nsaruam has no translational equivalent.\nNoun incorporation is described in §11.2.1.\n6.2.3.1 Left-headed compounds\nIn left-headed compounds the first constituent is the head. They are subtype\ncompounds, male/female compounds or big/small compounds.\nSubtype compounds are those that specify the kind of entity the head noun is.\nThey typically denote plants and animals, as seen in (22).\nc. kalkalet ‘mosquito’\nd. kapapet ‘glassy sweeper (k.o. fish)’\ne. kedederet ‘k.o. small black bird’\nf. pabalet ‘fly’\ng. pueselet ‘spider’\n160\n\n\n6.2 Noun derivation\n(22)\nsubtype compounds\na. im\nbanana\nselen\n?\n‘kind of banana’\nb. kibi\nsea_cucumber\nkarek\nrope\n‘kind of sea cucumber’\nc. wat\ncoconut\nsasul\nspoon\n‘young coconut [that one can eat with a spoon]’\nd. pak\nmoon\ntalawak\neast\n‘new moon’\nOther left-headed compounds are made with the nouns pas ‘woman’, canam\n‘man’, emun ‘mother’ and tumun ‘child’. The first two, exemplified in (23), specify\nthe gender of the head noun, and the second two specify relative size, with emun\nfor big things and tumun for small things. This is always relative to another\nreferent, i.e., having a contrastive function. For example, one may talk about\none’s kewe tumun ‘house child’, which is a small building on the same ground as\none’s house. ‘Mother’ and ‘child’ are also often used for pairs, such as the two\nislands south of the biggest Karas island in (24b). In Malay, they are named after\nthe protagonists of a tale about a dog (anjing) and a cassowary (kasuari) who run\ninto the sea and turn into rocks (narr20 in the corpus). The islands are relatively\nclose to each other, and because of the tale are conceived of as a pair.\n(23)\nmale/female compounds\na. tumun\nchild\npas-un\nwoman-3poss\nse\niam\ngonggung\ncall\n‘His daughter called.’\n[narr21_2:04]\nb. polkayak\npapaya\ncanam=at\nman=obj\ndorma\npull_out\n‘Pull out a male papaya tree.’\n[conv20_31:16]\n(24)\nbig/small compounds\na. lempuang-tumun\nisland-child\n‘Pulau Anjing/Dog Island’\n161\n\n\n6 Nouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\nb. lempuang-emun\nisland-mother.3poss\n‘Pulau Kasuari/Cassowary Island’\n6.2.3.2 Right-headed compounds\nRight-headed compounds include all part-whole compounds, all compounds with\na people’s name and mang ‘language’, sontum ‘person’ or -ca/-pas ‘man/woman’,\nand some body parts.\nThe second constituent of many right-headed compounds is marked by third-\nperson possessive -un.3\n(25)\na. kewe\nhouse\nmul-un\nside-3poss\n‘the side of the house’\nb. takurera\nstarfruit\nol-un\nleaf-3poss\n‘starfruit leaf’\nPart-whole compounds are compounds where the second constituent is either\na bound root which typically specifies a plant part (§6.1.2.1) or a free root (a word)\nspecifying another part-whole relationship. The second constituent is the head\nand is marked with third-person possessive marker -un. There is no recorded\nmeaning for bel in am belun ‘nipple’ (given in 26b), but there is a stative verb\nbelbel ‘(of a tip) to be sharp’.\n(26)\npart-whole compounds\na. sayang\nnutmeg\ntang-un\nseed-3poss\n‘nutmeg seed’\nb. am\nbreast\nbel-un\ntip?-3poss\n‘nipple’\nc. anggas\ndoor\nror-un\nwood-3poss\n‘doorpost’\n3The general associative marker =kin is used to make similar constructions to these. See §9.7.\n162\n\n\n6.2 Noun derivation\n(27) is a common way to form the meaning ‘cloud’ in Maritime Melanesian\nlanguages (Schapper 2017a).\n(27)\nur\nwind\nkiet-un\nfaeces-3poss\n‘cloud’\nAll place names, such as Kalamang (the biggest Karas island), Lenggon (smaller\nKaras Islands), Rarait (Seram) and Walaka (Gorom), can be compounded with\nmang ‘language’, sontum ‘person’ or -ca/-pas ‘man/woman’. Note that in these\nright-headed compounds, one cannot use the independent nouns canam ‘man’\nand pas ‘woman’. Another way to derive the name of a people from a place name\nis with the suffix -et, see §6.2.2.\n(28)\ncompounds for peoples and languages\na. Kalamang-mang\nKalamang-language\n‘Kalamang language’\nb. Kalamang-sontum\nKalamang-person\n‘Kalamang person’\nc. Kalamang-ca\nKalamang-man\n‘Kalamang man’\nd. Kalamang-pas\nKalamang-woman\n‘Kalamang woman’\nWhile most body parts are expressed as part-whole compounds, with the help\nof -un 3poss, some can be compounded without overt morphology, as illustrated\nin (29). It is also grammatical to add -un ‘3poss’ to the second constituent.\n(29)\nbody part compounds\na. kaden\nbody\nkies\nwrap?\n‘vein’\nb. tan\nhand\nlaus\nwide\n‘hand palm’\n163\n\n\n6 Nouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\nc. kor\nleg\nkasir\njoint\n‘ankle’\nd. kor-pak\nleg-moon\n‘knee’\nFor many right-headed compounds, the choice between using or not using -un\n‘3poss’ is free. They are both compounds because the first constituent cannot be\nindependently marked or inflected.\n(30)\ncompounds with and without -un 3poss\na. kokok-nar\nchicken-egg\n‘chicken egg’\nb. kokok\nchicken\nnar-un\negg\n‘chicken egg’\n6.2.4 Reduplication of nouns\nReduplication of nouns is used to create plural nouns (§6.2.4.1), to indicate dis-\ntributivity (§6.2.4.2), to indicate extremity (§6.2.4.3) or to create other nouns by\nassociation or nouns expressing in-between states (§6.2.4.4). The derivation of\nverbs from nouns by means of reduplication is described in §11.2.2. The formal\naspects of reduplication are described in §4.2.1.\n6.2.4.1 Derivation of plural nouns\nThough plurality of nominal referents is not obligatorily expressed on nouns,\nsome nouns may be reduplicated to that effect. Most nouns cannot be redupli-\ncated to form a plural, and those that can need not be reduplicated to have a\nplural referent.\n(31)\na. pes ‘peel; skin’ →pespes ‘peels; skins; leftovers after peeling’\nb. lempuang ‘island’ →lempuangpuang ‘islands’\nc. tumun ‘child’ →tumtum ‘children’\n164\n\n\n6.2 Noun derivation\n6.2.4.2 Distributivity\nReduplication of nouns that refer to a location can be used to indicate distribu-\ntivity. (32) and (33) are from recordings about where certain plants can be found.\n(32) has a reduplicated oskeit ‘beach’ (from os ‘sand’ and keit ‘top’), as well as a\nreduplicated verb kos ‘to grow’ to indicate distribution or habituality (§11.3). (33)\nhas a reduplicated osep ‘beach’ (perhaps from os ‘sand’ and ep ‘back’).\n(32)\nbiasa\nnormally\noskeit∼keit=ko\nbeach∼distr=loc\nkos∼kos=te\ngrow∼distr=nfin\n‘Normally it grows at the beach.’\n[narr33_5:42]\n(33)\nma\n3sg\nosep∼ep=ko\nbeach∼distr=loc\nTat\nTat\nme\ntop\nreidak\nmuch\n‘It’s at the beach. At Tat there are many.’\n[conv20_48:05]\n(34) makes use of reduplicated tim ‘edge; tip’ (modifying a plant name) to in-\ndicate a path.\n(34)\ninier\n1du.ex\nyecie\nreturn\n[...] rumrum-tim∼tim\nkind_of_plant-edge∼distr\nmera\nthen\nse\niam\npareir\nfollow\n‘We returned following the edge of the rumrum plants.’\n[conv11_2:36]\n6.2.4.3 Extremity\nReduplication with the enclitic =tun ‘very’ can be used with nouns referring to\na location to indicate extremity. This is uncommon, and is only found in two in-\nstances. With siun ‘edge’, the noun is reduplicated, and with ep ‘back’ the enclitic\nis reduplicated.\n(35)\na. siun ‘edge’ →siunsiuntun ‘the very edge’\nb. ep ‘back’ →epduntun ‘the very back’\n6.2.4.4 Noun-to-noun derivation\nAssociative noun-to-noun derivation or noun-to-noun derivation expressing in-\nbetween states is rather uncommon. (36) illustrates associative derivation.\n(36)\na. don ‘thing’ →dodon ‘clothes’\nb. saun ‘night’ →sausaun ‘darkness’\n165\n\n\n6 Nouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\nThere are two examples of noun-to-noun derivation which possibly express in-\nbetween states. Both are derived from a word for sea (water). Pasirwasir ‘brackish\nwater’ is derived from pasier ‘sea water’, and indicates the state of water in be-\ntween fresh and salt. The derivation of rangrang ‘lukewarm’ from rang ‘open\nsea’ is less obvious, but may involve reference to the state of water in between\ncold (like sea water) and boiling.\n(37)\na. pasier ‘sea water’ →pasirwasir ‘brackish water’\nb. rang ‘open sea’ →rangrang ‘lukewarm’\n6.3 Noun phrase structure\nThis section considers the behaviour of the different constituents of the NP. Quan-\ntifiers, possessive pronouns, attributive predicates and demonstratives follow the\nhead noun. Nominal possessors precede the head noun. Their mutual order is il-\nlustrated in (38). The place of attributive predicates is tentative due to a shortage\nof unambiguous instances in the data.\n(38)\nnoun-phrase structure\n(nom.poss) head(-poss.pron) (quant) (poss.pron) (attr) (dem)\nFully saturated NPs such as the one formulated in (38) are exceedingly uncom-\nmon in the data. There is exactly one natural spoken corpus example with three\npost-nominal modifiers in the NP, illustrated in (39).\n(39)\n[hukat\nnet\nkon\none\nanggon\n1sg.poss\nyuwa]\nprox\nme\ntop\nparuo\nmake\ndong∼dong-kaning\ntense∼ints-very\n‘This one net of mine, make it tight.’\n[conv5_2:39]\nRelative clauses, which are made with the attributive marker =ten, are very\nrare. They follow the NP head.\nIn the following sections, I describe the function and syntax of NP modifiers.\n6.3.1 Nominal possessors\nNominal possessors (§9.2) precede the possessed noun. (40) shows a nominal\npossessor preceding the head noun ming ‘oil’.\n(40)\nka\n2sg\n[nene\ngrandmother\nming-un\noil-3poss\nyuwa]=at\nprox=obj\nkuet=et\nbring=irr\n‘You bring this oil of granny’s.’\n[conv12_2:21]\n166\n\n\n6.3 Noun phrase structure\n6.3.2 Quantifiers\nQuantifiers (introduced in §5.4) indicate the quantity of the referent of a NP. They\ninclude numeral and non-numeral quantifiers. Quantifiers take the second slot\nafter the noun in the NP, following the possessive suffix. Quantifiers modifying\nthe subject are unmarked, as shown by karuok ‘three’ in (41) and ikon ‘few; some’\nin (42). Quantifiers may carry a classifier prefix, depending on the noun. (43)\nshows the classifier ep- for groups of living beings, on the numeral kon ‘one’,\nmodifying kanas ‘kind of fish’. For more on classifiers, see §8.1.1.\n(41)\nopa\nearlier\n[som\nperson\nkaruok]\nthree\nme\ntop\nmambaran\nstand\nkon\none\nladan\nshirt\nkerkap\nred\n‘Earlier, there were three people standing, one [had] a red shirt.’\n[stim43_17:50]\n(42)\n[emumur\nwoman.pl\nikon]\nsome\ntoni\nsay\nah\nint\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nme\ndist\n‘Some of the women say: “Ah, that’s it.”’\n[narr2_9:51]\n(43)\n[kanas\nkind_of_fish\nep-kon]=a\nclf_group-one=foc\nmarua\nmove_seawards\nime\ndist\n‘A school of kanas moves towards that [part of] the sea!’\n[conv5_0:29]\nQuantifiers modifying the object carry a special object marker, -i, while the\nobject is marked with the object postposition =at (see §6.4.2). In these cases, the\nquantifiers appear to be outside the PP, as tentatively indicated in (44) and (45).\n(44)\nin\n1pl.excl\nmarua\nmove_seawards\n[pas\nexactly\nkanyot=at]\ngiant_clam=obj\nkansuor-i\nfour-objqnt\nkoluk\nfind\n‘We went to sea and found four giant clams right there.’\n[narr44_12:37]\n(45)\n[mingtun=at]\ncoconut_oil=obj\nbolon-i\nlittle-objqnt\nko=yuon\nappl=rub\n‘[You] rub a little coconut oil on.’\n[narr31_1:32]\nIn NPs which contain a quantifier and another modifier occupying a later\nslot, however, the quantifier does not carry -i objqnt. In (46), the demonstra-\ntive (which is the last possible element of the NP) carries object marking, and\nthe quantifiers again appear to be inside the NP.\n167\n\n\n6 Nouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\n(46)\nmu\n3pl\n[yap_seran-un\nyam-3poss\nnak-eir\nclf_fruit1-two\nmet]\ndist.obj\ntoni\nwant\npasor=ta\nfry=nfin\neba\nthen\nmu\n3pl\nnan=et\nconsume=irr\n‘They want to fry those two yams and then they want to eat.’\n[conv10_16:02]\nThe quantifier object -i should not be analysed as the predicate linker =i (§13.1),\nbecause it only occurs on quantifiers modifying object NPs or acting as NP heads,\nand never on subjects or any peripheral arguments. The exact relation of quan-\ntifiers to the NP and the predicate is an area for further research.4\nThe head noun can be elided when the nominal referent can be retrieved from\nthe context, so that the numeral becomes the head of the NP. This is shown\nin (41) above for kon ‘one’ and eir ‘two’ in (47), where the two animals have been\nextensively referred to earlier in the conversation, and are visible in pictures in\nfront of the speakers. In (48), the numeral head is modified by a demonstrative.\n(47)\n[eir]\ntwo\nnau=namanghadap\nrecp=face\n‘Two [animals] face each other.’\n[stim14_2:09]\n(48)\n[kon\none\nwa]\nprox\nme\ntop\nkuat=nin\nstrong=neg\n‘This one isn’t strong.’\n[conv2_7:06]\nThe quantifier object marker also remains in place if the object is elided, as\nin (49).\n(49)\n[wowa\naunt\nNuru\nNura\nmu]Subj\n3pl\ntaukon-iObj\nsome-objqnt\nanPred\n1sg\n‘Aunt Nuru’s family gave me some’\n[conv12_8:39]\nIn a few cases, numeral quantifiers form a compound with the noun. (50) has\nthe compound yuol reitkon ‘the hundredth day’, which is an important day in the\ncommemoration of deceased people. The fact that it is a compound is evidenced\nby the object marker on the numeral.\n4Japanese and Korean have similar phenomena, where quantifiers can be both inside and outside\nthe NP (Kang 2002).\n168\n\n\n6.3 Noun phrase structure\n(50)\ntok\nstill\n[yuol\nday\nreitkon]=at=a\nhundred=obj=foc\nnawanggar\nwait\n‘[We are] still waiting for the hundredth day.’\n[narr1_4:53]\nQuantifiers are discussed in more detail in Chapter 8.\n6.3.3 Possessive pronouns\nBesides nominal possessors, there are two adnominal markers of possession:\nnominal possessive suffixes and freestanding possessive pronouns. They are de-\nscribed in detail in Chapter 9. Possessive suffixes attach to the head noun, as\nin (51).\n(51)\nan\n1sg\n[kewe-an\nhouse-1sg.poss\ntemun]=at\nbig=obj\nparuo\nmake\n‘I am making my big house.’\n[elic_adj_29]\nPossessive pronouns occupy a slot between head nouns and demonstratives\n(more precisely, between quantifiers and attributively used verbs, but no example\nillustrating this is available). (52) illustrates a possessive pronoun preceding a\ndemonstrative.\n(52)\n[gambar\npicture\nkain\n2sg.poss\nyuwane]\nprox\n‘this picture of yours’\n[stim43_0:26]\n6.3.4 Demonstratives\nAs introduced in §5.5, Kalamang has five demonstrative roots: proximal wa, distal\nme, far distal owa, and the elevationals yawe ‘down’ and osa ‘up’. These can all\nbe modified with locative =ko and lative =ka (Chapter 10). Most, but not all forms\ncan be preceded by yu- and followed by -ne without a change in meaning. The\nanaphoric demonstrative opa functions to mark referents that represent shared\nknowledge or have been previously mentioned. It does not occur with any affixes.\nA detailed description of demonstratives is found in Chapter 10.\nAdnominal demonstratives fill the last slot in the NP. The following examples\nshow the demonstratives in adnominal function. When they modify a noun in\nobject function, the demonstrative roots carry -t, a remnant of object marker =at.\n(53) and (54) illustrate the proximal and distal forms. In (53), the speaker points\nto a woman in a picture in front of him, and uses the proximal form to modify\n169\n\n\n6 Nouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\nenem ‘woman’. In (54), pulor-ca ‘your betel’, which is not currently visible, is\nmodified with the distal demonstrative me. In (55), the far distal owa is used to\nmodify don ‘thing’, which refers to a herb which one can collect at a neighbouring\nbeach.\n(53)\nma\n3sg\n[enem\nwoman\nwat]=a\nprox.obj=foc\ntu\nhit\n‘He hits this woman.’\n[stim6_11:45]\n(54)\nan\n1sg\n[pulor-ca\nbetel_vine-2sg.poss\nmet]\ndist.obj\nparua=ta\npluck=nfin\n‘I plucked that betel vine of yours.’\n[conv12_8:15]\n(55)\n[don\nthing\nowa]=ba\nfdist=foc\nmambon\nexist\n‘That thing over there is there.’\n[narr3_3:18]\nElevationals are commonly used in their locative form to modify nouns.\n(56)\n[kewe-un\nhouse-3poss\nyawetko]\ndown.loc\nma\n3sg\ntua=ta\nlive=nfin\nme\ntop\n‘He lives in his house down there.’\n[narr24_0:21]\n(57)\nma\n3sg\nsara\nascend\nbo\ngo\n[karop-un\nbranch-3poss\nosatko]\nup.loc\n‘He climbs to the branch up there.’\n[conv12_16:39]\nThe demonstrative opa modifies goras ‘crow’ in (58), indicating that the crow\nbeing referred to is the same one that was mentioned earlier in the story.\n(58)\n[goras\ncrow\nopa]\nana\nmelelu\nsit\nror-kitko\ntree-top.loc\nkome\nlook\nbara∼bara\ndown∼prog\n‘That crow sits in the tree looking down.’\n[narr39_2:20]\nNPs with demonstratives almost never contain other nominal modifiers; (39)\nabove is one of the few in the corpus.\n6.3.5 Attributive use of predicates\nAll verbal predicates can be used attributively (§5.1). Attributive clitic =ten is\nattached to predicates when they are used attributively both in subject position,\nas in (59a), and in object position, as in (59b). See also §5.1.\n170\n\n\n6.3 Noun phrase structure\n(59)\na. sontum\nperson\nririn=ten\ntall=at\nme\ndist\nsor=at\nfish=obj\nna\neat\n‘That tall person eats fish.’\n[elic]\nb. an\n1sg\nsom\nperson\nririn=ten\ntall=at\nmet\ndist.obj\nkomet=kin\nsee=vol\n‘I want to see that tall person.’\n[elic]\nOften, predicates modifying a noun carry the attributive marker =ten. Exam-\nples include the locative leng=ko ‘in the village’ in (60), reduplicated towari ‘young’\nin (61) and lu ‘cold’ in (62). However, common attributes like colours, (ci)caun/kin-\nkinun ‘small’ and temun ‘big’ may modify a noun without the use of =ten, exem-\nplified for kinkinun ‘small’ in (63) (see also §5.1).\n(60)\nmungkin\nmaybe\nproyek\nproject\nkegiatan\nactivity\nleng=ko=ten\nvillage=loc=at\n‘Or maybe a project with an activity that is in the village.’\n[narr45_2:27]\n(61)\npebis\nwoman\ntowari∼wa=ten\nyoung∼red=at\nmara\nmove_landwards\n‘The young women came to the shore.’\n[narr19_3:01]\n(62)\nse\niam\npasa\nrice\nlu=ten=at\ncold=at=obj\nnan=i\nconsume=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\n‘After eating cold rice...’\n[conv10_3:40]\n(63)\nror\nwood\nkinkinun\nsmall\nsaerak\nneg_exist\n‘There is no small wood.’\n[conv12_1:10]\nIt is quite uncommon for a predicate to be used attributively; Kalamang speak-\ners prefer to express monovalent stative non-agentive characteristics predica-\ntively. It is therefore not surprising that there are no spontaneous utterances\nwith more than one attributive predicate modifying a noun. In elicited material,\nattributive predicates are not overtly conjoined.\n(64)\nkip\nsnake\ntemun\nbig\nkuskap\nblack\nsasuak\nslippery\nkiem\nflee\n‘The big black slippery snake fled.’\n[elic_adj_37]\nThe position of attributively used predicates in the NP appears to be between\npossessive pronouns and demonstratives. There are corpus examples that show\n171\n\n\n6 Nouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\nan attributive predicate after a noun modifying a noun as in (65), after a quantifier\nas in (66) and after a possessive marker as in (67), as well as before a demonstra-\ntive as in (68) and (69).\n(65)\nmu\n3pl\nin=at\n1pl.excl=obj\npareir\nfollow\nbo\ngo\nyar-pos\nrock-hole\nnerunggo\ninside.loc\n[yar-pos\nrock-hole\ntemun]\nbig\no\nemph\n‘They followed us inside the hole, a big hole.’\n[narr40_7:13]\n(66)\ninier\n2du.ex\nbo\ngo\nror\ntree\nopa\nana\ntemun\nbig\n[ror\ntree\nar-kon\nclf_stem-one\ntemun]\nbig\n‘We went [to] the big tree, the big tree.’\n[narr40_3:27]\n(67)\n[esa\nfather\nanggon\n1sg.poss\ntemun=a]\nbig=foc\nan=at\n1sg=obj\ngonggung\ncall\n‘My father’s older brother calls me.’\n[conv10_9:20]\n(68)\n[sontum\nperson\ntua=ten\nold=at\nopa\nana\nme]\ntop\nAyah\nAyah\nPanggil\nPanggil\nesun\nfather.3poss\nma\n3sg\nmat\n3sg.obj\nterima\nwelcome\n‘That old person, Ayah Panggil’s father welcomes her.’\n[conv8_3:57]\n(69)\nmu\n3sg\n[pep-un\npig-3poss\nkaruar=ten\nsmoke_dry=at\nmet]\ndist.obj\nnan=i\nconsume=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\n‘He ate their smoked pig.’\n[narr28_1:54]\nThis would place the attributive predicate in the slot between the possessive\npronoun and the demonstrative. In elicited clauses, however, the attributive pred-\nicate was often placed right after the noun, often preceding the quantifier. The\nfollowing is the result of some elicited clauses with two, three or four modifiers:\n(70)\na. N ATR DEM Q\nb. N POSS ATR DEM Q\nc. N Q DEM\nd. N ATR Q DEM\ne. N ATR Q DEM\nf. N Q ATR DEM\ng. N ATR Q\n[elic_dem]\nA definitive analysis of the position of attributively used predicates in the NP\nawaits more data.\n172\n\n\n6.3 Noun phrase structure\n6.3.6 Relative clauses\nA relative clause is a NP modifier in which one of the arguments corefers the head\nnoun. Kalamang does not have a dedicated relative clause marker, but relative\nclauses may be marked with the attributive marker =ten (§6.3.5). Most attributive\nexamples in §6.3.5, which are with intransitive verbs, may be paraphrased as a\nrelative clause.\nWhat is expressed by relativised clauses in some languages is typically done\nwith biclausal constructions or non-final constructions in Kalamang. This is re-\nflected in elicitation. In (71), the speaker was asked for a translation of ‘this thing\nI bought was bad’ (Malay barang ini yang saya beli tidak bagus), and gave a bi-\nclausal construction linked by conjunction ba ‘but’. (72) is the translation given\nfor ‘the children that I saw went to sea’ (Malay anak yang saya lihat pi di laut),\nand is a biclausal construction involving the verb kome ‘to see’ marked with non-\nfinal =ta.\n(71)\ndon\nthing\nwa=at=a\nprox=obj=foc\nan\n1sg\njien\nbuy\nba\nbut\nten\nbad\n‘This thing, I bought [it] but [it] is bad.’\n[elic_rel_10]\n(72)\ntumun\nchild\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\nan\n1sg\nkome=ta,\nsee=nfin\nmu\n3pl\nwilak=ka\nsea=lat\nmarua\nmove_seawards\n‘Having seen those children, they went to sea.’\n[elic_rel_49]\nThere are a few indications, however, that relativisation of clauses headed by\ntransitive verbs is possible. There is one natural spoken corpus example that\nseems to display a relativisation of the object of a transitive clause.\n(73)\n[som=a\nperson=foc\ntama=ba\nq=foc\ntamat-un=at\nrecital_end-3poss=obj\nnasibur=ten]\nrecite=at\nma\n3sg\ntok\nfirst\ntamat=at\nrecital_end=obj\nkoi\nthen\nnaputus\ncut\n‘Whoever is reciting the end of their recital, he cuts off the end of the\nrecital.’\n[narr1_4:05]\nIn elicitation with pictures of two or three people performing different actions,\none of which had an object (e.g. a flower) on their head, speakers sometimes\nopted to answer the question ‘where is the [object]?’ with a relative clause. Only\nsubjects occur as the antecedent of the relativised clause. Note that the depen-\ndent marked with =ten precedes the head, whereas in attributive constructions\n(discussed in §6.3.5) it follows the head.\n173\n\n\n6 Nouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\n(74)\nbunga\nflower\n[pas\nwoman\ngol=at\nball=obj\nsempang=ten]\nkick=at\nnakal\nhead\nkeirunggo\non_top_of\n‘The flower is on the head of the woman who kicks the ball.’ [elic_foc_3]\n(75)\nkawir\nhat\n[canam\nman\nim=at\nbanana=obj\nnan=ten]\nconsume=at\nnakal\nhead\nkeirunggo\non_top_of\n‘The hat is on the head of the man who eats the banana.’\n[elic_foc_5]\nHowever, biclausal alternatives are also frequently found in such a task, as in\nthe following two examples.\n(76)\nbunga\nflower\nwa\nprox\nme\ntop\npas\nwoman\nnakal\nhead\nkerunggo\non_top_of\npas\nwoman\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\nbotal=at\nbottle=obj\nsempang\nkick\n‘This flower is on the woman’s head. That woman kicks a bottle.’\n[elic_foc_2]\n(77)\nkuda\nhorse\neir\ntwo\nkon\none\nme\ntop\nbunga\nflower\nnakal\nhead\nkeirunggo\non_top_of\nkon\none\nme\ntop\nge\nnot\n‘There are two horses. One has a flower on its head. One doesn’t.’\n[elic_foc_8]\n6.4 Postpositions\n6.4.1 Introduction\nKalamang has nine postpositions, which mark the function of core and periph-\neral argument NPs in the clause: object =at, comitative =bon, instrumental =ki,\nbenefactive =ki, similative =kap, locative =ko, animate locative =konggo, lative\n=ka and animate lative =kongga. All Kalamang postpositions are enclitics that\nattach to the right edge of the NP, heading a PP. Most postpositions are mutu-\nally exclusive, with the exception of comitative =bon, which can follow object\n=at and occurs preceding animate locative =konggo. Subjects of transitive and\nintransitive clauses remain unmarked.\nTable 6.4 presents an overview of the Kalamang postpositions, with their form,\nfunction, gloss and reference in this section. The other postpositions that may be\nused on the same NP are listed in the column “combinations”.\nIn a few cases, postpositions have fused with demonstratives when they oc-\ncupy the rightmost slot in the NP. This is the case for object =at, locative =ko\nand lative =ka. Examples are given in the respective subsections.\n174\n\n\n6.4 Postpositions\nTable 6.4: Postpositions\nform\nfunction\ngloss\ncombinations\nreference\n∅\nsubject (S, A)\n–\n–\n–\n=at\nobject (O)\nobj\n§6.4.2\n=bon\ncomitative\ncom\nobj, an.loc\n§6.4.3\n=ki\ninstrumental,\nins\n§6.4.4\nbenefactive\nben\n§6.4.5\n=kap\nsimilative\nsim\n§6.4.6\n=ko\nlocative\nloc\n§6.4.7\n=ka\nallative, ablative\nlat\n§6.4.8\n=konggo\nanimate locative\nan.loc\n§6.4.9\n=kongga\nanimate allative, ablative\nan.lat\n§6.4.9\nThese markers may remind some readers of case markers (which they were\nanalysed as in Visser 2016). Here, a postposition analysis was chosen because of\nthe domain of attachment (the NP, not the noun), a lack of agreement or declen-\nsion paradigms, and the fact that the forms are almost mutually exclusive. The\nfact that one of the Kalamang postpositions marks a core argument does not ex-\nclude it from being treated on a par with postpositions, as it has the same domain\nof attachment and the same function, namely marking the role of the NP.\n6.4.2 Object =at ‘obj’\nObject NPs are marked with =at. We see this for the first-person singular an\nin (78), or ror ‘wood’ and sontum et-un ‘person’s canoe’ in (78). Object marking\nis obligatory for all object NPs except those marked with the topic marker me;\nsee §16.1.\n(78)\nma\n3sg\n[an]NP=at=a\n1sg=obj=foc\ngerket\nask\newa\ntalk\n‘She asks me to tell.’\n[narr41_2:39]\nan\n1sg\nbo\ngo\nror=at\nwood=obj\npotma\ncut\nlanggan=at\nshort_wood=obj\npotma\ncut\n[sontum\nperson\net-un]NP=at\ncanoe-3poss=obj\nsewa\nrent\n‘I went cutting wood, cutting short pieces of wood, renting a person’s\ncanoe.’\n[narr41_0:29]\n175\n\n\n6 Nouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\nBoth direct and indirect objects of certain ditransitive verbs, such as kiem-\npanaet ‘to send’ in (79), are marked with =at (see also §12.2.1.2). In elicited ex-\namples, we can find two instances of =at in one clause. In the natural spoken\ncorpus, there are no examples with a direct and indirect object marked with =at,\nbecause either the theme or the recipient tends to be dropped.\n(79)\nnina\ngrandmother\n[pitis]NP=at\nmoney=obj\n[tara-un]NP=at\ngrandchild-3poss=obj\nkiempanaet\nsend\n‘Grandmother sends money to her grandchild.’\n[elic_3P_1]\nDemonstratives in the rightmost position of an object NP have phonologically\nfused forms: proximal wa is wat and distal me is met (Chapter 10). Their under-\nlying forms are given in (80) and (81).\n(80)\nin\n1pl.excl\n[wa]NP=at\nprox=obj\nparuot=et\nmake=irr\n‘We make this.’\n[conv19_3:28]\n(81)\n[don-an\nthing-1sg.poss\nme]NP=at\ndist.obj\nkuru\nbring\neti\nreturn.imp\n‘Bring back my stuff!’\n[conv9_23:01]\nIf the rightmost position in the NP is occupied by a quantifier, =at attaches to\nthe last word before the quantifier. The latter receives its own object marking.\nIn (82), the quantifiers appear to be outside of the NP. However, see §6.3.2 for\nquantifiers inside the NP.\n(82)\nan\n1sg\n[kewe]NP=at=a\nhouse=obj=foc\nkon-i\none-objqnt\nparuo\nmake\nan\n1sg\n[kewe\nhouse\ntumun]NP=at\nsmall=obj\nkon-i\none-objqnt\nparuo\nmake\n‘I worked on my house, I worked on my small house.’\n[narr41_0:45]\n6.4.3 Comitative =bon ‘com’\nComitative =bon typically expresses accompaniment. If both members of a pair\nare mentioned they are usually both marked with comitative =bon, as in (83).\nWhen a dual pronoun is followed by a noun marked with =bon it refers to two\npeople, not three, as illustrated in (84). The dual is in that case not marked with\nthe comitative.\n176\n\n\n6.4 Postpositions\n(83)\nma=bon\n3sg=com\nkiun=bon\nwife.3poss=com\npasar=ka=ta\nmarket=lat=nfin\nbo\ngo\ndon\nthing\njiet=kin\nbuy=vol\n‘He and his wife want to go to the market to buy things.’\n[stim7_27:16]\n(84)\nterus\nthen\nter-nan=i\ntea-consume=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\ninier\n1du\ntamu\nguest\nkon=bon\none=com\nmisis\nmiss\nwis\nyesterday\ngo_dung\nmorning\n‘Then we finished drinking tea, me and a guest, miss, yesterday morning.’\n[narr41_0:18]\nIf an inanimate accompanies an animate (typically someone bringing or car-\nrying something), only the inanimate is marked with =bon.\n(85)\nma\n3sg\nhukat=bon\nnet=com\nmia\ncome\n‘He is coming with the net.’\n[conv1_4:15]\nThe marker =bon is also used to express more abstract meanings, such as ‘with’\nin ‘to be busy with work’ and ‘chat with’, illustrated in (86) and (87).\n(86)\nsontum\nperson\nsaerak\nneg_exist\nsontum\nperson\ntok\nstill\nsibuk\nbusy\nkarajang=bon\nwork=com\n‘There are no people, people are still busy with work.’\n[narr41_1:05]\n(87)\nkiar\nwife\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\nma\n3sg\nra\ngo\ncanam\nman\nme=bon\ndist=com\ngarung\nchat\n‘That wife, she went to chat with that man.’\n[stim12_2:35]\nIn object function, =bon must be followed by the object marker =at as in (88).\n(88)\nma\n3sg\nkaden-un=bon\nbody-3poss=com\nnakal-un=bon=at\nhead-3poss=com=obj\nmaling=i\ntilt=plnk\ntaikon\nside\n‘He tilts his body and his head to one side.’\n[stim45_1:35]\nIn a few corpus instances bon stands on its own, with the complement elided\nbut retrievable from the context. (89) is taken from a conversation about how\nto prepare a dish with certain leaves. Speaker A mentions a coconut, whereupon\nspeaker B says it should be grated and mixed with the leaves. Both the leaves and\nthe coconut can be retrieved from the context, and so bon can stand on its own.\nThis, and the fact that =bon can be combined with other postpositions, suggests\nthat it is slightly different from the other postpositions.\n177\n\n\n6 Nouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\n(89)\nA: pi\n1pl.incl\n(...) wat=at\ncoconut=obj\nsuon\npeel\nkawaren\ngrate\n‘We peel and grate the coconut.’\nB: se\niam\nbon\ncom\nkir=et\ngrate=irr\nse\niam\nbon\ncom\ncampur=et\nmix=irr\n‘Grate [the coconut] with [the leaves], mix [the coconut] with [the\nleaves].’\n[conv11_1:48]\nA homophonous dependent verb bon ‘bring’ is described in §13.2.2.\n6.4.4 Instrumental =ki ‘ins’\nInstrumental =ki indicates that the NP head is the means or the instrument with\nwhich an action is achieved. This can be very literal, such as the instrument gier\n‘tooth’ in (90) to cut a string, or more abstract, such as the mode of transport\npesawat ‘aeroplane’ in (91). It is also used with the noun mang ‘language’, to\nexpress that someone uses that language, as in (92). Finally, (93) shows the distal\ninstrumental demonstrative minggi ‘with that’, where =ki is fused with the distal\ndemonstrative root (§10.1.4).\n(90)\nma\n3sg\nkarek=at\nstring=obj\ntolma\ncut\nto\nright\nma\n3sg\ngier=ki\ntooth=ins\ntolma\ncut\n‘She cut the string, right, she cut [it] with her teeth.’\n[narr40_4:25]\n(91)\nma\n3sg\nowa=ba\nfdist=foc\npesawat=ki\naeroplane=ins\nmia\ncome\n‘She comes from over there by aeroplane.’\n[conv7_11:22]\n(92)\nma\n3sg\nwalaka-mang=ki\nGorom-language=ins\ntoni\nsay\nka=nan\n2sg=too\ndon\nthing\nmet\ndist.obj\nna\nconsume\ngonggin\nknow\n‘She said in Goromese: “You also know how to eat that.”’\n[conv11_4:30]\n(93)\nripi\nthousand\nputkon=kin\nten=poss\nminggi\ndist.ins\nwinyal\nfish_with_line\n‘[Fishing line that costs] ten thousand, with that you go line-fishing.’\n[conv10_10:42]\n6.4.5 Benefactive =ki ‘ben’\nBenefactive =ki only occurs in give-constructions, where it attaches to the nom-\ninal recipient, as in (94). It cannot be used on pronominal recipients. Give-con-\nstructions are described in more detail in §12.2.1.2.\n178\n\n\n6.4 Postpositions\n(94)\nsor\nfish\nme\ntop\nselet-kon-i\npiece-one-objqnt\ntete=ki\ngrandfather.mly=ben\n∅=te\ngive=imp\n‘The fish, give a piece of it to grandfather!’\n[conv9_6:00]\nThe instrumental and benefactive use of =ki could be analysed as two instances\nof the same (oblique) postposition, which derives its interpretation from the con-\ntext. To allow for transparent glossing (ins and ben, respectively), I have treated\nthem separately.\n6.4.6 Similative =kap ‘sim’\nSimilative =kap attaches to NPs whose quality is compared to a standard (see also\n§12.3.6). It attaches to predicative nouns (example 95) and pronouns (example 96),\nbut not to demonstratives. Demonstratives have dedicated manner forms used in\na similar vein to the similative: proximal wandi ‘like this’ and distal mindi ‘like\nthat’ (Chapter 10).\n(95)\nwa\nprox\nme\ntop\nmang=nin\nbitter=neg\nma\n3sg\nper=kap=teba\nwater=sim=prog\n‘This isn’t bitter, it’s just like water.’\n[narr34_3:10]\n(96)\nkat\n2sg.obj\nparuo\nmake\nme\ntop\nsama=i\nsame=plnk\nnain\nlike\nan=kap\n1sg=sim\n‘Make you the same as me.’\n[narr19_12:20]\nNo combinations of =kap with other postpositions, such as locative =ko, have\nbeen recorded. An alternative way to compare entities is with the help of Malay\nloan sama ‘same’ or nain ‘like’ (§12.3.6).\n6.4.7 Locative =ko ‘loc’\nLocative =ko specifies inanimate locations (for animate locative =konggo, see\n§6.4.9). (97) contains two locatives: ‘on top of the pig’s body’ and ‘on his back’.\nIn (98), the locative NP consists of of a noun and a demonstrative.\n(97)\nlajarang\nhorse\nnakal-un\nhead-3poss\ndi=sara\ncaus=ascend\n[pep\npig\nkaden-keir-un]NP=ko\nbody-top-3poss=loc\n[silep-un]NP=ko\nback-3poss=loc\n‘The horse’s head goes on top of the pig’s body, on his back.’ [stim13_2:58]\n179\n\n\n6 Nouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\n(98)\nan\n1sg\nkuru\nbring\nbara\ndescend\ngareor=i\ndump=plnk\n[porkang\nhole\nowa-t]NP=ko\nfdist-t=loc\n‘I bring [it] down and dump [it] in the hole over there.’\n[conv10_14:07]\nNPs with locative postpositions =ko or =konggo are commonly used predica-\ntively, as in (99), where there is no verb in the clause and the location ‘Wagom’\nmarked with the locative postposition translates as ‘be in Wagom’. When used\npredicatively, =ko is inflected accordingly with e.g. the negator =nin (example 100)\nor imperative =te (example 101).\n(99)\nan\n1sg\nWagom=ko\nWagom=loc\n‘I was in Wagom.’\n[conv14_1:58]\n(100)\nma\n3sg\nkolak=ko=nin\nmainland=loc=neg\nma\n3sg\npasier=ko\nsea=loc\n‘She wasn’t on the mainland, she was in the sea.’\n[narr26_19:05]\n(101)\nka\n2sg\nme\ntop\nor=ko=te\nback=loc=imp\n‘You go in the back!’\n[narr19_5:00]\nLocatives may occur with verbs, although no verb requires a locative comple-\nment. Some verbs, like ecie ‘to return’ and bo ‘to go’, must precede a locative (102),\nand occur in constructions where movement towards a goal is expressed, rather\nthan location. It is only in these instances where the locative is used in movement\ncontexts that the locative may be inflected for imperative mood (§14.2.1.3). Other\nverbs, like melelu ‘to sit’, follow the locative (103). The behaviour of different\nverbs with locatives is further described in §13.3.1.\n(102)\ntebonggan\neveryone\nkoi\nthen\necien=i\nreturn=plnk\nkewe=ko\nhouse=loc\n‘Then everyone returned home.’\n[narr1_2:48]\n(103)\nma\n3sg\nbakul\nbasket\nkon\none\nbol-un=ko\nmouth-3poss=loc\nmelelu\nsit\n‘He sits on the rim of a basket.’\n[stim2_0:52]\nThere are two ways to mark NPs with locative =ko (cf. Huber 2018). When\nthere is no ambiguity with regard to the location of the referent, or when the\nlocation is big or generic, =ko can be attached to a NP consisting of just a noun.\n180\n\n\n6.4 Postpositions\nThis applies to place names (see 99), landscape features such as kolak ‘forest;\nmountain; mainland’ or pasier ‘sea’ (see 100) and kewe ‘house’ (see 102). With\nsmaller and more specific nouns, like bakul ‘basket’ (see 103) or kaden ‘body’ (see\n97), the exact location has to be specified with the help of a relational noun. These\nnouns are commonly inflected with possessive suffix -un and and then followed\nby locative =ko (see Table 6.2 in §6.1.2.1). These roots cannot stand alone as a\nsubject, object or location, but must be inflected with possessive -un, locative\n=ko, both -un and =ko, -pis ‘side’, or -kadok ‘side’. Alternatively, they may be\nfollowed by a local demonstrative, as in (104).\n(104)\nkofir\ncoffee\nbungkus\npack\nkon\none\nelak\nbottom\nmetko\ndist.loc\n‘There is a pack of coffee at the bottom there.’\n[conv10_15:52]\nLocal demonstratives watko ‘here’ and metko ‘there’ (Chapter 10) are derived\nfrom the demonstrative roots wa and me, and from locative =ko. They are treated\nas monomorphemic because of their aberrant morphophonology, which is de-\nscribed in §3.4.6. The same goes for the question word tamatko, which contains\nthe question-word root tama and locative =ko, but is treated as a monomor-\nphemic word meaning ‘where’. It takes the place of the locative.\n(105)\nmu\n3pl\ntamatko=a\nwhere=foc\nkajie\npick\n‘Where did they pick [chestnuts]?’\n[conv11_2:49]\nDescribing the position of two entities with respect to each other, the Kala-\nmang speaker makes use of three frames of reference: the intrinsic frame of ref-\nerence (with relational nouns such as ‘front’ and ‘back’), the absolute frame of\nreference (with locational nouns ‘sea-side’ and ‘land-side’), and the relative frame\nof reference (with the choice between ‘left’ and ‘right’, Levinson 1996, Levinson\n& Wilkins 2006). All three frames of reference make use of the locative predicate\n=ko.\n(106)\ntumun\nchild\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\nper\nwater\nnerunggo\nin.loc\n‘That child is in the water.’\n[stim21_0:28]\n(107)\nma\n3sg\nsiun\nedge\nwilak=ko\nsea=loc\nyuwa\nprox\n‘It’s on the edge on the sea-side here.’\n[stim38_4:51]\n181\n\n\n6 Nouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\n(108)\nterus\nthen\nLaka\nLaka\nkewe-un\nhouse-3poss\ntanbes=ko\nright=loc\n‘Then Laka’s house on the right.’\n[stim36_1:33]\nAt this point, it is not clear whether, for example, scale or absolute distance\nbetween the referents plays a role in the choice of frame of reference (Levinson\n& Wilkins 2006). In any case, different frames of reference may be combined in\norder to get a message across, as in (109).\n(109)\nma\n3sg\nror\ntree\nkibis-un=ko\nshore-3poss=loc\nmambara\nstand\ntanbes=ko\nright=loc\n‘He stands to the shore-side of the tree, on the right.’\n[stim27_17:03]\nThere are a few unexpected uses of the locational root keit- ‘top’ inflected\nwith the locative. These are yuonggeitko ‘in the sun’, but literally ‘on the sun’\n(example 110), and naunggeitko ‘in the soil’, but literally ‘on the soil’ (example 111).\n(110)\nyuon\nsun\nlalang\nhot\npi\n1pl.incl\nse\ntop\nkoi\nthen\nkosarun\naril\njie=ta\nget=nfin\nyuon-keit=ko\nsun-top=loc\nmasan\ndry\n‘If the sun is hot, we get the arils out in the sun to dry.’\n[narr12_4:44]\n(111)\nma\n3sg\newun\nroot\nnaun-keit=ko=nin\nsoil-top=loc=neg\n‘Its roots don’t go in the soil.’\n[narr34_4:58]\n=ko is grammaticalised in at least two verbs.\n(112)\nkabor ‘stomach’\nkaborko ‘to be pregnant’\ntan ‘arm and hand’\ntanggo ‘to hold; grip; grasp’\nA third possible example is bitko ‘to carry on the shoulders’, perhaps related\nto bekiem ‘shoulder’.\n6.4.8 Lative =ka ‘lat’\nLative =ka specifies movement from (ab-lative) or towards (al-lative) an inan-\nimate location (for animate lative =kongga, see §6.4.9). In contrast with NPs\nmarked with =ko, NPs marked with a lative postposition cannot be predicative:\nthey must be accompanied by a verb, which always follows the NP marked with\n=ka. In (113), =ka means ‘from’ and is combined with the verb gonggung ‘call’.\nIn (114), =ka means ‘to’ and is combined with the verb bo ‘to go’. See also §13.3.1.\n182\n\n\n6.4 Postpositions\n(113)\nmu\n3pl\nse\niam\nkelak=ka\nmainland=lat\ngonggung\ncall\n‘They called from the mainland.’\n[narr19_7:09]\n(114)\nma\n3sg\nin=konggo\n1pl.excl=an.loc\ntelin\nstay\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nleng-un=ka\nvillage-3poss=lat\nbot=nin\ngo=neg\n‘He stays with us, he doesn’t go back to his village any more.’\n[narr2_1:34]\nLike locative =ko, lative =ka occurs on demonstratives and the question word\ntama, forming the fused forms wangga ‘to/from here’ (example 118), mengga\n‘to/from there’ (example 115) and tamangga ‘to/from where’. See also §3.4.6 and\nChapter 10.\n(115)\nma\n3sg\nmengga\ndist.lat\nkinggir=ta\nsail=nfin\nme\ntop\nbo\ngo\nSilak\nSilak\narep\nbay\nneko\ninside\n‘He sailed from there until Silak bay.’\n[narr28_0:35]\n(116)\nma\n3sg\ntamangga=ta\nwhere.lat=nfin\ntiri\nswim\nbot\ngo\n‘Where did it swim?’\n[conv3_0:58]\n6.4.9 Animate locative/lative =konggo/=kongga ‘an.loc/an.lat’\nThe locative and lative postpositions that attach to animate NPs are =konggo and\n=kongga, respectively. They attach to NPs with pronouns referring to animates,\nanimate nouns and names. The locative postposition =ko and lative =ka are un-\ngrammatical with animate NPs. Consider (117) and (118).\n(117)\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nra\ngo\npaning\nask\ntete=konggo\ngrandfather=an.loc\n‘He went to ask grandfather.’\n[narr23_5:56]\n(118)\nan\n1sg\nwangga\nprox.lat\nra\ngo\ntabai-jie\ntobacco-buy\n[Bilal\nBilal\nmu]NP=kongga\n3pl=an.lat\n‘I went from here to buy tobacco, from Bilal’s.’\n[conv10_12:39]\nAnimate locative =konggo is used, besides indicating location at an animate\nreferent (as in 119 and 120), for the recipient of greetings (‘greet at him’, exam-\nple 121).\n183\n\n\n6 Nouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\n(119)\nma\n3sg\n[ulan-un]NP=konggo=a\naunt=3poss=an.loc=foc\n[wowa\naunt\nNona]NP=konggo=a\nNona=an.loc=foc\nto\nright\n‘It’s at their aunt, Nona’s aunt right?’\n[conv9_4:42]\n(120)\nan=konggo\n1sg=an.loc\nme\ntop\nror\ntree\ntantayon=ko\nleft=loc\nma\n3sg\ntanbes=ko\nright=loc\n‘Mine [my picture] has the tree on the left and him on the right.’\n[stim25_3:08]\n(121)\nkirim\nsend\nsalam\ngreetings\nmu=konggo\n3pl=an.loc\n‘Send greetings to them!’\n[overheard]\nAnimate lative =kongga, besides indicating movement towards/from an ani-\nmate referent (as in 122), is used for constructions expressing the referent’s opin-\nion or will (123) and for constructions with ‘tell’ (124).\n(122)\nin\n1pl.excl\nkiem=i\nflee=plnk\nJepang\nJapan\nin=kongga\n1pl.excl=an.lat\nluk\ncome\nweinun\ntoo\n‘We fled and the Japanese came to us too.’\n[narr40_06:22]\n(123)\nsabar\nfront\nkuawi\nnorth\ngoras=kongga\ncrow=an.lat\n‘Whether [the boat] points north depends on the crow.’\n[narr39_3:08]\n(124)\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\n[esa\nfather\nkain]NP=kongga\n2sg.poss=an.lat\ntoni\nsay\n‘He told your father.’\n[conv9_3:19]\nBoth the animate locative and lative can also be used in constructions with\nverbs related to buying and selling, marking the recipient or source. =konggo\nand =kongga are interchangeable in such constructions (see also §12.2.1.2).\n(125)\npas\nwoman\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\nra\ngo\nma=kongga\n3sg=an.lat\ndon\nthing\njie\nbuy\n‘That woman went to buy a thing from him.’\n[stim12_2:25]\n(126)\nan\n1sg\nki=konggo\n2pl=an.loc\nparein=nin\nsell=neg\no\nemph\n‘I’m not selling to you guys!’\n[narr42_33:47]\n184\n\n\n6.5 Nominal coordination\nThe corpus contains three instances of animate locative =konggo on inanimate\nNPs: once on but ‘stairs’, once on semen ‘cement’ and once on muka ‘front’. Al-\nthough the latter two are Malay loans, there are no further indications that loan\nwords have an influence on the use of the animate locative. In (127) and (128), the\nanimate locative is followed by a distal locative. This does not explain the use\nof an animate locative on an inanimate either, as the inanimate locative =ko fol-\nlowed by a distal locative occurs elsewhere in the corpus. Animate lative =kongga\ndoes not occur on inanimate NPs.\n(127)\nkuru\nbring\nmarua\nmove_seawards\nparuak=i\nthrow_away=plnk\nbut=konggo\nstairs=an.loc\nimetko\ndist.loc\n‘[They] brought [the fishing net] seawards and threw it at the stairs\nthere.’\n[conv4_5:01]\n(128)\nnam∼nam=i\npuddle∼prog=plnk\nmia\ncome\nsemen=konggo\ncement=an.loc\nmetko\ndist.loc\n‘[The blood] came puddling on the cement there.’\n[conv9_28:05]\n(129)\nmu\n3pl\nmuka=konggo=a\nfront=an.loc=foc\nmelelu\nsit\n‘They sit at the front.’\n[stim42_16:24]\n6.5 Nominal coordination\nNPs may be coordinated conjunctively (‘and’-type) or disjunctively (‘or’-type).\nConjunctive coordination is signalled with the comitative postposition =bon,\nas described in §6.4.3, or without overt marking. Conjunctive coordination may\nbe unmarked in lists, such as the list of food items in (130). There is an intonation\nbreak after every noun.\n(130)\nim\nbanana\npanggala\ncassava\nyap_seran\nyam\nmanadu\ntaro\npasiem\nbanana\nmet=a\ndist=foc\nin\n1pl.excl\nna∼nan\nconsume∼hab\n‘Banana, cassava, yam, taro, banana, that’s what we used to eat.’\n[narr43_4:31]\nUnmarked conjunctive coordination without an intonation break is uncom-\nmon. This type of intonation is used cross-linguistically to express natural pairs,\n185\n\n\n6 Nouns, noun phrases and postpositional phrases\nthat is, items that are expected to co-occur (Wälchli 2005). The corpus contains\nonly one such example: pas canam ‘woman and man’.\nDisjunctive coordination is signalled with ye ‘or’. It typically follows all coor-\ndinated elements, including the last one. Intonationally, ye ‘or’ belongs to the\npreceding constituent. The disjunctive coordinator is not limited to coordinating\nNPs, but may coordinate clauses as well. An example coordinating three proper\nnames is given in (131).\n(131)\nUnyil\nUnyil\nye\nor\nArif\nArif\nye\nor\nIwan\nIwan\nye\nor\n‘Unyil, Arif or Iwan?’\n[conv7_0:30]\nYe ‘or’ may also only follow the first NP, as in (132), still belonging to that\nconstituent intonationally.\n(132)\nwan-karuok\ntime-three\nye\nor\nwan-kansuor\ntime-four\nmasat=et\ndry_in_sun=irr\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nkararak\ndry\n‘[After] drying in the sun three or four times, it’s already dry.’\n[narr12_5:24]\nIn a few cases (eight examples in the natural spoken language corpus), the\nKalamang coordinator ye ‘or’ is combined with the Malay equivalent atau ‘or’,\nas in (133). Intonationally, atau also belongs to the constituent it follows.\n(133)\npi\n1pl.incl\nse\niam\nmuap=at\nfood=obj\nnain\nlike\namdir=at\ngarden=obj\nparuo\nmake\npanggala\ncassava\nye\nor\natau\nor\nim\nbanana\nye\nor\npasiem\nyellow_taro\n‘We make a food garden, [with] cassava, banana or yellow taro.’\n[narr12_0:39]\n186\n\n\n7 Pronouns and person reference and\naddress\nThis chapter examines person reference and address. It is divided between pro-\nnominal and non-pronominal reference and address. Pronouns were introduced\nin §5.3. They are NP heads that can carry postpositions and a number of pronoun-\nspecific suffixes. They do not carry possessive suffixes and are not reduplicated.\nIn §7.1, the different Kalamang pronominal paradigms are given, with examples\nof their use. Non-pronominal person reference and address involves either kin-\nship terms or names as well as subclasses of nouns, and is described in §7.2.\n7.1 Pronominal person reference and address\nKalamang pronouns distinguish between first, second and third person and be-\ntween singular, dual and plural number. They also have a clusivity distinction\nin the first-person dual and plural. There are five series of pronouns, listed in\nTable 7.1: basic pronouns, quantifying pronouns, restricting pronouns, collective\npronouns and possessive pronouns. The basic pronouns are free-standing forms;\nperson and number are not marked on the verb in general. Dual pronouns are\nformed by suffixing -ier to the plural basic pronouns. The basic pronouns are the\nonly pronouns that have a dual form. There are two series of pronouns made with\nsuffixes that roughly mean ‘alone’ or ‘self’. The -(ah)utak series has a quantifying\nreading, whereas the -tain series has a restrictive or contrastive focus meaning.\nCollective pronouns are only available for plural forms, and are formed by suffix-\ning -(nV)ninggan to the basic pronouns. Kalamang possessive pronouns consist\nof the basic pronouns plus an element -gon (first-person singular and first-person\nplural exclusive) or -in (other forms).\nThe phonological form of basic pronouns shows a pattern across number/per-\nson. First-person forms end in /n/ (except for the first-person inclusive, which\nhas initial /p/), second-person forms start with /k/ and third person forms start\nwith /m/. All singular pronouns have the vowel /a/. Plural pronouns have /i/ or\n/u/.\n\n\n7 Pronouns and person reference and address\nTable 7.1: Pronominal paradigms\n(a) Basic\nsg\ndu\npl\n1\nan\nex: inier\nex: in\nin: pier\nin: pi\n2\nka\nkier\nki\n3\nma\nmier\nmu\n(b) Quantifying -(ah)utak\nsg\npl\n1\nan(ah)utak\nex: in(h)utak\nin: pi(h)utak\n2\nka(h)utak\nki(h)utak\n3\nma(h)utak\nmu(h)utak\n(c) Restrictive/contrastive focus -tain\nsg\npl\n1\nandain\nex: indain\nin: pirain\n2\nkarain\nkirain\n3\nmarain\nmurain\n(d) Collective\nsg\npl\n1\nex: inaninggan\nin: pinaninggan\n2\nkinaninggan\n3\nmunaninggan\n(e) Possessive\nsg\npl\n1\nanggon\nex: inggon\nin: pin\n2\nkain\nkin\n3\nmain\nmuin\nNote that the restricting series with -(ah)utak has variable pronunciation with\n/h/ and /s/, such that the suffix may be [aˈhutak̚] or [aˈsutak̚] (see also §3.4.1.2).\nPronunciation with /h/ is more common than with /s/. /h/ or /a/ and /h/ may\nalso be omitted, resulting in [aˈutak̚] or [ˈutak̚], which are the more common\nrealisations of the suffix. Variable pronunciation is also found for the collective\npronouns, where the suffixed part may be [naˈniŋgan], [aˈniŋgan], [niˈniŋgan] or\n[ˈniŋgan].\nThird-person singular ma may also refer to inanimates. Third-person plural\nmu does not occur with reference to inanimates.\n188\n\n\n7.1 Pronominal person reference and address\n(1)\npadanual=at\npandanus=obj\npotman\ncut\nmat\n3sg.obj\nparair\ncut\n‘[You] cut the pandanus, split it...’\n[narr11_1:56]\n7.1.1 Morphosyntactic properties\nAt least the basic pronouns, the -tain series of restricting pronouns and pos-\nsessive pronouns can be marked with the following clitics in different syntac-\ntic and pragmatic roles: object =at (§6.4.2), causative di= (in give-constructions,\n§12.2.1.2), comitative =bon (§6.4.3) and similative =kap (§6.4.6). Lative =ka and\nlocative =ko cannot be suffixed to pronouns, having dedicated animate forms in-\nstead that can be used with pronouns referring to animates: =kongga and =konggo,\nrespectively (§6.4.9). Benefactive marker =ki is the only case enclitic that can-\nnot be attached to pronouns (see §12.2.1.2). An instance of instrumental =ki was\nelicited, see (2). The comitative and similative postpositions are illustrated in (3)\nand (4), respectively.\n(2)\nan\n1sg\nanggon=ki\n1sg.poss=ins\nkawotman\ncut\nma\n3sg\nmain=ki\n3poss=ins\nkawotman\ncut\n‘I cut with mine, he cuts with his.’\n[elic_wc19_86]\n(3)\nmu\n3pl\nse\niam\nyal\npaddle\nmarain=bon\n3sg.alone=com\n‘They paddled with him alone.’\n[narr28_11:26]\n(4)\nme\ndist\nsama=i\nsame=plnk\nnain\nlike\nan=kap\n1sg=sim\n‘That’s the same as me.’\n[narr19_12:22]\nAll pronouns in Table 7.1 must carry object marker =at when they function as\nthe (direct or indirect) object of a clause. (5) and (6) illustrate different kinds of\npronouns in object function.\n(5)\nan\n1sg\nbo\ngo\nbandrol-un=at\ntobacco_pouch-3poss=obj\njie\nget\nmu=at\n3sg=obj\nnaunak\nshow\n‘I went to get the tobacco’s pouch [to] show them.’\n[narr16_3:38]\n(6)\nan\n1sg\nanggon=at\n1sg.poss=obj\nnaluar=teba\nslacken=prog\n‘I’m slackening mine.’\n[conv3_4:16]\n189\n\n\n7 Pronouns and person reference and address\nOther nominal morphology that is also carried by pronouns is =nan ‘too’, il-\nlustrated in (7).\n(7)\nma=nan\n3sg=too\nkoyan\nplant\namdir-un=ko\ngarden-3poss=loc\n‘He also plants in the garden.’\n[stim12_0:42]\nThe enclitic =saet ‘only, exclusively’, found also on nouns, was not found on\npronouns in the natural spoken corpus, probably because the restricting pro-\nnouns take over that function.\n7.1.2 Clusivity\nIn all pronominal paradigms, there is a distinction between inclusive and ex-\nclusive forms. Forms containing in are first-person exclusive (referring to the\nspeaker and other people, excluding the addressee), while forms containing pi\nare inclusive (referring to the speaker and the addressee, and (an)other person(s)).\nThe dual form inier refers to the speaker and another person, and the dual form\npier refers to the speaker and the addressee. Clusivity is illustrated for the basic\npronouns in (8) and (9).1\n(8)\nki-mun\n2pl-proh\nin=bon\n1pl.excl=com\newa∼wa=in\nspeak∼prog=proh\n‘Don’t you guys speak to us!’\n[conv9_31:04]\n(9)\npi\n1pl.incl\nbuokbuok=et\nchew_betel=irr\neba\nthen\npi\n1pl.incl\ngarung=et\ntalk=irr\n‘We chew betel and then we talk.’\n[conv9_00:10]\n7.1.3 Number\nDual number is created by suffixing -ier to the basic pronouns. This might be a\nmetathesis of eir ‘two’. Dual forms are not obligatory, but are used in the great\nmajority of the cases where a pronoun refers to two referents. When there are\nmore than two referents, the speaker can choose between a basic pronoun with\nor without a suffixed numeral. The higher the number of referents, the lower\nthe share of pronouns with a suffixed numeral.2 (10) shows dual number, and (11)\nshows the numeral kansuor ‘four’ suffixed to the third-person plural.\n1Contra the preliminary analysis of the Kalamang pronominal system in Visser (2016), clusivity\nis a well-established distinction in Kalamang.\n2This observation is impressionistic. It is based on a corpus search for pronouns with a suffixed\nnumeral. A confounding factor is that lower numerals are more common than higher numerals.\n190\n\n\n7.1 Pronominal person reference and address\n(10)\ninier\n1du.ex\net-putkaruok\nclf_an-thirteen\nkoluk\nfind\n‘We caught thirteen pieces.’\n[narr44_5:17]\n(11)\nmunggansuor\nthey_four\nbelajar=teba\nstudy=prog\n‘They four are studying.’\n[stim4_4:05]\nAlthough suffixing a numeral to a pronoun is less and less common the higher\nthe number of referents, there are several instances in the corpus where speakers\ncount the number of referents to make sure they refer to them in the correct way\n(as in 12, where the number of people in a picture is counted), or check with\ntheir addressee whether they are referring to the correct number of people, as\nin (13). In (12) it is unclear whether raman=a should be analysed as a suffix to the\npronoun or as an independent numeral, but since the corpus contains examples\nwith ‘two’, ‘three’ and ‘four’ that are suffixed, I take it that ‘six’ is, too.\n(12)\nkon\none\neir\ntwo\nkaruok\nthree\nkansuor\nfour\nmu-raman=a\n3pl-six=foc\nmelelu\nsit\n‘One, two, three, four, they six sit.’\n[stim42_12:42]\n(13)\nA: mu\n3pl\npuraman\nhow_many\n‘How many are they?’\nB: munggaruok\nthey_three\n‘They [are] three.’\nA: munggaruok\nthey_three\nmat\n3sg.obj\nrup=te\nhelp=nfin\nkajie\npick\n‘They three help him pick.’\n[stim29_0:49]\nA common construction with inier, which includes the speaker, is inier N=bon,\nliterally ‘we two and X’. Rather than referring to three people, it refers to the\nspeaker and X, as illustrated in (14). This is what Singer (2001) refers to as an\ninclusory construction.\n(14)\ninier\n1du.ex\nKeca=bon\nKeca=com\nbo\ngo\nwar=kin\nfish=vol\n‘Me and Keca wanted to go fishing.’\n[narr44_0:05]\n191\n\n\n7 Pronouns and person reference and address\n7.1.4 ‘Alone’ pronouns\nThere are two series of ‘alone’ pronouns. The -tain series has a restrictive or con-\ntrastive focus meaning, whereas the -(a)hutak series refers to literally no more\n(or fewer) referents than stated in the pronoun, and is a quantifying pronoun\nseries. The differences are slight, and not every corpus example fits this anal-\nysis entirely, but the following examples are representative of the use of these\npronouns. Both suffixes can be freely translated as ‘alone’ or ‘self’.\n(15) and (16) illustrate the -tain series with restrictive or contrastive focus.\nIn (15), where people describe a picture from the Family problems picture task\n(Carroll et al. 2009), there are clearly more referents to choose from, but the\nspeaker wishes to focus on ‘him alone’. In (16), from the same recording, the\nspeaker explains that the man in the task, who has come out of jail and has be-\ncome a better person, improved himself on his own. There were perhaps more\ncandidates for the source of his improvement, but the speaker wishes to convey\nthat the man did it all alone. Strikingly, -tain pronouns often co-occur with the\nfocus enclitic =a.\n(15)\nma-tain\n3sg-alone\ntaikonggo\nside.loc\nkiun\nwife.3poss\ntaikonggo\nside.loc\n‘He (alone/himself) on one side, his wife on the other side.’ [stim7_16:27]\n(16)\nan-tain=a\n1sg-alone=foc\nparuo\ndo\n‘It was I who did it.’\n[stim7_16:27]\nThe -tain series may also be used in reflexive constructions, as in (17). See\n§11.4.1 for a further description.\n(17)\nma-tain\n3sg-alone\nse\niam\nun-deir=i\nrefl-bring=plnk\nluk\ncome\n‘She came herself.’ (Lit. ‘She brought herself coming.’)\n[narr24_5:33]\n(18) and (19) illustrate the quantifying -(a)hutak series. In (18), one speaker\nleaves the other during a recording session and orders her to speak further on\nher own. There are no others around, so the speaker is really only talking about\nthe addressee. In (19), people are discussing a picture with a girl named Ramina\non it, and no-one else.\n(18)\nka-hutak\n2sg-alone\nwatko\nprox.loc\newa=te\nspeak=imp\n‘You talk on your own here!’\n[conv12_21:23]\n192\n\n\n7.1 Pronominal person reference and address\n(19)\nRamina\nRamina\nma-hutak\n3sg-alone\nbara\ndescend\n‘Ramina alone is coming back.’\n[stim42_15:46]\nThe difference of these last two examples with the -tain examples above is that\nthere are no more referents to choose from. A negated -(a)hutak example further\nstrengthens this hypothesis. In (20), the speaker explains that he and his travel\ncompany were not alone (drinking tea at a funeral), but that the other invited\npeople did so as well. By negating a quantifying pronoun, the speaker indicates\nthat there were more people present than just those referred to with ‘we’. The\n-(a)hutak pronouns contrast with the -(V)ninggan series described in the next\nsection, also illustrated in the example below.\n(20)\nbukan\nnot\nin-ahutak\n1pl.excl-alone\nge\nno\n[...] in-ininggan\n1pl.excl-all\nmindi\nlike_that\n‘Not just us, we all did like that.’\n[narr1_00:47]\nThe following elicited example shows how the two pronouns are not inter-\nchangeable in some contexts. In (21), the form anahutak is the only correct one,\nbecause there was only one person swimming. Andain would have been correct\nif the speaker intended to communicate that she swam without help, but that\nwould have required a different context.\n(21)\nsontum\nperson\nreidak\nmany\nosep=ko\nbeach=loc\nan-ahutak/*-tain\n1sg-alone/-alone\njie\nswim\n‘There were many people at the beach [but] only I was swimming.’\n[elic_pro_10]\nNote also that the -(a)hutak forms seem to include the clitic =tak ‘just, only’.\nDual forms cannot be suffixed with -(a)hutak, only with -tak, e.g. iniertak means\n‘only us two’. Perhaps these forms are comparable to the -(a)hutak forms. The\ndual forms with -tak give the speaker the possibility to specify that there were\nonly two people, no more, no less. Forms like *inggaruoktak ‘only us three’ and\n*inggansuortak ‘only us four’ are not found in the corpus.\nDual forms with -tain were elicited, but their semantics remain unclear. For\nthe third-person dual, miertain, a speaker remarked that it means ‘they two have’.\nDual pronouns with -tain can perhaps be analysed as pronoun+tak+kin, where\n-kin is the associated plural or a possessive form indicating part-whole relations\n(see §9.7).\n193\n\n\n7 Pronouns and person reference and address\n7.1.5 Collective pronouns\nAnother series of quantifying pronouns are the collective pronouns. The use of\na collective pronoun stresses that all referents referred to with a pronoun were\npartaking in the action described. It contrasts with the restricting -(a)hutak se-\nries described above. The suffix, which is only added to plural pronouns, varies\nbetween the forms -naninggan, -nininggan and -ninggan. The -naninggan form\nperhaps contains the morpheme -nan ‘too’, but the three forms mentioned here\nseem to be used interchangeably.\n(22)\nBobi\nBobi\nemun=bon\nmother.3poss=com\ntumtum-un=bon\nchildren-3poss=com\nin-naninggan=a\n1pl.excl-all=foc\nse\niam\nmara\nmove_landwards\nmetko\ndist.loc\n‘We together with Bobi’s mother and her children, we all went there.’\n[conv13_7:32]\nFor the dual forms, the suffix just takes the form -gan, resulting in the meaning\n‘we both, you both, they both’, as shown in (23). This suffix is also used on nu-\nmerals with the meaning ‘both’ or ‘all’. Note that the morpheme -gan also seems\nto be part of the word tebonggan ‘all’. Tebon does not have a meaning on its own.\n(23)\nmier-gan\n3pl.du-both\nnakal-un\nhead-3poss\nelak-pis\ndown-side\n‘They both have their heads down’.\n[stim38_2:46]\n7.1.6 Possessive pronouns\nPossessive pronouns, listed in Table 7.1, are used in two ways: pronominally and\nadnominally. A pronominal example is given in (24). The possessive pronouns\nrefer to the two ends of a fishing net.\n(24)\nan\n1sg\nanggon=at=a\n1sg.poss=obj=foc\nnaluar\nslacken\nkain\n2sg.poss\nme\ntop\nka\n2sg\nnarorar=i\ndrag=plnk\nbo\ngo\ntamatko=et\nwhere=irr\neba\nthen\nnaluar=te\nslacken=imp\n‘I slacken mine, as for yours, you drag it over there, then you slacken!’\n[conv5_1:02]\nPossessive constructions and possessive morphology is further described in\nChapter 9.\n194\n\n\n7.2 Non-pronominal person reference and address\n7.1.7 Pronominal address\nPronominal address with the second-person singular ka and plural ki is a com-\nmon form of address in everyday speech. It is considered very informal, and is\nused among peers, among spouses and towards children, typically for commands.\nIn a more polite variant, it is used in combination with non-pronominal address.\n(25) is taken from a recording of two friends discussing fishing gear. The speaker\naddresses her friend with the second-person singular ka to tell her when to speak.\n(26) is taken from a recording from a boat trip with two distant relatives. The\nspeaker uses a non-pronominal address form first before he uses the pronoun.\nThere are no formal pronominal terms of address. Non-pronominal address is\nfurther described in §7.2.3.\n(25)\nan\n1sg\newa=et\nspeak=irr\nme\ntop\nka\n2sg\ntok_tok=ta\nnot_yet=nfin\n‘When I speak you don’t [speak] yet.’\n[stim15_0:36]\n(26)\nBinkur\nBinkur\nemun\nmother.3poss\nka\n2sg\ntok\nfirst\nper=at\nwater=obj\ndi=mu\ncaus=3pl\n∅=te\ngive=imp\n‘Binkur’s mother, you give them water first.’\n[conv27_5:28]\n7.2 Non-pronominal person reference and address\nKalamang has a broad array of kinship terms and names that are used to refer to\nand address people without using a pronoun. Every Kalamang community mem-\nber can be referred to and addressed with more than one term or name. Formal\nterms include kinship terms and teknonyms. Given names are very informal or\neven taboo. Nicknames are very common, and their degree of formality is in be-\ntween formal and informal. First, I list kinship terms of reference in §7.2.1, and\nthen names, nicknames and teknonyms in §7.2.2. The terms of address and their\ndegrees of formality are discussed in §7.2.3. Table 7.2 gives an overview of the\nforms treated in this section.\nIn addition to the specifications temun ‘elder’ and caun ‘younger’, both terms\nof reference and terms of address for aunts and uncles can be specified with raor\n‘middle’.\n7.2.1 Kinship terms\nKinship terms form a subclass of nouns, some of which are inalienable (kiar-\n/kie- ‘wife’, nam- ‘husband’, kia- ‘same-sex sibling’, dun- ‘opposite-sex sibling’\n195\n\n\n7 Pronouns and person reference and address\nTable 7.2: Terms of non-pronominal reference and address, split be-\ntween more and less formal forms. SS = same-sex, OS = opposite-sex,\nn.a. = not applicable. A dash means not possible/taboo.\nreference\naddress,\nformal\naddress,\ninformal\nSS sibling\nkia-\nteknonym\nname\nOS sibling\ndun-\nteknonym\nname\ncross-cousin\nkorap\nteknonym\nname\nSS parallel cousin\nkia-\nteknonym\nname\nOS parallel cousin\ndudan\nteknonym\nname\nfather\nesa\nesa\nteknonym\n–\nmother\nema\nema\nteknonym\n–\nfather’s brother\nesa temun/caun\nesa (temun/caun)\nteknonym\ntemun/caun\nfather’s sister\nwowa temun/caun\nwowa (temun/caun)\nteknonym\ntemun/caun\nmother’s brother\nesa temun/caun\nesa (temun/caun)\nteknonym\ntemun/caun\nmother’s sister\nwowa temun/caun\nwowa (temun/caun)\nteknonym\ntemun/caun\ngreat-grandfather\ntatanus\nn.a.\nn.a.\ngreat-grandmother\nninanus\nn.a.\nn.a.\ngrandfather\nesnem/tata\nesnem/tata\nteknonym\n–\ngrandmother\nemnem/nina\nemnem/nina\nteknonym\n–\ngrandparent\ntara-\nas grandfather/grand-\nmother\n–\ngrandchild\ntara-\nteknonym\nname\nson\ntumun (canam)\nteknonym\nname\ndaughter\ntumun (pas)\nteknonym\nname\nnephew\ntumun (canam)\nteknonym\nname\nniece\ntumun (pas)\nteknonym\nname\nhusband\nnam-\nteknonym\nname\nwife\nkia-, kiar-, kie-\nteknonym\nname\nparent-in-law\nketan\nesa, ema\nteknonym\n–\nchild-in-law\nketan\nteknonym\nname\nsibling-in-law\ndauk\nteknonym\nname?\nnon-kin\nteknonym\nteknonym\nname\n196\n\n\n7.2 Non-pronominal person reference and address\nand tara- ‘grandparent; grandchild’), and many of which have a plural form with\n-mur (§6.1.2.3).\nKinship terms are presented in the following groups: siblings; cousins; parents,\naunts and uncles; grandparents and grandchildren; sons and daughters, nieces\nand nephews (consanguines); and inlaws (affines). For each group, the terms are\npresented in a table. An overview of all terms of reference, alongside terms of\naddress, is given in Table 7.2 in §7.2.3.\n7.2.1.1 Kinship terms: consanguines\nConsanguines are those family members with whom one shares an ancestor.\nFor siblings there are different terms used depending on the sex of the referee,\nwith the inalienable terms kia- for ‘same-sex sibling’ and dun- for ‘opposite-sex\nsibling’. Terms like canam/pas ‘male/female’ and temun/cicaun ‘big/small’ (here:\nelder/younger) can be added as terms of reference if one wants to be precise, but\nthese are not generally used. The forms are presented in Table 7.3.\nTable 7.3: Kinship terms: siblings\nsame-sex\nopposite-sex\nego\nkia-\ndun-\nTerms for cousins distinguish between parallel and cross-cousins (korap). A\nparallel cousin is a cousin from a parent’s same-sex sibling, while a cross-cousin\nis from a parent’s opposite-sex sibling. Within parallel cousins, there is a dis-\ntinction between same-sex (kia-, the same term used for same-sex siblings) and\nopposite-sex cousins (dudan, cf. dun- for opposite-sex siblings). Table 7.4 gives\nan overview of the terms.\nTable 7.4: Kinship terms: cousins\nparallel\ncross\nsame-sex\nopposite-sex\nego\nkia-\ndudan\nkorap\nFather and mother are called esa and ema, respectively. A distinction is made\nbetween uncles and aunts who are of the same sex as ego’s parents and those that\n197\n\n\n7 Pronouns and person reference and address\nare of the opposite sex of ego’s parents. Father’s brothers and mother’s sisters are\nesa and ema, respectively. Father’s sisters are wowa, ulan or u (in order of com-\nmonness) and mother’s brothers are mama. Aunts and uncles who are older than\nego’s parent get the optional addition temun ‘elder’. Aunts and uncles younger\nthan ego’s parent get the optional addition cicaun ‘younger’, usually shortened\nto caun.3 For example, ego’s mother’s elder sister (MeZ)4 is called ema temun.\nTable 7.5 also shows that the terms are the same for male and female speakers.\nTable 7.5: Kinship terms: parents, aunts and uncles\nF/FB\nM/MZ\nMB\nFZ\nego\nesa\nema\nmama\nwowa\nFor grandparents there are two sets of terms that seem to be used interchange-\nably. Esnem ‘grandfather’ and emnem ‘grandmother’ are indigenous terms, where-\nas tata and nina seem to be loans from an East Malukan language (see §7.2.1.3\nbelow). A general term for grandparent regardless of sex is inalienable tara-.\nThis same term is applied to grandchildren,5 with the optional addition of canam\n‘male’ or pas ‘female’. All terms are shown in Table 7.6. Great-grandparents are\ncalled tatanus ‘great-grandfather’ and ninanus ‘great-grandmother’.\nTable 7.6: Kinship terms: grandparents and grandchildren\nFF/MF\nFM/MM\nSS/DS\nSD/DD\nego\ntata/esnem\nnina/emnem\ntara- canam\ntara- pas\nSons, daughters, nephews and nieces are all called tumun ‘child’, with the op-\ntional addition of canam for the boys and pas for the girls. Table 7.7 shows the\nrelatives that are covered by these terms.\nThe middle child or grandchild, as well as the middle aunt or uncle, can be\ndesignated as tumun/tara-/wowa/mama raor, with raor meaning ‘middle’.\n3This is parallel to the local Malay, where mama tua and bapak tua are father or mother’s older\nsister and brother, respectively. A parent’s younger sister can be called (mama) ci, but I am not\naware of a corresponding term for men in use on Karas.\n4Using the established abbreviations for kinship terms: e = elder, y = younger, F = father, M =\nmother, B = brother, Z = sister, S = son, D = daughter, H = husband, W = wife. I.e. FeZ means\n‘father’s elder sister’.\n5In other words, lineal kin of both two generations up and two generations down from ego is\nreferred to as tara-\n198\n\n\n7.2 Non-pronominal person reference and address\nTable 7.7: Kinship terms: sons, daughters, nephews and nieces\nS/eBS/yBS/eZS/yZS\nD/eBD/yBD/eZD/yZD\nego\ntumun (canam)\ntumun (pas)\n7.2.1.2 Kinship terms: affines\nAffines are relatives by marriage. The terms for ‘husband’ and ‘wife’ are inalien-\nable. ‘Husband’ has the same root for first-, second-, and third-person singular\ninflection: nam-. For ‘wife’, first and second-person have the root kia- or kiar-,\nwhereas the third-person has the root kie-. The inflected forms are given in Ta-\nble 7.8. Note that the term kian ‘my wife’ is homophonous with kian ‘my same-\nsex sibling’.\nTable 7.8: Kinship terms: inflected terms for wives and husbands\nwife\nhusband\n1sg\nkian, kiaran\nnaman\n2sg\nkiar, kiarca\nnamca\n3sg\nkieun\nnamun\nThe specification caun ‘small’ can be used for a second (or third, or fourth) wife,\nwhether polygamous6 or after the first wife’s or husband’s death. A bachelor is\ncalled toari, although this is also a more general term for ‘youngster’.\nIn-laws, both parents-in-law and children-in-law, are termed ketan. Siblings-\nin-law are referred to as dauk.\n7.2.1.3 Kin term borrowings\nA number of kinship terms are borrowings from Austronesian languages, reflect-\ning contact with other Austronesian groups. Wowa is likely a borrowing from the\nneighbouring Austronesian language Uruangnirin (Visser 2019b), where it also\nmeans ‘father’s sister’. It is also found in East Central Maluku languages such\nas Geser-Gorom (Visser 2019a), Watubela (Collins 1986) and Masiwang (Le Cocq\nd’Armandville 1901). It has the same form (wowa) in all these languages.\n6Polygamy is legal in Indonesia but not currently practiced on Karas.\n199\n\n\n7 Pronouns and person reference and address\nThe terms tata ‘grandfather’ and nina ‘grandmother’ are also likely borrowed\nfrom Uruangnirin tatan and nina, respectively. Again, East Central Malaku lan-\nguages such as Geser-Gorom have similar terminology (tatanusi ‘ancestor’, Chle-\nnova 2010, tata ena ‘grandfather’ and tata nina ‘grandmother’, Visser 2019b. Note\nalso the polite address form for female strangers in Kalamang, tatanina.\nThe terms for great-grandparents are likely borrowings from Geser-Gorom,\nwith Kalamang tatanus ‘great-grandfather’ and ninanus ‘great-grandmother’.\n7.2.2 Names\nBesides kinship terms, personal proper names are a common strategy for non-\npronominal reference and address. Because it is customary to avoid first names,\nmost people are known by a variety of names. Names can be divided into three\ncategories: given names, nicknames and teknonyms.\nMost Kalamang speakers have an Arabic name as their given name. Some non-\nArabic names of community members are Erna, Sabtu (Malay ‘Saturday’) and\nBini (Malay ‘wife’). I am not aware of any names that are regarded as Kalamang\nproper names.\nNicknames can be of many kinds, and can change throughout a person’s life-\ntime. Nicknames may be regular first names, such as Manto, which was given to a\nKalamang speaker by visiting fishermen. Nicknames may also originate in other\nentities, such as Mester, the name of the boat on which that person was born.\nOne boy is called Kalamang, after the name of his people. Nicknames also com-\nmonly refer to someone’s place of origin, especially if they are the first or only\nperson from that place: Kei-ca stands for Kei-man Walaka-ca for Gorom-man.\nAs soon as someone becomes a parent, that person can be referred to and\naddressed with their teknonym (the name of their first child) followed by esun\n‘father.3poss’ or emun ‘mother.3poss’. This is exemplified with Nyong esun ‘Ny-\nong’s father’ in (27).\n(27)\nNyong\nNyong\nesun=a\nfather.3sg=foc\nmarua\nmove_seawards\nyuwa\nprox\n‘Nyong’s father comes towards sea here.’\n[conv1_3:49]\nWhen someone becomes a grandparent, the teknonym is usually replaced with\nthe name of the first grandchild, although the name of the first child may also\nstill be used. Someone can thus be known as ‘X’s grandmother’ and ‘Y’s mother’\nat the same time. For married people without children, the name of the spouse\nmay be used: ‘X’s wife’, or ‘Y’s husband’. If the spouse is not Kalamang, his or\nher name is generally avoided, and the person is referred to with a nickname.\n200\n\n\n7.2 Non-pronominal person reference and address\n7.2.3 Non-pronominal address\nIn everyday situations, pronouns are very common terms of address (§7.1.7), but\nnon-pronominal terms of address are also very conventionalised. All non-pron-\nominal terms were given in Table 7.2. Terms of address can be put on a cline of\npoliteness (here, for the sake of ease, encompassing also formality and respectful-\nness). Towards the polite side there are kinship terms and teknonyms, and names\nare towards the less polite side. Nicknames cover the middle ground. Vocatives\nare briefly described in §5.10 and §17.3.\nKinship terms are used as terms of address for parents, parents’ siblings, grand-\nparents, parents-in-law and strangers or foreigners. Such terms of address are\ndeemed polite. Teknonyms and names of spouses are equally polite ways of ad-\ndressing someone as kinship terms. Moreover, the use of teknonyms and names\nof spouses as a term of address is available for all kin and non-kin relations.\nNames are the common way of addressing kin and non-kin for and amongst chil-\ndren until they are married. After that, names may only be used in (very) informal\nsettings, and between people of the same generation, or when addressing some-\none from a younger generation than yourself. It is deemed very disrespectful, or\neven taboo, to address or even refer to a parent, grandparent or parent-in-law by\ntheir first name. Even between friends it is customary to use teknonyms rather\nthan first names. Teknonyms without the addition of the word ‘(grand)parent’\nmay be used as a kind of collective term of address for a group of people, usually\nsharing a house. This can be used, for example, when someone standing outside\nthe house calls to see if someone’s there, or to refer to that group of people (in\nthat case with the addition of mu 3pl, as in (28).)\n(28)\n[Mayor\nMayor\nmu]\n3pl\namdir-un=ka=ta\ngarden-3poss=lat=nfin\nmarua\nmove_seawards\n‘Mayor and associates go to their garden moving towards the sea.’\n[conv4_7:16]\nNicknames and titles occupy the middle ground in terms of politeness. If a\nnickname is honorary, such as Mayor, this may be the main term of address for\nthat person. People with an administrative function may be addressed according\nto their title (in Malay): Pak Sekretaris ‘Mister Secretary’ and Ibu Guru ‘Mistress\nTeacher’. Disabled people may also be first and foremost known by their nick-\nnames (such as a deaf-mute person referred to as Toki, perhaps from kelkam\ntoktok ‘deaf’). Note, however, that if a person is known to be very informal, they\nmay be primarily known by their first name, such as the often-joking father of\n201\n\n\n7 Pronouns and person reference and address\nthree children called Malik. Self-reference is usually obtained with a teknonym.\nIf people utter their own given name, they usually do so with a quieter voice.\nStrangers or foreigners may be both referred to and addressed with polite Kala-\nmang kinship terms, preferably esnem or esa for a man, and emnem or ema for a\nwomen. However, terms of address from other (Indonesian) languages are also\ncommonly used. A visiting man from Java is referred to and addressed as Mas; a\nJavanese woman is Mba (after the Javanese terms of address). A foreigner may be\nreferred to as ‘mister’ (pronounced mester) or ‘mistress/miss’ (misis/mis). If nec-\nessary, a specification is given after the title: Mas Karamba, for example, is used\nfor the Javanese men who work in the live-fish storage place called karamba in\nIndonesian. Indonesian Bapak/Pak and Ibu can be applied to any stranger. The\nborrowing tatanina may also be used for foreign women, and was a popular term\nof reference and address for the researcher, as well as mis(is).\nKalamang society practices kinship-based fostering, which means that chil-\ndren may be raised by a family member, usually one who does not have children\nhim/herself.7 These children have and use the same terms of reference and ad-\ndress as biological children.\n7Anak piara in local Malay. The parents of such a child are typically alive and capable of taking\ncare of children, and are in contact with the child they have fostered out. This may be a practice\nthat takes care of individuals or families that do not or cannot have children themselves, while\nat the same time lifting the burden from families with many children.\n202\n\n\n8 Quantifiers\nQuantifiers are words that indicate the quantity of the referent of the NP. They\nwere introduced in §5.4.2. As described in §6.3.2, quantifiers take the first slot\nafter the noun in the NP. This chapter looks at the properties of quantifiers be-\nyond their distributional properties. It considers cardinal, ordinal and collective\nnumerals (§8.1), numeral classifiers (§8.1.1), non-numeral quantifiers (§8.2), and\nthe inflections quantifiers may carry (§8.3).\n8.1 Numerals\nCardinal numerals are numerals that are used in counting, which express exact\nquantities. There are unique terms for numerals 1–9 (possibly with the exception\nof ‘seven’; see below). Tens are formed with put- and a numeral from 1 to 9. Nu-\nmerals 11–19 and 21–29 are formed with putkon ‘ten’ or purir ‘twenty’, followed\nby the linker ba, followed by a numeral from 1 to 9. Numerals 31–39, 41–49 etc. are\nformed with the linker talin. Hundreds are formed with reit, thousands with ripi,\nmillions with juta and billions with miliar. An overview of the building blocks of\nKalamang numerals is given in Table 8.1, where ‘+’ stands for another numeral. A\nspace between a number or linker and ‘+’ indicates separate phonological words,\nwhereas a lack of a space indicates that the numeral is a single phonological\nword. For example, ‘one thousand’, formed with ripi and kon, is one phonologi-\ncal word: ripion, while ‘one million’, formed with juta and kon, consists of two\nphonological words: juta kon. To express ‘zero’, the negative existential saerak is\nused.\nNumerals like ramandalin and kaninggonie are likely decomposable into the\nmorphemes raman-talin and kanin-kon-ie (cf. ir-ie ‘eight’). Of these, the numerals\nraman ‘six’ and kon ‘one’ are easily recognisable. Talin may mean something like\n‘further’ or ‘extra’, which explains both its use as a linker for numerals higher\nthan thirty and its use in ‘seven’.1 The meaning and origin of kanin and ie are\n17 = 6 + 1 is found in several languages of the area, among which are the Aru languages, Onin,\nSekar and Uruangnirin (Schapper & Hammarström 2013).\n\n\n8 Quantifiers\nTable 8.1: Numeral quantifiers\n1\nkon\n2\neir\n3\nkaruok\n4\nkansuor\n5\nap\n6\nraman\n7\nramandalin\n8\nirie\n9\nkaninggonie\n10\nputkon\n11–19\nputkon ba +\n20\npurir\n21–29\npurir ba +\n31+\nput+ talin+\ntens of\nput+\nhundreds of\nreit+\nthousands of\nripi+\nmillions of\njuta +\nbillions of\nmiliar +\nunknown. Note that the conjunction ba, used in numerals between 11 and 29, is\na common conjunction in Kalamang, not limited to numerals (see §15.1.2.3).\nThe higher numerals are all loans from Austronesian. Reit- ‘hundred’ is related\nto PMP *RaCus, and ripi- ‘thousand’ is related to PMP *Ribu. Cf. also Iha, Mbaham\nand Uruangnirin, which all use rati for ‘hundred’ and ripi for ‘thousand’. Kala-\nmang juta ‘million’ and miliar ‘billion’ are unchanged loans from Malay. The\ncollective numeral salak might be related to Indonesian se-laksa ‘ten thousand’,\nin East-Indonesian pronunciation sa-laksa (se- and sa- from satu ‘one’).\nThe base for numerals between 11 and 99 is put-. Numerals 11–19 and 21–29\nare formed as put- + numeral + ba + numeral. For numbers higher than thirty,\nthe linker for the tens and the ones is talin, so that we get put- + numeral + talin-\n+ numeral. A few clarifying examples are given in (1).\n(1)\n11\nputkon ba kon\n23\npurir ba karuok\n35\nputkaruok talinap\n204\n\n\n8.1 Numerals\n57\npurap talinramandalin\n98\nputkaninggonie talinirie\nMore complex and higher numerals are formed as follows. The number is di-\nvided into millions, thousands, hundreds and tens, which are given in that order.\nIn tens and hundreds of thousands, the thousands are grouped. That is, 72,000 is\nnot rendered as ‘seventy thousand and two thousand’, but as ‘seventy and two\nthousand’. Linkers talin and ba are used only for tens and ones (including tens\nand ones of thousands). Reit, ripi, juta and miliar cannot stand on their own. For\nexample, ‘one hundred’ is reitkon, not *reit. Note that complex high numerals —\nalthough speakers have no trouble producing them — had to be elicited and are\nrarely if ever used in daily life.\n(2)\n2456\nripir reitkansuor purap talinraman\n‘two thousand four hundred fifty and six’\n8721\nripirie reitramandalin purir ba kon\n‘eight thousand seven hundred twenty and one’\n72,568\nripi putramandalin talinir reirap putraman talinirie\n‘seventy and two thousand five hundred sixty and eight’\n526,389\nripi reirap purir ba raman reitkaruok putirie talinkaninggonie\n‘five hundred and twenty and six thousand three hundred eighty\nand nine’\n1,500,000\njuta kon ripi reirap\n‘one million five hundred thousand’\nIn six-digit numerals, no distinction is made between the ten thousands and\nthe tens, i.e. numerals such as 520,000 and 500,020 are expressed in the same\nway: ripi reirap purir ‘five hundred twenty thousand’ (lit. ‘thousand five hundred\ntwenty’).2 The difference between numbers from 1000 to 1999 (with ripion ‘one\nthousand’) and those involving thousands (ripi ‘thousand’) is illustrated in (3).\n(3)\n1050\nripion purap\n‘one thousand fifty’\n50,000\nripi purap\n‘fifty thousand’\n1100\nripion reitkon\n‘one thousand one hundred’\n100,000\nripi reitkon\n‘one hundred thousand’\n2There might be an intonational difference, but this was not tested for.\n205\n\n\n8 Quantifiers\nYears (as in ‘the year 1973’) are expressed in the same way as numerals, pre-\nceded by tanggon ‘year’. To say ‘X years’, the numeral is suffixed to the noun.\nThere are no ordinal numbers that are derived from cardinal numbers. ‘First’\nis expressed with the verb borara ‘to be first’. There are no ways to say second,\nthird, etc.: all subsequent entities following ‘first’ are pareirun ‘the following’\n(nominalised from pareir ‘to follow’). The last one in a sequence can be referred\nto with the root ep- ‘behind’. One can say, for example, an epka ‘I come last’ (lit. ‘I\ncome from the back’) with a lative marker on ep-, or tumunan epko/epkadok ‘my\nchild is the last’ with a locative marker or -kadok ‘side’ on ep-. An illustration is\ngiven in (4).\n(4)\nma\n3sg\nkoi\nthen\nep=ka\nback=lat\nluk=ta\ncome=nfin\nme\ntop\neh\nhes\nboraran\nfirst\n‘He came last, I mean, first.’\n[conv9_23:37]\nA collective numeral indicates that several entities are seen as a unit and not\nas individuals. There is one collective numeral in Kalamang: salak ‘ten thousand’.\nNot used in counting, salak is a collective numeral used, for example, for trading\ngoods such as nutmeg. An example is given in (5).\n(5)\npi\n1pl.incl\nbo\ngo\nrep=et\nget=irr\nme\ntop\nsampi\nuntil\nsalak\nten_thousand\n‘We harvest up to ten thousand.’\n[narr12_3:46]\nSalak may be combined with a cardinal as in (6).\n(6)\nmusim\nseason\nkon-i\none-objqnt\nme\ntop\nsalak-kon=et\nten_thousand-one=irr\n‘One season, ten thousand.’\n[narr12_3:49]\nThe form salak is probably related to Indonesian sa-laksa ‘ten thousand’.\n8.1.1 Classifiers\nA classifier gives information about the classification of a noun. Kalamang clas-\nsifiers, which are numeral prefixes, occupy the quantifier slot together with a\nnumeral when modifying certain classes of nouns. When those nouns are modi-\nfied by a numeral, the use of a classifier is obligatory. They can also be prefixed\nto the question word puraman ‘how many’. There are 16 classifiers, listed in Ta-\nble 8.2. Those that are also bound roots that express part-whole relations (§6.1.2.1)\n206\n\n\n8.1 Numerals\nTable 8.2: Classifiers\nclassifier\ngloss\nused for\nalso used\nfor/as\nal-\nclf_strip\nstrips or strings of (natural) material\npart-of-whole\nar-\nclf_stem\nall trees, plants and rope, as well as\nkewe ‘house’ and paden ‘pole’\npart-of-whole\nep-\nclf_group\ngroups of animates, e.g. a school of fish,\na group of children\net-\nclf_an\nall animals, including fish and birds\nkis-\nclf_long\nlong thin things, such as cigarettes,\nstrips of leaf for weaving, and\nconstruction materials like planks and\nbeams\nmir-\nclf_canoe\net ‘canoe’\nnak-\nclf_fruit1\ncertain fruits, vegetables and roots, such\nas citrus fruit, breadfruit, aubergine,\ntomato and carrot\npart-of-whole\nnar-\nclf_round\nsmall oval or round objects, such as\neggs, seeds and candy\npel-\nclf_comb\n‘comb’, for bananas\npoup-\nclf_bundle\nbundles of e.g. long green beans\npart-of-whole\npur-\nclf_piece\npieces of e.g. fish, vegetable or wood\nrur-\nclf_skewer\nstrung or skewered things, e.g. fish on a\nstring or skewer\nverb\n‘to skewer’\ntabak-\nclf_half\nthings cut cross-wise, containers filled\nhalf, half-smoked cigarettes\nnoun ‘shortly\ncut piece’\ntak-\nclf_leaf\nthin, flat things such as leaves, sheets of\npaper, paper money, planks, triplex\nboard and corrugated iron\npart-of-whole\ntang-\nclf_seed\nnuts and some fruits and legumes, such\nas tomato, pili nuts, nutmeg, tamarind,\nbeans, peanuts and Tahitian chestnut\npart-of-whole\ntep-\nclf_fruit2\n‘fruit’, for e.g. bananas, nutmeg,\nmangoes, rose-apple\npart-of-whole\nare marked accordingly. There are two unique classifiers (i.e. classifiers that ap-\nply to only one noun: Grinevald 2007): mir-3 for the noun et ‘canoe’ and pel- for\n3The West Bomberai language Mbaham has a word muur ‘branch’ (Flassy et al. 1987) and a trans-\nport classifier mu- (Cottet 2015), and Iha has a classifier mur for boats, ‘motor’ and branches\n(Katherine Walker, p.c.).\n207\n\n\n8 Quantifiers\nthe noun im ‘banana’.4 An example with the classifier kis- for long thin things on\nthe numeral kon ‘one’, modifying the object tabai ‘cigarette’, is given in (7). An\nexample with the fruit classifier nak- and puraman ‘how many’ is given in (8).\n(7)\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\ntabai=at\ncigarette=obj\nkis-kon-i\nclf_long-one-objqnt\njien\nget\n‘He got one cigarette.’\n[narr3_12:04]\n(8)\nwat\ncoconut\nnak-puraman-i\nclf_fruit1-how_many-objqnt\nmindi\nlike_that\nkajie\npick\n‘We picked up I-don’t-know-how-many coconuts like that.’ [conv11_4:50]\nMany nouns that are modified with a numeral are not attested with a classi-\nfier. Examples include all nouns referring to persons (unless they are in a group\nand following each other, in which case the group classifier ep- is used), shells\nas in (44), landscape features like lempuang ‘island’ and celestial bodies like pak\n‘moon’. The latter two categories are perhaps not surprising, since they are less\nlikely to be quantified with an exact number. Other nouns associate with more\nthan one classifier (though not at the same time), depending on which charac-\nteristic of the nominal referent is being emphasised. This way, classifiers help\nspecify whether we are talking about the leaves, the stem or the fruit of a plant,\nor whether we are talking about a halved fish, fish as single entities, fish on a\nstring or schools of fish. To take another example, mun ‘lime’ can be modified\nwith the classifier for halves tabak- if it is cut cross-wise, or with the fruit classi-\nfier nak- if it is whole. Consider also the examples with sayang ‘nutmeg’ in (9):\n(9)\na. sayang\nnutmeg\nar-kon\nclf_stem-one\n‘one nutmeg tree’\nb. sayang\nnutmeg\ntang-kon\nclf_seed-one\n‘one nutmeg [seed]’\nc. sayang\nnutmeg\ntep-kon\nclf_fruit2-one\n‘one nutmeg [fruit]’\n4While I elicited negative grammaticality judgments for mir- with, for example, other modes of\ntransport or other things made of wood, I have not had the chance to test pel- in combination\nwith nouns other than ‘banana’. In other words, the status of pel- as a unique classifier is based\non its lack of appearance in combination with nouns other than ‘banana’ in the current corpus.\n208\n\n\n8.1 Numerals\nThere are three classifiers for plant products: nak-, tang- and tep-. Nak- occurs\nwith a range of fruits, vegetables and roots. Tang-, which as a part-of-whole noun\nmeans ‘seed’ (§6.1.2.1), is for nuts, legumes and some other fruits. Tep- is used for\na range of fruits. Some fruits, like tamatil ‘tomato’, can be classified with two\nclassifiers: nak- and tang-.\nWhile classifiers are prefixes to numerals, there are three nouns in the corpus\nthat take numerals as suffixes. These are wan ‘time’, pak ‘month’ and tanggon\n‘year’. Of these three, only wan ‘time’ is a bound root. Like classifiers, it cannot\noccur independently, unless followed by a number or by puraman ‘how many’.\nPak and tanggon are words. Unlike classifiers, these forms do not modify another\nnoun.\n(10)\nWanggaruok\nwan-karuok\ntime-three\nye\nye\nor\nwanggansuor\nwan-kansuor\ntime-four\nmasaret\nmasat=et\ndry=irr\nma\nma\n3sg\nse\nse\niam\nkararak.\nkararak\ndry\n‘Dry [it] three or four times, it’s already dry.’\n[narr12_5:24]\n(11)\nMungkin\nmungkin\nmaybe\nparuok\npak-karuok\nmonth-three\nye\nye\nor\npansuor\npak-kansuor\nmonth-four\nye,\nye\nor\nah,\nah\nint\nmindi.\nmindi\nlike_that\n‘Maybe three or four months, like that.’\n[narr13_2:46]\n(12)\nTanggonggaruok\ntanggon-karuok\nyear-three\nkoyeret\nkoyet=et\nfinish=irr\nme\nme\ntop\nse...\nse\niam\n‘After three years...’\n[narr1_6:21]\n8.1.2 Other structural properties of numeral quantifiers\nKalamang has a fraction-like operation marked with taikon, which literally means\n‘one side’ but can be used to mean ‘half’, as in (13). Indigenous ways of doing\narithmetic operations are so far unattested.\n(13)\nkoi\nthen\nmun\nlime\ntaikon\nhalf\n‘Then half a lime...’\n[stim38_10:12]\nNumerals can be juxtaposed, except when counting, to make an estimation of\nthe number of referents.\n209\n\n\n8 Quantifiers\n(14)\ntik-un\nlong-nmlz\njumat\nFriday\nkon\none\neir\ntwo\nki-mun\n2pl-proh\nan=at\n1sg=obj\nsanggara=in\nsearch=proh\n‘For one or two Fridays, don’t you search for me.’\n[narr26_7:32]\nAlternatively, estimations are expressed with ye ‘or’ in between the numerals,\nas exemplified in (10) and (11) above.\n8.2 Non-numeral quantifiers\nAs introduced in §5.4.2, Kalamang has six non-numeral quantifiers. They are\nlisted in Table 8.3.\nTable 8.3: Non-numeral quantifiers\nbolon\na little\ntaukon\nsome\nikon\nsome\nreidak\nmuch/many\nreingge\nnot much/many\ntebonggan\nall\nBolon occurs with non-count referents. It is the only non-numeral quantifier\nthat co-occurs with -tak ‘only, just’, as illustrated in (15). Like with kon ‘one’ +\n-tak, which becomes kodak, the final nasal of the root is deleted and the plosive\nis voiced: bolon + -tak = bolodak.\n(15)\nmu\n3pl\nbuoksarun=at\noffering=obj\nparuo\nmake\nba\nbut\nbolodak\nlittle_only\nto\nright\n‘They are making the offering, but just a little, right.’\n[narr7_0:49]\nTaukon ‘some’ and ikon ‘some’ appear to have the same meaning, although\nthe former only occurs seven times in the natural spoken corpus, whereas the\nlatter has 28 occurrences. Both can be used with animate and inanimate referents.\nThey are illustrated modifying an animate noun in (16) and (17). It is likely that\nthese quantifiers were originally morphologically complex (cf. words like kon\n‘one’, tawir ‘side’5 and taikon ‘half; one side’).\n5maybe tau ‘?’ + eir ‘two’, although ‘two sides’ is tawirir\n210\n\n\n8.2 Non-numeral quantifiers\n(16)\no\nemph\ntumtum\nchildren\ntaukon\nsome\nme\ntop\nBobi\nBobi\nemun=a\nmother=foc\nkona\nsee\n‘O, some children, Bobi’s mother saw them.’\n[conv4_5:09]\n(17)\nemumur\nwoman.pl\nikon\nsome\ntoni\nsay\na\nint\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nme\ntop\n‘Some women said: “Ah, that’s it.”’\n[conv2_9:51]\nReidak ‘much; many’ and reingge ‘not much; not many’ each consist of two\nmorphemes. The first, rei, may be related to the numeral building block reit- ‘hun-\ndred’. The second morpheme in reingge is a prenasalised ge ‘no’ (see §3.4.6.4 on\nremnants of prenasalisation and §12.5.3 on negation). The second morpheme in\nreidak is reminiscent of -tak ‘just, only’. The fact that -tak (or -dak) is found on nu-\nmerals and on bolon ‘a little’ suggests that -dak in reidak is the same morpheme,\nunique to the quantifier word class.\n(18)\nsontum\nperson\nreidak\nmany\ntoni\nsay\nmu\n3pl\n‘Many people say they [...].’\n[conv16_1:04]\n(19)\nsontum\nperson\nreingge\nnot_many\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\nsinara=at\noffering=obj\nparuon\ndo\n‘Those few people did the offering.’\n[narr7_1:45]\nAlthough Kalamang has a quantifier tebonggan ‘all’, the construction Verb-\ni koyet can be used to express the same meaning. This construction is also a\ncompletive (§14.2.2.3), and refers in its quantifier use to a totality of referents\nbeing affected. In contrast to the use of the construction with completive events,\nit can be negated when it is used to express ‘all’.\n(20)\nwa\nprox\nme\ntop\nelak∼lak=ko=i\nbottom∼red=loc=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\npaden-un\npole-3poss\nsaerak\nneg_exist\n‘The [one] has everything at the bottom, there are no poles.’ [stim40_2:52]\n(21)\nmu\n3pl\ntok\nyet\nnan=i\nconsume=plnk\nkoyet=nin\nfinish=neg\nmu\n3pl\ntok\nstill\nkaruar\ndrying_rack\nkeit=ko\ntop=loc\n‘They had not yet eaten everything, they still [had food] on the drying\nrack.’\n[narr28_6:45]\nThis construction may be used in combination with suffixes and words that ex-\npress ‘all’, such as the nominal suffix -mahap, the pronominal suffix -naninggan\n211\n\n\n8 Quantifiers\nand the quantifier tebonggan (illustrated in 22–24). Although this makes it pos-\nsible to combine the meaning ‘all’ with the completive aspect, there are no clear\nexamples where this is the case. It is difficult to tease the two meanings apart:\nwhen a totality of referents is affected, a completive reading is often possible.\n(22)\nsontum-mahap\nperson-all\ntaluk=te\ncome_out=nfin\nkome=i\nlook=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\n‘Everyone came out to look.’\n[narr25_6:58]\n(23)\nin-naninggan\n1pl.excl-all\nkiem-i\nflee=plnk\nkelek=ko\nmountain=loc\nkoyet\nfinish\nmu\n3pl\nleng-un=ko\nvillage-3sg=loc\nkiem\nflee\n‘We all fled to the mountains, they from the village (also) fled.’\n[narr40_2:15]\n(24)\ntebonggan\nall\nmuin=bon=i\n3poss=com=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\n[...] tamandi=et\nhow=irr\nmuap\neat\n‘Everyone had theirs [... otherwise] how [could they] eat.’\n[narr29_5:45]\nKalamang also has two negative polarity items -barak ‘any’ and don kon∼kon\n‘any’ which are described in §12.5.5.\n8.3 Quantifier inflection\nQuantifiers may be inflected in a number of ways except for its use with classi-\nfiers as described in §8.1.1. Suffixes and clitics are only attested with lower numer-\nals and bolon ‘little’. Numeral quantifiers and pronouns inflected with a numeral\nmay carry the suffix -gan ‘all’ as shown in (25) and (26). The enclitic =tak ‘just;\nonly’ (example 27) is found on the numeral two, pronouns inflected with a nu-\nmeral, and (fossilised) in bolodak ‘just a little’ and kodak ‘just one’. Intensification\nwith =tun is found with bolon ‘little’ (example 28) and kodak ‘just one’ (exam-\nple 29). Tebonggan ‘all’ seems to contain the morpheme -gan ‘all’. While tebon\ncannot be used on its own, it is a root that can be reduplicated and intensified\nwith =tun as in (30).\n(25)\ngorun\nstalk\nkaruok-gan\nthree-all\nkodak-pis\njust_one-side\n‘All three stalks are on one side.’\n[stim38_11:02]\n(26)\ninier-gan\n1du.ex-all\narekmang\nbe_mad\n‘Both of us were mad.’\n[conv11_5:40]\n212\n\n\n8.3 Quantifier inflection\n(27)\nan\n1sg\nbara\ndescend\nkomet=ta\nlook=nfin\nme\ntop\nkies-eir=tak\nclf_long-two=only\n‘I went down to look; [there were] only two pieces.’\n[conv10_16:10]\n(28)\nma\n3sg\nmat\n3sg.obj\nsei\naskew\nbolon∼bolon=tun\nlittle∼ints=ints\n‘He is a tiny bit askew from it.’\n[stim26_7:36]\n(29)\nma-autak\n3sg-alone\nkodak∼dak=tun\njust_one∼ints=ints\n‘He was all alone.’\n[conv7_8:29]\n(30)\nesun=kin\nfather.3poss=poss\ntebon∼tebon=tun\nall∼ints=ints\nmu\n3pl\ndon\nthing\nkon∼kon\none∼red\npaning=nin\nask=neg\n‘From his father’s side everyone didn’t ask for anything.’\n[narr2_6:43]\nBoth numeral and non-numeral quantifiers may be reduplicated. The non-\nnumeral quantifiers that are found reduplicated in the corpus are bolon ‘little’\nand tebonggan ‘all’. These have already been exemplified in combination with\n=tun ‘very’ in (30) and (28). Bolon ‘little’ is illustrated in (31) without =tun ‘very’.\n(31)\ntok\nstill\nbolon∼bolon\nlittle∼ints\n‘A little bit more.’\n[conv14_7:47]\nThe reduplication of numeral quantifiers creates distributives.\n(32)\nkiel-un\nroot-3poss\njien=i\nget=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nkirakira\napproximately\nneba\nph\n[...] potma\ncut\nkies-kan∼san∼suor\nclf_long-four∼distr\nye\nor\n‘After getting its root, [you] eh, cut about four long pieces.’ [conv20_1:53]\n(33)\nkoi\nthen\ntanbes=kin=at\nright_side=poss=obj\nbor=taet\ndrill=again\npurir-ba-ka∼ra∼ruok\ntwenty-num.lnk-three∼distr\n‘Then [I] drilled the right side, twenty-three [holes] on each side.’\n[narr42_11:31]\n(34)\nkanien\ntie\nkanien\ntie\no\nemph\npoup-un\nbundle-3sg\nwa∼ra∼rip\nprox.qlt∼distr\nukir-te\nmeasure=nfin\nsen\ncent\nputkon∼kon\nten∼distr\n‘Tying, bundles this big each, measure [for the price of] ten cents each.’\n[narr19_1:16]\n213\n\n\n8 Quantifiers\nIn addition, reduplication of kon ‘one’ has indefinite-like meanings. The use\nof konkon with a negated verb and combined with don ‘thing’ so that we get\ndon konkon Verb=neg results in the meaning ‘nothing’, as exemplified in (35).\nKonkon=nin can also be used predicatively, inflected with the negator =nin it-\nself, where it means ‘it doesn’t matter’. See (36). These constructions are well-\nestablished in the corpus.\n(35)\nlembaga\nprison\nnerun=ko\nin=loc\nan\n1sg\ndon\nthing\nkon∼kon\none∼red\nkonat=nin\nsee=neg\n‘He saw nothing / he didn’t see a thing.’\n[stim7_24:42]\n(36)\nkian\nwife.1sg.poss\nma\n3sg\nsala-un\nmistake-3poss\ndon\nthing\nkon∼kon=nin\none∼red=neg\n‘My wife’s mistake doesn’t matter.’\n[stim7_16:56]\nThe corpus also contains two other indefinite-like examples of reduplicated\nkon ‘one’. In (37), the best translation of konkon is ‘few’ or ’some’. It is taken from\na discussion about who was invited to a big funeral on Karas. The context of (38)\ngives fewer clues about the meaning of konkon, but it seems to mean ‘other’, or\nalternatively, ‘not any’.\n(37)\nsamur-et\nMbaham-person\nkon∼kon\none∼red\n‘A few Mbaham people.’\n[conv7_8:56]\n(38)\nsontum\nperson\npasier=ka\nbeach=lat\nbot=nin\ngo=neg\n[...] obat\nmedicine\nkon∼kon\none∼red\neranun\ncannot\npi\n1pl.incl\nneba=et\nph=irr\nme\ntop\n[...] pirawilak\nkind_of_tree\nmet\ndist.obj\nkoyak\ncut\n‘[When] people can’t go to the toilet, [... if we] cannot use other medicine,\nwe whatsit [...] cut that pirawilak.’\n[conv20_15:17]\nBesides reduplication, there is another, less common strategy to create dis-\ntributive numerals: the suffix -te. Consider the following two examples. In (40),\nthis strategy is combined with reduplication.\n(39)\nan\n1sg\nse\niam\ntaruon\nsay\nripi-ap-te\nthousand-five-distr\nkarung\nsack\nkon\none\n‘I said five thousand per sack.’\n[conv9_18:22]\n214\n\n\n8.3 Quantifier inflection\n(40)\nsom-kon-te\nperson-one-distr\nnak-kon∼kon\nfruit-one∼distr\n‘Each person one fruit.’\n[stim31_2:48]\nApproximate quantities are expressed by attaching -kon (homonymous with\nkon ‘one’) to a numeral. This construction may be accompanied by the similative\nmarker =kap, and the Malay loans kirakira ‘approximately’ or mungkin ‘maybe’.\n(41)\nikon-i\nsome-objqnt\nan\n1sg\nse\niam\nparair\nsplit\nmungkin\nmaybe\net-purir-kon=kap\nclf_an-twenty-approximately=sim\nye\nor\n‘Some I already split, maybe twenty or so?’\n[narr44_9:14]\n(42)\nluas-un\nwide-nmlz\nme\ntop\nmungkin\nmaybe\nmeter\nmetre\nap-kon\nfive-approximately\n‘The width is maybe five metres.’\n[narr46_2:52]\nThe last inflection attested on quantifiers is the quantifier object marker -i\n(§6.3.2), for quantifiers in object NPs. An example of this is ikon ‘some’ in (41)\nabove.\n215\n\n\n\n\n9 Possessive and associative\nconstructions\nPossessive constructions express the relation between the possessor and the pos-\nsessed. This chapter deals with the ways these relations are expressed in Kala-\nmang. It also includes a discussion of associative relations, which are expressed\nwith the enclitic =kin.\n9.1 Overview\nKalamang has two series of adnominal markers of possession: one with suffixes\nand one with pronouns. Possessive pronouns can be used pronominally or (much\nmore rarely) follow the possessed noun they modify. In possessive constructions\nwhere the possessor is a noun rather than a pronoun, the order is reversed (§9.2).\nPossessive suffixes and pronouns are given in Table 9.1, together with the basic\npronouns for comparison.\nTable 9.1: Basic pronouns, possessive suffixes and possessive pronouns\npronoun\npossessive suffix\npossessive pronoun\n1sg\nan\n-an\nanggon\n2sg\nka\n-ca\nkain\n3sg\nma\n-un\nmain\n1pl.excl\nin\n-un\ninggon\n1pl.incl\npi\n-pe\npin\n2pl\nki\n-ce\nkin\n3pl\nmu\n-un\nmuin\nOrdinary possessive constructions, the most common possessive construction\ntype, are made by attaching a possessive suffix to the possessed (the head noun\nin the NP), as illustrated in (1).\n\n\n9 Possessive and associative constructions\n(1)\nan\n1sg\nbo\ngo\nlembaga\nprison\nnerun\ninside\n[tumun-an]NP\nchild-1sg.poss\nse\niam\nbo\ngo\ntemun\nbig\n‘I went to prison, and my child has grown big.’\n[stim7_29:09]\nThree other, much less common constructions are available. First, possessive\npronouns can be used as modifiers of the possessed head noun in the NP to cre-\nate a possessive construction. The possessive pronouns occur adnominally only\nrarely, and mostly following the kinship terms esa ‘father’ and ema ‘mother’ as\nin (2). Second, a combination of a possessive suffix on the possessed noun and a\npossessive pronoun following the possessed noun also creates a possessive con-\nstruction, as in (3). Third, a combination of pronoun, possessed noun and posses-\nsive suffix is found, as illustrated in (4).\n(2)\nma\n3sg\nsem=nin\nafraid=neg\n[ema\nmother\nanggon]NP\n1sg.poss\nme\ntop\nsem=nin\nafraid=neg\n‘She wasn’t afraid, my mother wasn’t afraid.’\n[narr40_16:35]\n(3)\nwa\nprox\nme\ntop\n[taman-un\nfriend.mly-3poss\nmain]NP=a\n3poss=foc\n‘This is his friend.’\n[stim6_6:38]\n(4)\n[ma\n3sg\npus-un]NP\nflower-3poss\nrasa\ngood\n‘It will have good flowers.’\n[narr13_2:10]\nThe four different constructions are described in §9.3 to §9.6.\nThe freestanding possessive pronouns can be used both as NP heads and as\nmodifiers, whereas the suffixes always have to be attached to the NP head (the\npossessed noun). Adnominal use of the freestanding possessive pronoun was\nillustrated in (2) and (3) above. A pronominal example is given in (5).\n(5)\nanggon=a\n1sg.poss=foc\nwa\nprox\nlolok\nleaf\ntak-karuok\nclf_leaf-three\n‘This is mine. It has three leaves.’\n[stim38_0:36]\nKalamang has one possessive-like construction to express associative relations,\nfor which clitic =kin is used. This is described in §9.7.\nPossessives and other NP modifiers, and their behaviour in relation to each\nother, are described in §6.3.\n218\n\n\n9.2 Possessive constructions with nominal possessors\n9.2 Possessive constructions with nominal possessors\nIn possessive constructions with nominal possessors, the NP head (the possessed\nnoun) is preceded by the possessor. It is ungrammatical to swap the order. The\nthird-person possessive marker is suffixed to the NP head, as shown in (6) and (7).\n(6)\nMalik\nMalik\nkewe-un\nhouse-3poss\n‘Malik’s house’\n[narr37_1:51]\n(7)\nema\nmother\ndidiras-un\nkitchen-3poss\n‘Mother’s kitchen’\n[elic_gen_3]\nNote also the contrasting meaning between (8a), where bal ‘dog’ is the NP\nhead, and (8b), where tumun ‘child’ is the head.\n(8)\na. tumun\nchild\nbal-un\ndog-3poss\n‘The child’s dog.’\nb. bal\ndog\ntumun-un\nchild-3poss\n‘The dog’s child (puppy).’\n[elic]\nNPs may be embedded in prenominal possessor position to modify the NP\nhead. In (9), the head sanong ‘roof’ is modified by kewe ‘house’, which is in turn\nmodified by ‘friend’.\n(9)\nteman-an\nfriend-1sg.poss\nkewe-un\nhouse-3poss\nsanong-un\nroof-3poss\n‘My friend’s house’s roof.’\n[elic_gen_20]\nAlthough both third-person possession and nominalised attributes are marked\nwith the suffix -un (see §6.2), there is no ambiguity between a possessive phrase\nwith an attribute, as in (10a), and a phrase with a nominalised attribute, as in (10b).\n(10)\na. kewe-un\nhouse-3poss\ntemun\nbig\n‘his big house (or: his house is big)’\n[elic_adj_30]\nb. kewe\nhouse\ntemun-un\nbig-nmlz\n‘the size of the house’\n[narr6_3:07]\n219\n\n\n9 Possessive and associative constructions\n9.3 Basic possessive constructions\nThe most common possessive construction is created by means of the possessive\nsuffix. I refer to this as the basic possessive construction. This construction can\nbe used for both animate and inanimate possessors and possessed. See (11) with\ntumun ‘child’ and (12) with dowi ‘seed’ as the possessed, respectively.\n(11)\nan\n1sg\nbo\ngo\nlembaga\nprison\nnerun\ninside\ntumun-an\nchild-1sg.poss\nse\niam\nbo\ngo\ntemun\nbig\n‘I went to prison, and my child has grown big.’\n[stim7_29:09]\n(12)\nnain\nlike\ndowi-pe\nseed-1pl.poss\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\n‘Like those seeds of ours.’\n[narr13_0:42]\nThe third-person possessive suffix, in its singular reading, is used for a vari-\nety of functions with NPs that contain both possessor and possessed including\nteknonyms, part-whole relations and place names. These are described in the\nfollowing paragraphs.\nKalamang has five nouns that are morphophonologically inalienable (§6.1.2.1).\nThese are kiar-/kie- ‘wife’, nam- ‘husband’, kia- ‘same-sex sibling’, dun- ‘opposite-\nsex sibling’ and tara- ‘grandparent; grandchild’. These five roots cannot occur\nwithout a possessive suffix. Alienability does not, however, play a further role in\nthe choice of possessive construction. For a further discussion, see §9.4.\nThere are a number of conventionalised constructions that can or must be\nmade by means of the third-person possessive suffix -un. First, teknonyms, a\ncommon term of address, are made with this possessive suffix. Teknonyms are\nformed with the name of a firstborn and follow the template [name] [kinship\nterm]-[un], where the kinship term can be esa ‘father’, ema ‘mother’ or tara-\n‘grandparent’. Consider (13) and (14). Note that esa and ema are esun and emun,\nrespectively, when inflected with the third-person possessive suffix -un.\n(13)\nkan\nint.mly\nNyong\nNyong\nemun\nmother.3poss\ntok\nfirst\nbo=ta\ngo=nfin\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\n[...]\n[...]\nNyong\nNyong\nesun\nfather.3poss\ntok\nyet\nbot=nin\ngo=neg\n‘Right, Nyong’s mother went first, Nyong’s father didn’t go yet.’\n[conv10_7:16]\n(14)\nDian\nDian\ntara-un=a\ngrandparent-3poss=foc\nPakpak=a\nFakfak=foc\nbot=kin\ngo=vol\n‘Dian’s grandfather wants to go to Fakfak.’\n[narr3_1:13]\n220\n\n\n9.3 Basic possessive constructions\nSecond, part-whole relations may be made with -un, illustrated in (15). The\nsuffix -un attaches to the base.\n(15)\na. kerar\nturtle\nnar-un\negg-3poss\n‘turtle egg’\n[narr44_25:08]\nb. rumrum\nplant_species\nol-un\nleaf-3poss\n‘rumrum leaf’\n[conv11_1:32]\nc. polkayak\npapaya\nnak-un\nfruit-3poss\n‘papaya fruit’\n[conv15_1:17]\nd. et\ncanoe\nbol-un\nrim-3poss\n‘rim of canoe’\n[narr42_4:23]\nIn part-whole relations, it is common to omit the first noun if the referent is\nclearly identified from the context.\nThird, geographical names may make use of a construction with third-person\npossessive -un. On the island where Kalamang is spoken, each coastal area around\na bay has a name. Several landscape features are associated with this name. Thus,\nthe area of Tat includes Tat Os ‘Tat Beach’ and Tat Karimun ‘Cape Tat’. Two\nlandscape features are inflected with -un when they follow a geographical name:\nwilak ‘sea’, given in (16) and kelek ‘mountain; inland’, illustrated in (17).\n(16)\nSek\nSek\nwilak-un\nsea-3poss\nmetko\ndist.loc\ntebolsuban\nfish_at_reef_edge\n‘[She] went fishing at Sek’s sea.’\n[narr9_13:46]\n(17)\nma\n3sg\nSabaor=ka\nSabaor=lat\nkasawari=at\ncassowary=obj\nsarie\nchase\nSabaor\nSabaor\nkelek-un=ka\ninland-3poss=lat\n‘He chased the cassowary from Sabaor, from Sabaor inland.’ [narr20_0:44]\nThe landscape feature karimun ‘cape’ may contain the morpheme -un, but\nthere is no evidence for or against this at the moment. There are no recorded\noccurrences of karimun-un.\n221\n\n\n9 Possessive and associative constructions\n9.4 Possessive constructions with a freestanding\npossessive pronoun\nThe construction with a noun followed by a freestanding possessive pronoun is\nrelatively rare, and is mainly used for esa ‘father’ and ema ‘mother’. These two\nnouns account for around 90% of this construction type.\nThe corpus contains ten different nouns that are followed by freestanding\npossessive pronouns. Six of these nouns are also found with a possessive suf-\nfix, which means they do not require a possessive pronoun construction.1 Wowa\n‘aunt’ and tata ‘grandfather’ are not found with a possessive suffix, but are un-\ncommon in the corpus. Esa ‘father’ and ema ‘mother’ are only found with a third-\nperson possessive suffix, and only in teknonyms, as in (13) and (14) above (see\nalso §7.2.2).\nExamples of esa ‘father’ and ema ‘mother’ followed by a possessive pronoun\nare given in (18) and (19), respectively.\n(18)\nesa\nfather\ninggon\n1pl.excl.poss\nto\nright\nesa\nfather\nanggon\n1sg.poss\nma\n3sg\ndon-pat\nclothing-sew\n‘Our father, right, my father, he sewed clothing.’\n[narr40_19:37]\n(19)\no\nemph\nin\n1pl.excl\nema\nmother\nkain=at\n2sg.poss=obj\nkonat=nin\nsee=neg\n‘O, we didn’t see your mother.’\n[narr21_4:21]\nWhen these nouns are not used as teknonyms, it is ungrammatical to inflect\nthem with a possessive suffix.\nAt this point, it is unclear whether other kinship terms also require a posses-\nsive pronoun.2 Besides three occurrences of tata ‘grandfather’ and one of wowa\n‘aunt’, there are no possessive constructions with other kinship terms. The only\nexception to this is the five inalienable terms mentioned in §9.3, which must\ncarry a possessive suffix, as well as tumun ‘child’, which may carry a possessive\n1These are pendapat ‘opinion’ (Malay loan), toman ‘bag’, hak ‘right’ (Malay loan), kewe ‘house’,\nasal ‘origin’ (Malay loan) and guru ‘teacher’ (Malay loan). A reason that many of these are\nMalay loans might be that possessive constructions in Papuan Malay are made with a pe-\nriphrastic construction (possessor + ‘have’ + possessum), which might trigger the use of a\npossessive pronoun instead of a suffix in Kalamang. In any case, the number of occurrences of\nthese words is so low in comparison to those of esa ‘father’ and ema ‘mother’ that we will not\nconsider them any further.\n2There is no restriction against a possessive suffix on a noun ending in /a/, cf. nika-an ‘my\nfishing line’.\n222\n\n\n9.5 Double possessive marking\nsuffix, as was illustrated in (11) above. What is clear, however, is that words from\nthe same semantic class (kinship terms) may behave differently with respect to\npossessive constructions. This also shows that alienability of the possessed does\nnot play a role in the choice of a possessive construction, as is common else-\nwhere in East Indonesia (see e.g. Klamer et al. 2008). Note that kinship terms are\nalso treated differently from other nouns in possessive constructions in other\nlanguages, notably Italian and Scandinavian (Delsing & Egerland 2002).\nThe nouns sanggoup ‘branch’, bol ‘mouth’, kanggirar ‘face’ and kor ‘leg, foot’\nwere tested for preference in possessive construction. Although both the basic\npossessive construction with a suffix and the possessive pronoun construction\nwere accepted for all forms (when presented with both variants by the linguist),\nspeakers have a clear preference for the basic construction.\n9.5 Double possessive marking\nA noun marked with a possessive suffix may be followed by a possessive pronoun.\nI refer to this as double (possessive) marking. It is unclear what the function of\nthis kind of double constructions is. There is one example in the corpus with the\nsame noun taman/teman ‘friend’ used once with double marking, given in (20),\nand several times with just the suffix (an example is given in 21).\n(20)\nMa\nma\n3sg\nwa.\nwa\nprox\nWane\nwane\nprox\ntamanun\ntaman-un\nfriend-3poss\nmaina.\nmain=a\n3poss=foc\n‘Here it is. This one is his friend.’\n[stim6_6:38]\n(21)\nTemanun\nteman-un\nfriend-3poss\nse\nse\niam\nmia,\nmia\ncome\nto?\nto\nright\nTemanun\nteman-un\nfriend-3poss\nmat\nmat\n3sg.obj\najakte.\najak=te\ninvite=nfin\n‘His friends have come, right? His friends invite him.’\n[stim7_23:58]\nIt is tempting to analyse the double-marked nouns as receiving extra promi-\nnence – for example, to contrast the referent with another referent – but there\nis no evidence for this. In (20), the speaker picks up a picture and identifies who\nis in it. It is true that the referent is placed in focus (with focus marker =a on the\npossessive pronoun), but this could also have been achieved by placing the focus\nmarker on the possessive suffix. There is no contrast between two people with a\nfriend in this context.\nIt is rare for a noun marked with a possessive suffix to be followed by a pos-\nsessive pronoun. The corpus has around ten examples. It should be noted that,\n223\n\n\n9 Possessive and associative constructions\nas with the majority of the nouns marked with just a possessive pronoun, many\nnouns that have double marking are Malay loanwords. As speculated above, the\nfact that Papuan Malay uses a periphrastic possessive construction may trigger\nthe use of the possessive pronoun in Kalamang. However, this does not explain\nthe use of a possessive suffix on top of that. (22) shows that the double construc-\ntion also occurs with indigenous Kalamang words like in ‘name’.\n(22)\njadi\nso\nkalau\nif\nmu\n3pl\nmia=ta\ncome=nfin\neba\nthen\nin-ca\nname-2sg.poss\nkain=at=a\n2sg.poss=obj=foc\ntaruo\nsay\n‘So if they come, [you] say your name.’\n[conv20_27:24]\nA possessive suffix and a freestanding possessive pronoun may also be adja-\ncent when the suffix and the pronoun designate different referents. This can hap-\npen when the suffix is needed to make a compound, such as ‘foot-print’ in (23).\nThe possessive pronoun is then needed to indicate the possessor of the footprint.\nThis is very rare: only two examples exist in the corpus.\n(23)\nan\n1sg\nme\ntop\nkor-an=a\nfoot-1sg.poss=foc\ndi=kor-ter-un\ncaus=foot-mark-3poss\nmain=ko\n3poss=loc\n‘As for me, I put my foot in his footprints.’\n[conv9_25:11]\n9.6 Possessive constructions with a pronoun and\npossessive suffix\nA small minority of the possessive constructions are made with a basic pronoun\nfollowed by a noun inflected with the possessive suffix. The pronoun and noun\nboth refer to the subject of an intransitive verb.\n(24)\nma\n3sg\ntumun-un\nchild-3poss\nsem\nafraid\n‘Her child is afraid.’\n[narr28_3:53]\n(25)\npi=nan\n1pl.incl=too\net-pe\ncanoe-1pl.incl.poss\nsaerak=et\nneg.exist=irr\nme\ntop\nsiamar\nvery_bad\n‘If we don’t have a canoe either it’s very bad.’\n[conv9_17:46]\nBecause this is a very rare construction with only six occurrences in the corpus,\nand the phenomenon has not been pursued with further elicitation, there is not\nenough data available to determine the use and meaning of this construction. It\nis reminiscent of the topic constructions described in §12.6.2.\n224\n\n\n9.7 Associative relations with =kin\n9.7 Associative relations with =kin\nThe clitic =kin, homophonous with second-person plural possessive pronoun kin,\nexpresses prospective or purposive association, spatial association, general (asso-\nciative) ownership and representation of type. It attaches to the right edge of the\nNP. The clitic does not display regular morphophonological behaviour (§3.4.2).\nThere is lenition of the /k/ in, for example, the form neba=kin, but not in mu=kin.\nThere is also no velarisation after /n/. This is perhaps a sign of recent grammati-\ncalisation. Note that in possessive relations with =kin, it is the possessor that is\nmarked.\nProspective or purposive association indicates that the word it is marked on\nis the prospective or purposive use of the referent of another noun. For instance,\nthe compound nika warkin, from nika ‘line’ and war ‘to fish’, indicates that the\nline is meant for fishing and not for another activity such as tying. Muap terkin\nis used to indicate all food that is associated with drinking tea, such as cakes and\ncookies. Here, =kin may mark accompaniment or purpose.\n(26)\nnika\nline\nwar=kin\nfish=poss\n‘fishing line’\n[overheard]\n(27)\nkai\nfirewood\ntolas=kin\nbreak_fast=poss\n‘firewood to be used when breaking the fast’\n[conv9_31:27]\n(28)\ntumtum=kin\nchildren=poss\n‘children’s’ (used in the context of medicine)\n[narr31_2:38]\n(29)\nmuap\nfood\nter=kin\ntea=poss\n‘food to consume together with tea’\n[narr1_3:38]\n=kin is also found on locations to indicate spatial association.\n(30)\npasar\nmarket\nPakpak=kin\nFakfak=poss\n‘Fakfak’s market’\n[overheard]\n(31)\nkewe\nhouse\nArepner=kin\nArepner=poss\n‘Arepner’s houses’\n[conv9_24:04]\n225\n\n\n9 Possessive and associative constructions\nOther examples of spatial association are the names of certain species, espe-\ncially fish species, as shown in (32). The wienar ‘parrotfish’ is contrasted with\nother wienar species, such as wienar saruam ‘longnose parrotfish’. It can also be\nused in a more general sense to group for example all fish found close to the\nshore, as in (33).\n(32)\nwienar\nparrotfish\ntebol=kin\nreef_edge=poss\n‘roundhead parrotfish’\n[dict_wienar tebolkin]\n(33)\nsor\nfish\nkibis=kin\nshore=poss\n‘shore fish’\n[conv10_11:41]\n=kin can also express general (associative) ownership without specifying the\npossessor. This can be used, for example, with the question word naman ‘who’,\nas in (34). The answer to this question also contains =kin, marking the possession\nof a group of people. Thus, naman=kin functions as a placeholder for Dian taraun\nmu=kin. The answer also contains the third-person plural pronoun mu used as\nan associative plural.\n(34)\nA: naman=kin\nwho=poss\n‘Whose?’\nB: Dian\nDian\ntara-un\ngrandfather-3poss\nmu=kin\n3sg=poss\n‘Dian’s grandfather’s and associates’.’\n[conv12_16:17]\nThis same marking of the possession of a group, often used with teknonyms\n(see §7.2.2), is also illustrated in (35).\n(35)\nPertama\npertama\nfirst\nnebainggo,\nneba=kin=ko\nph-poss=loc\nSainudinkin.\nsainudin=kin\nSainudin-poss\nSainudinkin\nsainudin=kin\nSainudin=poss\nlewat,\nlewat\npass\na\na\nint\nterus\nterus\nfurther\nmenggara\nmengga=ta\ndist.lat=nfin\nKiba\nkiba\nKiba\nmukin.\nmu=kin\n3pl=poss\n‘First whose place, Sainudin’s. Pass Sainudin’s, ah then from there [you get\nto] Kiba’s.’\n[narr37_1:34]\n226\n\n\n9.7 Associative relations with =kin\nInterestingly, because =kin is attached to the last element of the NP, it can also\nbe attached to a possessive pronoun. In (36), the use of =kin (instead of third-\nperson possessive -un) signals that the possessed item, some fishing equipment,\nbelongs to the father’s household and not to him personally.\n(36)\nmera\nthen\nge\nnot\n[esa\nfather\nkain]=kin\n2sg.poss=poss\nmera\nthen\nki\n2pl\nnapaki=ta\nuse=nfin\n‘If not, you can use your father’s.’\n[conv10_16:50]\nIn (37), =kin attaches to a numeral, which refers to the price of a certain size\nof fishing line (the word nika ‘line’ is elided). =kin indicates that the numeral is\nrepresentative of a type.\n(37)\nripi\nthousand\nputkon=kin\nten=poss\nme\ntop\nminggi\ndist.ins\nwinyal\nsail_fish\n‘With [fishing line of the kind that costs] ten thousand [you go] fishing\nwhile sailing around.’\n[conv10_10:43]\nLastly, =kin is used by one speaker in two recordings about canoe building to\nrefer to parts of the canoe. In (38), the left and right side of the canoe are de-\nscribed, and either side is marked with =kin. In (39), the canoes are the parts, and\nthe whole is a tree from which three canoes are cut. An alternative analysis is\nthat these uses of =kin do not indicate a part-whole relationship, but that there\nis an understood nominal referent with which =kin expresses an associative re-\nlationship. In (38), this could be the drill holes (the left side’s drill holes), and\nin (39), the wood or the motor boat’s base.\n(38)\ntantayon=kin\nleft=poss\ndi=saran=i\ncaus=ascend=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nkoi\nthen\ntanbes=kin=at\nright=poss=obj\nkoi\nthen\nbor=taet\ndrill=again\n‘After putting up the left side, we drill the right side again.’ [narr14_6:00]\n(39)\nkoi\nthen\net\ncanoe\nmir-eir=kin=at\nclf_canoe-two=poss=obj\nkon-i\none-objqnt\npotma\ncut\nraor=kin=at\nmiddle=poss=obj\npotma\ncut\nlimabelas=kin=at\n15_hp_motor_boat.mly=poss=obj\npotma\ncut\nkoi\nthen\net\ncanoe\npokpok=kin\nsmall_motor_boat=poss\nkon\none\n‘Then [I] cut one canoe from two, cut it in the middle, cut a motor boat,\nthen a small motorboat is one.’\n[narr42_0:48]\n227\n\n\n\n\n10 Demonstratives\nDemonstratives, introduced in §5.5, are a closed class of forms that locate a ref-\nerent in space, time or discourse in relation to the deictic centre. Kalamang has\na rich demonstrative system with six versatile but mutually exclusive forms that\ncan occur as the NP head, as a modifier in the NP (occupying the last slot of the\nNP) and as (part of) the predicate. In §10.1, I introduce the basic forms and how\nthey can be inflected. In §10.2.1 to §10.2.5, I describe the peculiarities of each of\nthe six demonstratives.\n10.1 Basic forms and inflections\nThis section starts with a presentation of the six basic forms, followed by a dis-\ncussion of the demonstrative affixes and enclitics (§10.1.1). “Empty” affixes used\nto create longer demonstrative forms are described in §10.1.2, suffixes to create\nmanner, quality, quantity and degree demonstratives are introduced in §10.1.3\nand the postpositions found on demonstratives are given in §10.1.4.\n10.1.1 The basic forms\nKalamang has six basic demonstrative forms: proximal wa, distal me, far distal\nowa, the elevational demonstratives yawe ‘down’ and osa ‘up’, and an anaphoric\ndemonstrative opa. Only the proximal and distal forms can be used pronominally,\nadnominally and identificationally. The far distal and the elevational demonstra-\ntives can be used adnominally and identificationally. The anaphoric demonstra-\ntive can only be used adnominally. The syntactic use of these demonstratives\nis given in Table 10.1. Pronominal demonstratives occur instead of nouns as NP\nheads. Adnominal demonstratives modify nouns and pronouns in the NP, follow-\ning the head and occupying the rightmost slot of the NP. Predicative demonstra-\ntives are locative forms (which may form the single predicate of the clause) and\nlative forms (which combine with other verbs to form complex predicates, see\n§13.3). Identificational demonstratives occur as the predicate in copular and non-\nverbal clauses. The syntactic behaviour of the six forms is given in Table 10.1,\nrepeated from §5.5. All basic forms are mutually exclusive.\n\n\n10 Demonstratives\nTable 10.1: Demonstratives and their syntactic use\nform\npronominal\nadnominal\nidentificational\nwa prox\n+\n+\n+\nme dist\n+\n+\n+\nowa fdist\n+\n+\nyawe down\n+\n+\nosa up\n+\n+\nopa ana\n+\nThe two most versatile basic forms, proximal wa and distal me, typically evoke\nparticipant-anchored spatial information. An illustration of each is given in (1).\n(1)\nA: berarti\nthat_means\nkewe-un=a\nhouse-3poss=foc\nwa\nprox\nye\nor\n‘That means this is his house?’ [points at picture lying on the table]\nB: kewe-un=a\nhouse-3poss=foc\nme\ndist\nkewe\nhouse\nmain\n3poss\necien=i\nreturn=plnk\nkewe-un=a\nhouse-3poss=foc\nwa\nprox\n‘That’s his house, he returns to his house.’ [points at picture] ‘This is\nhis house.’\n[stim6_16:51]\nThe far distal is typically used on a bigger scale, across landscape. An example\nis (2). The far distal basic form owa is hardly found uninflected. In this example,\nit carries a demonstrative suffix -ne, which I comment upon below.\n(2)\nlempuang\nisland\ntemun=a\nbig=foc\nowa-ne\nfdist-dem\ntumun-un=a\nchild-3poss=foc\nwa\nprox\n‘The big island is yonder, the small one is here.’\n[conv27_0:02]\nThe elevational demonstratives refer to referents on a vertical axis: osa and\nyawe are used for referents which are located higher and lower, respectively,\nthan the speaker or another point of reference. (3) and (4) are adnominal uses.\n(3)\nadi\nder\nsor\nfish\nosa\nup\n[...]\n[...]\nkabaruap\ngrouper\n‘That fish up there [...] is a grouper.’\n[conv10_5:49]\n230\n\n\n10.1 Basic forms and inflections\n(4)\nma\n3sg\ntamatko\nwhere\nka\n2sg\nbo\ngo\nminggalot-an\nbedroom-1sg.poss\nyawe\ndown\nkome=te\nlook=imp\n‘Where is it? You go look in my bedroom down there!’\n[conv17_3:42]\nThe anaphoric demonstrative opa occurs with referents that in some respect\nrepresent knowledge already shared by the speaker and the addressee, typically\nthose that are previously mentioned in discourse. The latter is the case with the\nreferent dodon ‘clothing’ in (5).\n(5)\ndodon\nclothing\nopa\nana\nan\n1sg\nmasa\ndry_in_sun\n‘I dried those clothes [that we talked about] in the sun.’\n[conv9_0:20]\n10.1.2 “Empty” demonstrative affixes\nTwo prefixes and one suffix, yu-, i- and -ne, can be added to some of the basic\nforms above. They seemingly have no other function than to create a longer form\nof the demonstratives. The current corpus does not clarify a difference in mean-\ning, distribution or pragmatic use between the forms with and without these\naffixes. Table 10.2 shows the possible combinations.\nTable 10.2: Possible combinations of demonstratives and affixes\nprox\nyu-\nwa\n-ne\nwa\n-ne\ndist\nyu-\nme\n-ne\nme\n-ne\ni-\nme\n-ne\nfdist\nowa\n-ne\nup\nosa\n-ne\ndown\nyawe\n-ne\nThe prefix yu- is found on proximal wa and distal me in pronominal, adnomi-\nnal and identificational use. Based on the fact that all other basic demonstratives\nare disyllabic, yuwa and yume could be argued to be the basic proximal and dis-\ntal forms, and wa and me their shortened versions. There is currently no other\nevidence to corroborate this suggestion, such as emphatic use of the forms with\nyu-.\n231\n\n\n10 Demonstratives\nThe prefix i- is only found on distal me, and only in adnominal and predicative\nuses, next to adnominal and predicative uses without i-.\nThe suffix -ne is found on five of the six demonstratives: proximal wa, distal me,\nfar distal owa and both the elevationals osa ‘up’ and yawe ‘down’. As a suggestion\nfor a starting point for future research, it might be worth looking into the fact\nthat -ne attaches to all the basic demonstratives involved in spatial reference, but\nnot to the anaphoric opa.\nThe proximal and distal forms can take one or both prefixes (not simultane-\nously) and the suffix. They are attested with one of the prefixes and the suffix\nat the same time resulting in the extra long forms yu-wa-ne, yu-me-ne and i-me-\nne. Because these forms are not currently analysable, their morphemes are not\nseparated in the rest of this work.\n10.1.3 Manner, quality, quantity and degree suffixes\nThe proximal and distal forms wa and me can be inflected with suffixes unique\nto the class of demonstratives expressing manner, quality, quantity, or degree.\nManner and quality demonstratives are made with -ndi ‘like’,1 quantity demon-\nstratives are made with -bes ‘qnt’, degree demonstratives expressing size are\nmade with -rip ‘dgr’ and degree demonstratives expressing distance are made\nwith -sen ‘dgr’. The latter is also used for duration. All occur adverbially and/or\nadnominally. The distal forms can be made with the basic form me, but have an\nalternative form with the root mia-. The distal manner and quality demonstra-\ntive has a root mi- instead of me. Table 10.3 gives an overview. More details and\nexamples of the forms are given in §10.2.1.3 for the proximal forms and §10.2.2.4\nfor the distal forms.\nTable 10.3: Manner, quality, quantity and degree suffixes\ntype\ngloss\nsyntactic function\nproximal form\ndistal form\nmanner/quality\n‘like’\nadnominal/adverbial\nwa-ndi\nmi-ndi\nquantity\nqnt\nadnominal\nwa-bes\nme-bes/mia-bes\ndegree (size)\ndgr\nadverbial\nwa-rip\nme-rip/mia-rip\ndegree (distance)\ndgr\nadnominal/adverbial\nwa-sen\nme-sen/mia-sen\nThe prefixes yu- and i-, used to create longer forms of the demonstratives, are\nalso found on manner/quality demonstrative forms. Yu-wa-ndi, yu-mi-ndi and\ni-mi-ndi (i- is not attested on wa) are attested in the corpus.\n1Compare also tamandi ‘how’, apparently formed with the question word root tama and the\nsuffix -ndi.\n232\n\n\n10.1 Basic forms and inflections\n10.1.4 Postpositions on demonstratives\nMost demonstrative forms can carry several postpositions (§6.4). Postpositions\nattach to the right edge of the NP. On demonstratives, they have slightly different\nforms, but across the different demonstrative basic forms they behave regularly.\nDemonstratives inflected with postpositions are treated as fossilised forms, so\njust their surface forms are given and their morphemes are not separated in the\nglosses.\nProximal wa, distal me, osa ‘up’ and yawe ‘down’ carry a final -t when in object\nposition, or when modifying an object noun. The regular object postposition\nis =at (§6.4.2). Proximal wa and osa ‘up’ perhaps carry the full suffix (as two\nidentical adjacent vowels are realised as a single vowel, §3.4.3.2). These forms\nare treated as fused forms in the rest of this work.\nTable 10.4: Object demonstrative forms\nsurface\nunderlying\ngloss\nproximal\nwat\nwa=(a)t\nprox=obj\ndistal\nmet\nme=t\ndist=obj\ndown\nyawet\nyawe=t\ndown=obj\nup\nosat\nosa=(a)t\nup=obj\nKalamang has a locative postposition =ko (§6.4.7) and a lative postposition =ka\n(§6.4.8), which can turn the NPs to which they attach into predicates (§12.3.4). All\ndemonstratives except the anaphoric opa can carry locative and lative postposi-\ntions. It is in such locative and lative constructions that the far distal and eleva-\ntionals are most commonly found. The locative and lative demonstrative forms\nare slightly different from other NPs. As introduced in §3.4.6.3, on demonstra-\ntives, the phoneme -t is inserted before the locative enclitic, and the phoneme -n\nbefore the lative enclitic. The forms and morphemes are given in Table 10.5.\nThe longer forms of the demonstratives with prefixes yu- and i- (§10.1.2) are\nalso found on the object, locative and lative forms of the proximal and distal.\nThe longer forms with -ne are found on some forms in the object position. The\nfollowing forms are attested.\n(6)\na. yu-watko\nb. yu-wangga\nc. yu-metko\n233\n\n\n10 Demonstratives\nTable 10.5: Locative and lative demonstrative forms\nlocative\ngloss\nlative\ngloss\nproximal\nwatko, wa-t=ko\nprox-t=loc\nwangga, wa-n=ka\nprox-n=lat\ndistal\nmetko, me-t=ko\ndist-t=loc\nmengga, me-n=ka\ndist-n=lat\nfar distal\nowatko, owa-t=ko\nfdist-t=loc\nowangga, owa-n=ka\nfdist-n=lat\ndown\nyawetko, yawe-t=ko\ndown-t=loc\nyawengga, yawe-n=ka\ndown-n=lat\nup\nosatko, osa-t=ko\nup-t=loc\nosangga, osa-n=ka\nup-n=lat\nd. i-metko\ne. yu-mengga\nf. i-mengga\ng. wa-ne=t\nh. owa-ne=t\ni. osa-ne=t\nOne demonstrative, the distal me, has an instrumental form minggi. The root\nmi- is also encountered in the manner/quality form mindi. On other NPs, the in-\nstrumental enclitic is =ki. Perhaps, analogous to the locative and lative forms, the\nunderlying form is mi-n=ki. Like the locative and lative forms, the instrumental\ndemonstrative is treated as a fossilised form and is always displayed as minggi,\nglossed as ‘dist.ins’. It remains to be investigated whether the instrumental at-\ntaches to the other demonstratives. No long forms i-minggi or yu-minggi were\nattested.\n10.2 Demonstrative function\nThis section describes the use of the six demonstratives. §10.2.1 discusses the\nuses of proximal wa, §10.2.2 that of distal me and §10.2.3 that of far distal owa.\n§10.2.4 describes anaphoric demonstrative opa, and §10.2.5 focuses on elevation-\nals yawe ‘down’ and osa ‘up’. Discourse organisational use of demonstrative\nforms (§10.2.2.5) is only found with distal forms.\nAs an introduction, consider the following example. The two most versatile\nbasic forms, the proximal wa and the distal me, typically evoke speaker-oriented\nspatial information. This is illustrated in (7), repeated from §10.1.1, where speaker\nA uses the proximal form for a picture that is on the table in front of him. Speaker\n234\n\n\n10.2 Demonstrative function\nB first uses the distal form, and then switches to the proximal form in combina-\ntion with pointing, because speaker A has now picked up the picture so that B is\ncloser to it.\n(7)\nA: berarti\nthat_means\nkewe-un=a\nhouse-3poss=foc\nwa\nprox\nye\nor\n‘That means this is his house?’ [points at picture lying on the table]\nB: kewe-un=a\nhouse-3poss=foc\nme\ndist\nkewe\nhouse\nmain\n3poss\necien=i\nreturn=plnk\nkewe-un=a\nhouse-3poss=foc\nwa\nprox\n‘That’s his house, he returns to his house.’ [points at picture] ‘This is\nhis house.’\n[stim6_16:51]\nThese basic forms, as well as the far distal owa, have additional semantic and\npragmatic properties other than the spatial ones. In the following sections, tem-\nporal, manner, anaphoric and other uses of the demonstratives are described.\nWith such a plethora of forms and functions, it is not surprising that we find\nutterances like (8). Taken from an explanation about the use of plant medicine,\nit shows a nice combination of the pragmatic use of demonstratives (metko as a\nsequential marker and the expression ma he me, discussed in §10.2.2.5) and the\nspatial semantics of demonstratives (predicative watko ‘here’ and pronominal\nwane ‘this’).\n(8)\nPai\npak=i\nchew=plnk\nkoyet\nkoyet\nfinish\nmetko\nmetko\ndist.loc\nmindi\nmindi\nlike_that\nkouet,\nkou=et\nblow=irr\nmindi\nmindi\nlike_that\nkou\nkou\nblow\nwatko,\nwatko\nprox.loc\nwane,\nwane\nprox\nwane.\nwane\nprox\nMetkoet\nmetko=et\nthere=irr\neh\neh\nint\nma\nma\n3sg\nhe\nse\niam\nme.\nme\ndist\n‘After chewing, then we do like that, blow, blow like this here, this and this.\nThen, that’s it.’\n[narr31_4:10]\nFigure 10.1 shows the video stills from the time of utterance of the three spatial\ndemonstratives in (8), which are accompanied by pointing.\n235\n\n\n10 Demonstratives\n(a)\n(b)\n(c)\nFigure 10.1: Hair Yorkuran explaining the application of langgulanggur,\nwatko ‘here’ (left), wane ‘this’ (middle) and wane ‘this’ (right)\n10.2.1 Proximal wa ‘prox’\n10.2.1.1 Spatial use\nProximal demonstrative wa is prototypically used adnominally, pronominally\nand identificationally to indicate referents that are close to the speaker. (9) il-\nlustrates an adnominal and (10) a pronominal use of the proximal demonstrative,\nboth in object position (hence the object form wat). The demonstrative in (9)\nrefers to a woman in a picture in front of the speaker, with the speaker pointing\nat her. The demonstrative in (10) stands in for a fishing net the speaker is holding.\n(9)\nma\n3sg\nenem\nwoman\nwat=a\nprox.obj=foc\ntu\nhit\n‘He hits this woman.’\n[stim6_11:45]\n(10)\nki\n2pl\nwat\nprox.obj\nnapaki=kin\nuse=vol\nye\nor\nge\nnot\n‘Are you going to use this or not?’\n[conv3_1:59]\nTwo identificational examples are given in (11) and (12). In (11), the speaker\npoints at a picture with three people and identifies them one by one. (12) is from\na story about a wedding, where the names of the bride’s and groom’s families are\ncalled out as a way of introducing the family members to couple. Note that an\nidentificational demonstrative follows a focused noun, but precedes a topicalised\nnoun.\n(11)\nnamun=a\nhusband.3poss=foc\nwa\nprox\nkiun=a\nwife-3poss=foc\nwa\nprox\ntumun-un=a\nchild-3poss=foc\nwa\nprox\n‘This is the husband, this is the wife, this is their child.’\n[stim6_19:23]\n236\n\n\n10.2 Demonstrative function\n(12)\nsupaya\nso_that\ncanam\nman\ngonggin\nknow\nma\n3sg\ntoni\nsay\no\nint\nwa\nprox\nme\ntop\ndauk-an=a\nsibling_in_law-1sg.poss=foc\nwa\nprox\nketan-an=a\nparent_in_law-1sg.poss=foc\nwa\nprox\nesa-an=a\nuncle-1sg.poss=foc\nwa\nprox\nmama-an=a\nuncle-1sg.poss=foc\nwa\nprox\n‘So that the man knows, he says: “O, this is my sibling-in-law, this is my\nparent-in-law, this is my uncle, this is my uncle.”’\n[narr4_3:12]\nThe longer forms wane and yuwane are often used identificationally, typically\nwhen identifying the right-hand picture in a picture-matching task (example 13).\nThey may also be pronominal (example 14) or adnominal (example 15).\n(13)\nma\n3sg\nwane\nprox\n‘This is it.’\n[stim39_2:04]\n(14)\nmu\n3pl\ntoni\nsay\nya\nyes\nwanet\nprox.obj\nme\ntop\nrasa\nlike\n‘They said: “Yes, this is good.”’\n[narr16_2:12]\n(15)\nneba\nwhat\nkon=a\none=foc\nyuwa\nprox\nsor\nfish\ntumun\nsmall\nkon\none\nyuwane\nprox\nsor\nfish\nsair=ten\nbake=at\n‘What is this one here, this one small fish here, baking fish?’ [conv4_3:53]\nThe locative and lative proximal forms watko ‘here’ and wangga ‘to/from here’\nare used for indicating the location of referents close to the speaker. In (16), the\nspeaker uses watko to refer to her side of the fishing net, while the addressee is\nholding the other side a few metres away. In (17), proximal watko refers to Mas\nvillage, which is where the speaker is when she utters the sentence.\n(16)\nka-mun\n2sg-proh\nmindi\nlike_that\nrami=in\npull=proh\nmena\notherwise\nma\n3sg\nwatko\nprox.loc\n‘Don’t you pull like that, otherwise it will be here.’\n[conv4_4:30]\n(17)\nHadi\nHadi\nme\ntop\nwatko\nprox.loc\n‘Hadi was here.’\n[narr40_15:53]\n(18)\nwangga\nprox.lat\nTamisen=ka\nTamisen=lat\nbot-un\ngo-nmlz\neranun\ncannot\n‘One cannot go from here to Tamisen (Antalisa).’\n[narr38_0:09]\n237\n\n\n10 Demonstratives\nWatko can be used in combination with pointing. (19) is uttered while the\nspeaker points at the eye of a fish lure.\n(19)\nan\n1sg\nkona\nthink\nwatko=a\nprox.loc=foc\nkomain=et\npuncture=irr\nkanggir-un=ko\neye-3poss=loc\nto\nright\n‘I think you puncture it here, in its eye, right?’\n[stim15_4:32]\nWatko, like other NPs carrying a locative postposition, can be used predica-\ntively, essentially meaning ‘to be here’. Wangga, like other NPs carrying the la-\ntive postposition, must always be used in combination with other verbs. Complex\nsource, goal and location constructions are described in §13.3.\n10.2.1.2 Temporal use\nThe proximal demonstrative is seldom used temporally. There are two exceptions.\nThe long forms yuwa and yuwane, but not wane and wa, are used in combination\nwith the time adverbial opa ‘earlier’ to create the meaning ‘(earlier) today’. There\nis no monomorphemic word for ‘today’.\n(20)\nopa\nearlier\nyuwa\nprox\nmu\n3pl\nlibur=et\nfree=irr\n‘Were they free today?’\n[conv4_0:47]\n10.2.1.3 Manner, quality, quantity and degree\nThe proximal demonstrative wandi expresses manner or quality, and usually\nmodifies a verb. The verb can be left out when the speaker enacts the action\nthey are referring to. The speaker in (21) explains to the addressee how to pull\nbait. First, she uses wandi ‘like this’ without a verb, while enacting the movement\nand encouraging the addressee to look at her, and then repeats wandi followed\nby the verb rami ‘to pull’. Proximal wandi is typically used when the speaker is\nsimultaneously imitating a movement or a situation with gestures.\n(21)\nsor=at\nfish=obj\npi\n1pl.incl\nwandi\nlike_this\neh\nint\npi\n1pl.incl\nwandi\nlike_this\nrami∼rami\npull∼prog\n‘The fish we do like this, eh, we pull like this.’\n[stim15_1:20]\nProximal wandi can also be used to refer to states, such as ‘being friends’ in\n(22) or a colour (in 23, the speaker points at the black microphone stand). Both\nexamples use the long form yuwandi.\n238\n\n\n10.2 Demonstrative function\n(22)\ntaman-un\nfriend-3poss\nkodaet\none_more\nme\ntop\nka=bon\n2sg=com\nan=bon\n1sg=com\nyuwandi\nlike_this\n‘He has a friend like you and me.’\n[stim12_1:12]\n(23)\nse\niam\nbo\ngo\nkuskap=ten\nblack=ten\nyuwandi\nlike_this\n‘[The nutmegs] turn black like this.’\n[narr12_8:14]\nLastly, proximal wandi can be used to introduce quoted speech (as in 24, see\nalso §15.2) or as a stand-in for quoted speech, as in (25).\n(24)\nan\n1sg\nse\niam\nwandi\nlike_this\neh\nint\nema\naunt\nkadok-ca=at=a\ncloth-2sg.poss=obj=foc\ntama\nwhere\n‘I went like: “Hey aunt, where is your cloth?”’\n[narr40_4:56]\n(25)\nma\n3sg\ntoni\nsay\nwandi\nlike_this\nwandi\nlike_this\n‘He said such-and-such.’\n[stim7_16:50]\nIn addition to the manner and quality demonstrative wandi, Kalamang has tree\nother proximal forms: one for quantity (wa-bes, adnominal) and two for degree\n(wa-rip for size and wa-sen for length of time, both adverbial). The three forms\nare illustrated below.\n(26)\nka\n2sg\nse\niam\nbo\ngo\nyuol\nday\nwa-bes\nprox-qnt\n‘You went (away) this many days.’\n[narr26_11:22]\n(27)\nbuwar\nkind_of_fruit\nopa\nana\ntemun-un\nbig-nmlz\nwa-rip\nprox-dgr\n‘That buwar was this big.’\n[narr24_4:38]\n(28)\ngoras\ncrow\ntok\nyet\nmaruat=nin\nmove_seawards=neg\ntik\nbe_long\nwa-sen=ta\nprox-dgr=nfin\n‘The crow didn’t come back for this long.’\n[narr39_6:35]\n10.2.2 Distal me ‘dist’\n10.2.2.1 Spatial use\nDistal demonstrative me occurs adnominally, pronominally and identification-\nally, prototypically to indicate referents that are relatively far from the speaker.\n239\n\n\n10 Demonstratives\nThere are no adnominal examples in the naturalistic corpus that are clearly spa-\ntial, so an elicited example is given in (29). It was elicited for a situation where\nthe speaker points at one of the addressee’s teeth (scene 2 from Wilkins 2004).\n(29)\ngier-ca\ntooth-2sg.poss\nme\ndist\nme\ntop\nten\nbad\n‘That tooth of yours is bad.’\n[elic]\nIn object position, the distal demonstrative has the form met, as is illustrated\nfor pronominal use in (30). The distal demonstrative refers to betel nuts, which\nthe referent of ma ‘she’ went to look for in another house.\n(30)\nma\n3sg\nmet=a\ndist.obj=foc\nsanggara\nsearch\n‘She searches for that.’\n[conv12_20:42]\nIdentificational examples are given in (31) and (32). Like for proximal forms,\nthe distal demonstrative follows a focused noun and precedes a topic marker.\n(31)\nnaharen-un=a\nleftover-3poss=foc\nme\ndist\n‘That is the leftover.’\n[conv11_4:25]\n(32)\net\ncanoe\nme\ntop\nme\ndist\n‘That is the canoe.’\n[conv10_13:37]\nDistal metko ‘there’ is used for indicating the location of referents away from\nthe speaker. In (33), the distal location is first specified (the sea) and then referred\nto with metko. (34) is from a story about a dog and a cassowary which chased\neach other into the sea and became rock formations.\n(33)\nse\niam\nkewe=ka\nhouse=lat\nkuru\nbring\ndi=maruat=kin=ta\ncaus=move_seawards=vol=nfin\nto\nright\nme\ndist\nkarena\nbecause\n[...] mu\n3pl\nmaulma\nbend\nran\nmove\nmetko\ndist.loc\n‘They wanted to bring [the corpse] from the house to the sea, right,\nbecause [...] they go there and bend [it straight].’\n[conv7_7:39]\n(34)\nA: bal=nan\ndog=too\nma\n3sg\ndalang=i\njump=plnk\npasier=ko\nsea=loc\nyie\nswim\nmarua\nmove_seawards\n‘The dog also jumped in the sea and swam away from the shore.’\n240\n\n\n10.2 Demonstrative function\nB: kasawari\ncassowary\nse\niam\nmetko\ndist.loc\ntelin\nstay\n‘The cassowary stayed there.’\n[narr20_2:32]\nMetko, like other NPs carrying a locative postposition, can be used predica-\ntively, essentially meaning ‘to be there’. Mengga, like other NPs carrying the\nlative postposition, must always be used in combination with other verbs. An\nexample is given in (35). Complex source, goal and location constructions are\ndescribed in §13.3.\n(35)\nterus\nfurther\nmengga\ndist.lat\nkoi\nthen\nIbrahim\nIbrahim\ntanbes=ko\nright=loc\nmengga\nfrom_there\nkoi\nthen\nArepnengga\nArepner.lat\nbara\ndescend\n‘Further from there there’s Ibrahim on the right, from there down to\nArepner.’\n[stim36_1:41]\nIme is occasionally used as short for (i)metko.\n(36)\nkanas\nkind_of_fish\nep-kon=a\nclf_group-one=foc\nmarua\nmove_seawards\nime\ndist\n‘A school of kanas swims towards sea (there?).’\n[conv5_0:29]\n10.2.2.2 Temporal use\nTemporal use of demonstratives is largely restricted to the distal form modifying\nthe noun yuol ‘day’, illustrated in (37) and (38).\n(37)\nyuol\nday\nme\ndist\nme\ntop\nma\n3sg\nmasin=at\nmachine=obj\nistar\nstart\n‘That day he started the machine.’\n[narr7_7:03]\n(38)\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nmu=bon\n3pl=com\ntaruon\nsay\nma\n3sg\nkasian\npoor\nyuol\nday\nme\ndist\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\ntaruo\nsay\n‘She already told them, poor her, that day she already told.’ [conv12_21:36]\n10.2.2.3 Anaphoric use\nClear endophoric usage of the distal demonstrative as in (39), where me refers\nback to a referent introduced earlier (anaphora), is rather rare.\n241\n\n\n10 Demonstratives\n(39)\nMa\nma\n3sg\ncanamat\ncanam=at\nman=obj\nkoni\nkon-i\none-objqnt\nkoluk.\nkoluk\nmeet\nCanam\ncanam\nman\nme,\nme\ndist\npusirunbon.\npusir-un=bon\nbow-3poss=com\n‘She meets a man. That man has an arrow.’\n[stim24_1:23]\nThe demonstrative that is most commonly used for anaphoric reference is opa,\nsee §10.2.4.\n10.2.2.4 Manner, quality, quantity and degree\nThe distal form mindi ‘like that’ (occasionally pronounced mendi, cf. the distal\nbasic form me) expresses manner or quality. In (40), the speaker tries to explain\nhow they waved away the smoke of fires with leaves to keep their hiding place\nsecret during the Japanese bombings in WWII.\n(40)\nin\n1pl.excl\nse\niam\nlolok=at\nleaf=obj\nkowaran\nbend\nmindi\nlike_that\ndin=at\nfire=obj\njaga\nwatch\n‘We bent leaves, like that we watched the fire.’\n[narr40_8:04]\nDistal mindi is also used as ‘until’ in combination with bo ‘to go’ (lit. ‘go like\nthat’, see also §13.1.2). (41) is about the production of pandanus leaf strips for\nweaving.\n(41)\nkaruar=i\nsmoke_dry=plnk\nmindi\nlike_that\nbo\ngo\nkararak\ndry\nkoi\nthen\nmasan\ndry_in_sun\n‘We dry [on a rack above the fire] until it’s dry, then we dry in the sun.’\n[narr11_2:50]\nThe form mendak ‘just like that’, which seems derived from distal me and =tak\n‘just’, is also used to express manner. Consider (42). There is no corresponding\nproximal form (see also §13.1.4).\n(42)\npi\n1pl.excl\nmendak\njust_like_that\nkuar\ncook\nlangsung=et\ndirectly=irr\neba\nthen\nbes\ngood\n‘If we just cook it directly like that, it’s good.’\n[conv13_3:41]\nIn addition to the manner and quality demonstrative mindi, Kalamang has\nthree other proximal forms: one adnominal demonstrative for quantity (mia-bes)\nand two adverbial for degree (mia-rip for size and mia-sen for distance and du-\nration). The variants me-bes, me-rip and me-sen are also acceptable, but hardly\nfound in the corpus. The three forms are illustrated below.\n242\n\n\n10.2 Demonstrative function\n(43)\neba\nthen\nka=nan\n2sg=too\npitis\nmoney\nmia-bes=at\ndist-qnt=obj\nmaraouk=te\nstore=nfin\n‘Why did you store that much money there?!’\n[conv12_2:05]\n(44)\ntumun\nchild\nse\niam\nbo\ngo\ntemun\nbig\nmia-rip\ndist-dgr\n‘The child has become that big.’\n[stim12_5:05]\n(45)\nan\n1sg\newa=i\nspeak=plnk\nsampi\nuntil\nmia-sen-tak\ndist-qnt-just\n‘I just speak that long.’\n[narr22_8:39]\n10.2.2.5 Discourse\nSeveral distal demonstrative forms help in the organisation of discourse: as a\nsequential marker, to indicate the start of a new scene, or to end a section of\ndiscourse. Topic marker me, probably related to the distal me, is discussed in\n§16.1.\nThe distal locative metko is used as a sequential marker in conditional clauses,\noften in combination with eba ‘then’, which can be used on its own to express\nsequentiality. Adding distal metko to eba ‘then’ focuses on the ending of the first\nstate or event, before the next can be started. This is illustrated in the following\ntwo examples, where certain conditions must be met (the tide must be good,\nFriday must have passed) before the next event can take place.\n(46)\nwarkin\ntide\ntok\nfirst\nbes=et\ngood=irr\neba\nthen\nmetko\ndist.loc\npi\n1pl.incl\nwar=et\nfish=irr\n‘When (lit. first) the tide is good, we go fishing.’\n[conv9_2:04]\n(47)\nka-mun\n2sg-proh\ntok\nyet\nbo=in\ngo=proh\nariemun\nfriday\nnasal=et\nopen=irr\neba\nthen\nmetko\ndist.loc\nbo=te\ngo=imp\n‘Don’t you go yet, after Friday has passed, go!’\n[conv7_2:39]\nDistal manner demonstrative mindi is used to indicate a new scene in a story.\n(48) is uttered after an intermezzo in Papuan Malay. The story is taken up again\nstarting with mindi. In (49), mindi marks the transition between two scenes: that\nof the speaker going off for a swim, and that of his friend calling him. Mindi also\nindicates that some time has passed between the speaker going off for a swim,\nand his friend calling him.\n243\n\n\n10 Demonstratives\n(48)\n[...] Mindi\nmindi\nlike_that\nmu\nmu\n3pl\nhe\nse\niam\nmara.\nmara\nmove_landwards\n‘And so they moved towards land.’\n[narr29_9:45]\n(49)\nAn\nan\n1sg\nse\nse\niam\nmat\nmat\n3sg.obj\njie\nyie\nswim\nmamuni\nmamun=i\nleave=plnk\nkahen.\nkahen\nfar\nMindi\nmindi\nlike_that\nma\nma\n3sg\nanat\nan=at\n1sg=obj\ngonggung\ngonggung\ncall\n[...].\n[...]\n[...]\n‘I went swimming, leaving him far behind. Then, he called me.’\n[narr44_21:46]\nThe expression ma he me ‘that’s it’, containing distal me, is used to indicate\nthe end of a paragraph, usually one that has a summary of different things or\nactions, such as the list of ingredients in (50). It can also close off an entire story,\nin combination with se koyet ‘finished’ (as in 51, see also §17.1.6).\n(50)\ngelompang\nbatter\neba\nthen\nwat\ncoconut\nsantang=bon\ncoconut_milk=com\nterus\nthen\nkokok-nar\nchicken-egg\neba\nthen\nnasuena\nsugar\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nme\ndist\n‘The batter. With coconut milk, eggs, sugar, that’s it.’\n[narr9_0:24]\n(51)\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nme\ndist\nse\niam\nkoyet\nfinish\n‘That’s it, finished.’\n[narr19_16:52]\nMa he me can also mean ‘that’s enough’, as in (52), where a monkey wants to\nbe released from his cage.\n(52)\neih\nhey\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nme\ndist\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nme\ndist\nan=at\n1sg=obj\nkahetmei\nopen.imp\n‘Hey, that’s enough, that’s enough, release me!’\n[narr19_14:58]\nFinally mera, possibly derived from distal demonstrative or topic marker me\nand non-final =ta (homonymous with the focused object form of the distal demon-\nstrative), is used as a conjunction for either sequential events as in (53) or for\nreason and consequence as in (54).\n244\n\n\n10.2 Demonstrative function\n(53)\nDavit\nDavit\nDavit\nesun\nesun\nfather.3poss\ntok\ntok\nstill\nPakpao,\nPakpak=ko\nFakfak=loc\nah\nah\nint\nmara\nma=at=a\n3sg=obj=foc\nnawanggaret.\nnawanggar=et\nwait=irr\nMera\nmera\nthen\nBilal\nBilal\nBilal\nesun\nesun\nfather.3poss\ntoni\ntoni\nsay\noh\noh\nint\nNostal\nNostal\nNostal\nArepneko.\nArep-neko\nArep-inside\n‘Davit’s father is still in Fakfak, we’ll wait for him [to do the job]. Then\nBilal’s father said “Oh, Nostal in Arep!”’\n[narr7_9:58]\n(54)\nMa\nma\n3sg\nlalaren.\nlalat=ten\ndead=ten\nMera\nmera\nso\nma\nma\n3sg\nhe\nse\niam\necua.\necua\ncry\n‘She died. So he cried.’\n[narr24_3:28]\n10.2.3 Far distal owa ‘fdist’\n10.2.3.1 Spatial\nFar distal owa is prototypically used for referents that are relatively very far away\nfrom the speaker and the listener. It is mostly used when referring to places across\nlandscape, e.g. the next beach, behind the mountain, another city, the other side\nof the island, the other side of the country. This results in owa typically, but not\nnecessarily, being used for invisible referents. In the recordings from a round\ntrip around the biggest Karas island, speakers tend to use owa for singling out\nlandscape features that are not only somewhat distant, but also have another\nlandscape feature in between. In (55), the speaker points at Yar Poskon, a cape\n100 metres away, while sailing past another cape which is followed by a beach\nand Yar Poskon.\n(55)\nYar\nYar\nPoskon=a\nPoskon=foc\nowane\nfdist\n‘Yar Poskon is over there!’\n[conv22_0:41]\nIn about half of the corpus instances (23 out of 47), owa carries a lative or\nlocative postposition. This is illustrated in (56) to (58). The principles are the\nsame: owatko and owangga are used to refer across landscape. The referent may\nbe close, as in (57), where the location referred to is right outside the house, or\nin another country, as in (58).\n245\n\n\n10 Demonstratives\n(56)\nra\ngo\nPebis\nPebis\nRuomun\nRuomun\nowangga\nfdist.lat\nin=at\n1pl.excl=obj\nnawaruok\nunload\n‘[You want to] go to Pebis Ruomun over there and drop us off?’\n[conv28_3:14]\n(57)\nbo\ngo\nkol\noutside\nowatko\nover_there\nwar=te\nfish=imp\n‘Go fish outside over there!’\n[conv10_22:31]\n(58)\nBeladar-leng\nNetherlands-village\nowatko\nover_there\n‘In the Dutch village over there.’\n[conv12_5:01]\nOne corpus example of owa (in its variant owane) is used on a much smaller\nscale: a table top in a picture-matching task. During this task, the director could\nsee the matcher’s pictures, and directed him to the correct picture by explaining\nthe position of the card with the picture on the tabletop. The director utters (59).\nOwane is used to indicate that the picture is at the far extreme of the tabletop, far\naway from the speaker (and the addressee) as compared to the other pictures.\n(59)\nelak-kadok\nbottom-side\ntua\nold_man\nelak-kadok\nbottom-side\nsiun-kadok\nedge-side\nowane\nfdist\n‘Down there, Tua, down there, at the edge over there.’\n[stim27_10:53]\nThe video still in Figure 10.2 shows the moment the director (on the left) utters\nelak-kadok for the second time. The matcher is still looking for the right picture,\nhovering his finger. The picture that the director is referring to is marked in the\nfigure with an arrow in the figure.\n10.2.3.2 Other\nFar distal locative owatko ‘over there’, while usually used for invisible locations,\ncan also be used when the location is far away from both the speaker and the\naddressee, and when the speaker wants to create a mental distance to the referent.\n(60) comes from a conversation between two sisters who are fishing with their\nmuch younger sister-in-law. They are not satisfied with her skills, and tease her.\nIn the utterance, the speaker and the addressee stand next to each other in the\nsea, and refer to the sister-in-law who is standing fifty metres away, but is clearly\nvisible.\n246\n\n\n10.2 Demonstrative function\nFigure 10.2: Directing to owane fdist\n(60)\nmena\notherwise\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nkoi\nagain\nowatko\nover_there\nkinkin=taet\nhold=again\nreon\nmaybe\n‘Otherwise she will maybe hold [the fishing net] again over there.’\n[conv4_2:06]\n10.2.4 Anaphoric opa ‘ana’\nOpa is an adnominal demonstrative. It occurs with referents that represent shared\nknowledge, typically because they have been previously mentioned in the dis-\ncourse. It has mainly tracking and recognitional uses (Himmelmann 1996), and is\ntherefore glossed as ana for anaphoric. A typical tracking example is (61), where\nthe referent semen ‘concrete’, which is mentioned at minute 2:16, is mentioned\nagain at minute 5:27, and marked with opa to indicate that it is the same concrete.\n(61)\na. mu\n3pl\nse\niam\nsemen=at\nconcrete=obj\ncetak\nmould\n‘They already mould the concrete.’\n[narr7_2:16]\nb. mu\n3pl\nse\niam\nsemen\nconcrete\nopa\nana\nkoyal=te\nmix=nfin\ndi=ran\ncaus=move\n‘They already mixed that concrete and put it up.’\n[narr7_5:27]\nWhen narrating a story with help of a stimulus, such as a picture book or a\nvideo, speakers may start the story by marking the first mention of a referent\nwith opa, referring to the picture or video of the referent that they have just seen.\n(62) is an example of recognitional use.\n247\n\n\n10 Demonstratives\n(62)\ntumun\nchild\nopa\nana\nma\n3sg\nkewe-neko\nhouse-inside\n‘That child is inside a house.’\n[stim20_0:06]\nThe demonstrative may also be used when there is no anaphor, but when the\nreferent is just a part of the shared knowledge of two speakers. For example, a\nspeaker may refer to her daughter Desi (a name carried only by her in the village),\nwho is fishing just outside the window, with help of opa, even though Desi has\nnot been mentioned in the conversation yet.\n(63)\nDesi\nDesi\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\nyal∼yal=te\npaddle∼prog=nfin\nyawe\ndown\n‘Desi is paddling down there.’\n[conv11_6:36]\nIt can also be used to establish shared knowledge. In (64), the speaker uses opa\nto indicate to the listener that the referent is part of their shared knowledge.\n(64)\ninier\n2du.ex\nopa\nana\n[...]\n[...]\nHadi\nHadi\nopa\nana\nto\nright\n‘We two, with Hadi, right.’\n[narr14_3:14]\nMore details about this demonstrative can be found in Visser (2020c).\n10.2.5 Elevational demonstratives yawe ‘down’ and osa ‘up’\nKalamang has two elevational demonstratives: yawe ‘down’ and osa ‘up’. They\ncan be used adnominally, but are often used adverbially or predicatively, inflected\nwith locative =ko or lative =ka. They index referents and locations.\nElevationals are typically used to describe referents and locations inside the\nvillage, such as the beach (down) and other places in the village (up).2 (65) shows\nthe adnominal object form osanet up.obj, and (66) contains the locative form\nyawetko down.loc. Though yawe and osa (and their longer forms) are typically\nused adnominally, they may also be used as locative and lative forms, as in (67),\nwhere one would expect the locative form yawetko.\n(65)\nmu\n3pl\nera\nascend\nkewe\nhouse\nosanet\nup.obj\nnawanona\ntidy\n‘They went up to tidy the house up there.’\n[conv7_8:06]\n2Karas is spoken on a limestone island that rises out of the sea. Both villages, Mas and Antalisa,\nare built on a strip of beach and the adjacent slopes.\n248\n\n\n10.2 Demonstrative function\n(66)\nan\n1sg\ntoni\nsay\neh\nhey\nka\n2sg\nbo\ngo\nyawetko\ndown.loc\nwar=te\nfish=imp\n‘I said: “Hey, you go fishing down there!”’\n[conv10_18:14]\n(67)\nDesi\nDesi\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\nyal∼yal=te\npaddle∼prog=nfin\nyawe\ndown\n‘Desi is paddling down there.’\n[conv11_6:36]\nElevationals may be applied on both a smaller and bigger scale than the village.\nOn a smaller scale, a speaker may use elevationals to refer to the immediate envi-\nronment such as a house or a tree. In (68), the speaker is looking for a knife in her\nhouse, and refers to her bedroom as being ‘down’. Yawe is not used to single out\nwhich bedroom, as the speaker has only one bedroom (and has already singled\nit out anyway by inflecting minggalot ‘bedroom’ with a possessive marker).\n(68)\nma\n3sg\ntamatko\nwhere\nka\n2sg\nbo\ngo\nminggalot-an\nbedroom-1sg.poss\nyawe\ndown\nkome=te\nlook=imp\n‘Where is it? You go look in my bedroom!’\n[conv17_3:42]\nOn a larger scale, elevationals are used to talk about the wider landscape sur-\nrounding Mas, the village where all recordings for the Kalamang corpus were\nmade. The direction of movement from the Karas Islands to Fakfak (the regency\ncapital, NNE of the Karas Islands) is described as bara ‘move down’, and from\nFakfak to the Karas Islands as sara ‘move up’. Consequently, Fakfak is yawetko\n‘down there’. This is illustrated in (69), which is about moneylenders in Fakfak.\n(69)\nmu\n3pl\nyawetko\ndown.loc\nin=bon\n1pl.excl=com\nsampaikan=et\nlet.know=irr\n‘They down there let us know.’\n[narr45_2:54]\nThe direction of movement from the Karas Islands to Malakuli (the district\ncapital, east of the Karas Islands) is described as landwards, because it lies on the\nmainland of New Guinea. Nevertheless, Malakuli is osatko, as illustrated in (70),\nwhich refers to a house for schoolchildren from Mas which was being built in\nMalakuli at the time.\n(70)\nki\n2pl\nosatko=a\nup.loc=foc\nkewe-paruot=kin\nhouse-make=vol\n‘Do you up there want to work on the house?’\n[conv10_19:21]\n249\n\n\n10 Demonstratives\nThe same applies within the Karas Islands archipelago. Mas is on the biggest\nKaras island. To the west, between Mas and the mainland, lie the two smaller\nKaras Islands, with the villages Tarak, Tuburuasa, Kiaba and Faor. When mar-\nriage negotiations between a man from Kiaba and a woman from Mas were held,\nthe Mas community used the fact that they had sent many people osatko ‘up\nthere’ as an argument for the man to come and live in Mas.\n(71)\npi\n1pl.incl\nreidak\nmany\nbo\ngo\nosatko\nup.loc\n‘Many of us went up there.’\n[narr2_10:00]\nThe directional verbs and villages described here are illustrated in Figure 10.3.\nMore on directional verbs can be found in §11.1.2.2.\nINDONESIA\nN\n0\n40\nkm\nFakfak\nMalakuli\nMas\nKiaba\nbara 'descend'\nsara 'ascend'\nmara 'landw.'\nmarua 'seaw.'\n© Eline Visser 2022\nFigure 10.3: Directional verbs from Mas to Fakfak, Kiaba and Malakuli\nand vice versa\n250\n\n\n10.2 Demonstrative function\nAll these places lie at the same elevation as Mas: they are all villages that\nare directly situated at the beach, slightly above sea level. If anything, Kiaba\nand Malakuli are lower than (parts of) Mas, because the land rises more steeply\nfrom the beach in Mas than in Kiaba and Malakuli. The choice of directional\nverbs is thus not guided by actual elevation. Other factors such as sea currents\nor the direction of (former) centres of power remain to be investigated. There\nare no examples in the corpus where the location of Mas (or another place on\nthe biggest Karas island) is described as yawetko or osatko when contrasted with\nKiaba, Malakuli or Fakfak. Yawetko and osatko seem reserved, on this bigger scale,\nto refer only to places outside the biggest Karas island.\n251\n\n\n\n\n11 Verbs\nThis chapter describes verbs and verbal morphology. Verbs were defined in §5.1\nas words that function as predicates in the clause, may occur in complex predi-\ncates (Chapter 13) and can be used as adnominal modifiers with attributive marker\n=ten. This chapter starts by describing the two major verb classes in §11.1: regular\nand irregular verbs. §11.2 examines verb derivation, and §11.3 verb reduplication.\nValency-changing morphology such as reciprocal and causative proclitics are de-\nscribed in §11.4. §11.5 treats plural number, which plays a minor role in verbs.\nTwo fossilised morphemes that are found on Kalamang verbs are described in\n§11.6. Verb-modifying morphology such as modal and aspect markers generally\nattach to the predicate, not to the verb, and are described in Chapter 14.\n11.1 Verb classes\nThere are two major verb classes: regular and irregular verbs. Regular verbs take\nmood enclitics, negator =nin and predicate linker =i directly on the invariable\nroot. Irregular verbs have a variable root in a vowel, -n or -t. The irregular verb\nclass has two subclasses: transitive/intransitive pairs in -ma and -cie, and direc-\ntional verbs. (1) and (2) illustrate a regular and irregular verb, respectively. The a-\nexamples show the uninflected verb, and the b-examples show the verb inflected\nwith the negator =nin.\n(1)\na. mu\n3pl\nmuap\neat\n‘They ate.’\n[narr29_3:31]\nb. pi\n1pl.incl\ntok\nyet\nmuap=nin\neat=neg\n‘We didn’t eat yet.’\n[conv20_8:55]\n(2)\na. goras\ncrow\n[...]\n[...]\nsor=at\nfish=obj\njie\nget\n‘The crow [...] got a fish.’\n[stim3_0:05]\n\n\n11 Verbs\nb. mu\n3pl\ntok\nyet\nbo\ngo\njiet=nin\nbuy=neg\n‘They didn’t go buy yet.’\n[conv10_6:18]\n11.1.1 Regular verbs\nRegular verbs take mood enclitics, negator =nin and predicate linker =i directly\non the root. This class contains verbs of all valencies, and with all kinds of final\nvowels on the root. Two generalisations can be made. First, static intransitive\nverbs such as muawese ‘be hungry’ and toari ‘be young’ are typically regular. Sec-\nond, recent loan verbs from Malay or other Austronesian languages (see §11.6.1\nbelow), such as namusi ‘to kiss’ and rasa ‘to like’, are always regular. The be-\nhaviour of regular verbs under inflection is illustrated for taot ‘to chisel’, muap\n‘to eat’ and ewa ‘to speak’ in Table 11.1.\nTable 11.1: Behaviour of regular verbs under inflection\ntaot\nmuap\newa\n‘chisel’\n‘eat’\n‘speak’\n=i plnk\ntaot=i\nmuap=i\newa=i\n=et irr\ntaot=et\nmuap=et\newa=et\n=kin vol\ntaot=kin\nmuap=kin\newa=kin\n=nin neg\ntaot=nin\nmuap=nin\newa=nin\n=in proh\ntaot=in\nmuap=in\newa=in\nimperative\ntaot=te\nmuap=te\newa=te\n11.1.2 Irregular verbs\nIrregular verbs, introduced in §3.4.6 and §5.1, have a variable root in a vowel, -n\nor -t. This variation is apparent when the roots are inflected with mood enclitics,\nnegator =nin or predicate linker =i, and from variation in the uninflected root.\nTwo subgroups of this category can be defined by a combination of formal and\nsemantic criteria: transitive/intransitive verb pairs in -ma and -cie (§11.1.2.1) and\ndirectional verbs (§11.1.2.2).\nA sizeable minority of Kalamang verbs, 185 out of 650 in the corpus, are vowel-\nfinal. Of these 185, 71 are irregular. Depending on which enclitic the verb is com-\nbined with, the root ends in either of the consonants. Uninflected verbs of this\n254\n\n\n11.1 Verb classes\nclass may be vowel-final or carry -n, apparently without a difference in meaning\n(hence my description of them as “uninflected”). It is unclear why some vowel-\nfinal verbs fall in this class, while others do not. In other words, membership of\nthis verb class cannot be predicted.1\nWithin this class of verbs with a variable root ending are a few patterns. All\nverbs ending in -ma transitive and -cie intransitive (described in §11.1.2.1) and\nall directional verbs (described in §11.1.2.2) are irregular. In addition, most verbs\nending in -a, -ie and -uo are irregular.\nMost irregular verbs behave as follows (as illustrated with paruo ‘do’ in Ta-\nble 11.2). When inflected with irrealis =kin, negator =nin, prohibitive =in or irre-\nalis marker =et, the root ends in -t. When inflected with predicate linker =i, =taet\n‘more; again’ or attributive =ten, the root ends in -n.2 An uninflected verb may be\nvowel-final or carry -n. Imperative forms are vowel-final, and if the root ends in\na diphthong, the last vowel is cut off. Depalatalisation of /c/ to /t/ may also occur.\nThus, taruo ‘to say’ has imperative form taru, and gocie ‘to stay’ has imperative\nform goti.\nNot all irregular verbs behave exactly the same. Table 11.2 gives the four at-\ntested patterns. Most irregular verbs behave like paruo ‘to do’. Three verbs within\nthe irregular class, all highly frequent, show deviant behaviour. Na ‘consume’\nends in -n instead of -t when irrealis =et is attached. Bo ‘go’ never ends in -n.\nWhen this verb is uninflected, it must carry -t and when inflected with predicate\n1Note that the phonemes -n and -t (~ -d ~ -r) also occur on demonstratives and question words,\nand pose a morphophonological problem that is described in §3.4.6.\n2Other predicate enclitics, such as non-final =te and =ta or progressive =teba, do not trigger the\ninsertion of -t or -n.\nTable 11.2: Behaviour of irregular verbs\n‘do’\n‘consume’\n‘go’\n‘see’\nuninflected\nparuo\nna\n–\nkome\n“uninflected”\nparuon\nnan\nbot\nkomet\n=i plnk\nparuon=i\nnan=i\nbo=i\nkome=i\n=et irr\nparuot=et\nnan=et\nbo=et\nkomet=et\n=kin vol\nparuot=kin\nnat=kin\nbot=kin\nkomet=kin\n=nin neg\nparuot=nin\nnat=nin\nbot=nin\nkomet=nin\n=in proh\nparuot=in!\nna=in!\nbo=in!\nkomet=in!\nimperative\nparu\nna\nbo=te\nkome=te\n255\n\n\n11 Verbs\nlinker =i or irrealis =et, neither -n nor -t is allowed. Bo carries the imperative\nenclitic =te like regular verbs. Kome ‘to see; to look’ can be either kome or komet\nwhen uninflected, but not komen. When carrying =i, neither -n nor -t is allowed.\nIts imperative form is with =te. For more examples, see Table 3.6.\nThere is no clear rule as to when a specific verb occurs with or without the final\n-n when it is otherwise uninflected. The number of occurrences in the corpus for\nthree frequent irregular verbs with and without final -n are given in Table 11.3.\nTable 11.3: Frequencies for common irregular verbs with and without\n-n\nwithout -n\nwith -n\nmia ‘come’\n129\n40\npotma ‘cut’\n41\n14\nyecie ‘return’\n100\n12\nAlthough there is a higher frequency of all verbs without -n, there is no en-\nvironment where either of the two is inappropriate. Forms with and without -n\nare found with all persons, in simplex and complex predicates, following iami-\ntive se, koi ‘again’, lative =ka and comitative =bon, and in both same-subject and\ndifferent-subject contexts. Transitive verbs like potma are found with and with-\nout final -n in both transitive and intransitive constructions.\n(3) and (4) show ecien and yecie3 in very similar environments: both describe\nthe actions of a third person in a narrative, both follow the iamitive he, and both\nconclude a paragraph in the narrative where different actions were listed.\n(3)\nkiet=i\ndefecate=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\necien\nreturn\n‘After defecating, he returned.’\n[narr28_2:06]\n(4)\nTat\nTat\nowandi\nlike_over_there\nkoi\nthen\nmelelu\nsit\nnan=i\nconsume=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nyecie\nreturn\n‘After sitting and eating at a place like Tat over there, he returned.’\n[narr25_2:10]\n3The fact that the form with -n does not carry y- and vice versa may be related to them having\ndifferent stress patterns: ˈyecie vs eˈcien. All “uninflected” verbs with -n carry stress on the last\nsyllable, even if the verb without -n carries stress on the first (e.g. ˈpotma vs potˈman ‘to cut’,\nˈparuo vs paˈruon ‘to do’, ˈosie vs oˈsien) but yecie is the only one with a difference in initial vowel.\nSyllable weight does not normally play a role in stress assignment in Kalamang (as described\nin §3.3.1).\n256\n\n\n11.1 Verb classes\nThe irregular verb bo ‘go’ has only one uninflected form: bot. The form bo is\nreserved for complex predicates where bo ‘go’ is the first verb. In an intransitive\nclause without another verb, bo cannot be used. The difference between a com-\nplex predicate with bo in the first position and bot in the last position is shown\nin (5) and (6). (7) shows bot ‘go’ in a clause without another verb.\n(5)\ngo\ncondition\nyuol=ta\nday=nfin\nme\ntop\nLuis=bon\nLuis=com\nNabil\nNabil\nesun=bon\nfather.3poss=com\nbo\ngo\nsor-sanggara\nfish-search\n‘The next day, Luis and Nabil’s father went fishing.’\n[narr3_2:50]\n(6)\nmu\n3pl\necien=i\nreturn=plnk\nTamisen=ka\nTamisen=lat\nbot\ngo\n‘They returned to Tamisen (Antalisa).’\n[narr4_2:16]\n(7)\ntumtum\nchildren\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\nse\niam\nbot\ngo\n‘Those children have gone.’\n[conv9_0:14]\n11.1.2.1 Transitive/intransitive verb pairs in -ma and -cie\nWithin the irregular verb class, Kalamang has a limited group of around twenty\nverbs that have a regular correspondence between transitive and intransitive\nforms. Transitive forms end in -ma, whereas intransitive counterparts end in -\ncie. There is no productive derivation with these suffixes. All verbs are verbs\nwith semantics relating to opening, turning, cutting or breaking. They are listed\nin Table 11.4. Some verbs in -ma do not have a counterpart in -cie, but there are no\nverbs in -cie that do not have a counterpart in -ma.4 Not all verbs with opening/\nturning or cutting/breaking semantics belong to this group: regular verbs are, for\nexample, kortaptap ‘to cut out’, suo ‘to cut a coconut’, nasiwik ‘to open a can or\nbox’, maorek ‘to break down’ and parair ‘to split’.\nMost of these words do not have meaningful roots: for example kahet, kawet,\nmayil and dur were not recognised. Others have roots that occur (in a very sim-\nilar form) as nouns. Note the similarities between sanggoup ‘branch’, sanggotma\n4Exceptions are gocie ‘to live’ and yecie ‘to return’, but because these have different semantics\nI have not listed them here. Note, however, that -cie in gocie may also be a morpheme, as go\nmeans ‘place’. Those counterparts in -cie marked with an asterisk in the table were rejected in\nelicitation; the gaps remain to be tested.\n257\n\n\n11 Verbs\nTable 11.4: Transitive and intransitive verb pairs\ntransitive\nintransitive\nbarotma ‘to turn around’\n*barotcie\nborma ‘to open hand’\ndorma ‘to pull out’\ndorcie ‘to be pulled out’\ndurma ‘to skewer’\ndurcie ‘to have a hole’\nkahetma ‘to open\n*kahetcie\n(ka)sawirma ‘to pull’\nkasawircie ‘to be open’\nkararma ‘to hit and break’\nkararcie ‘broken’\nkasotma ‘to scrape?’\n*kasotcie\nkawarma ‘to break; to fold’\nkawarcie ‘broken’ (folded?)\nkawotma ‘to peel’\n*kawotcie\nkoramtolma ‘to cut ritually’\nletma ‘to cut off a branch’\nmaulma ‘to bend’\nmaulcie ‘to be bent’\nmayilma ‘to flip’\nmayilcie ‘to be flipped over’\nmintolma ‘to cut out liver/adam’s apple’\npaherma ‘to open’ (eyes/vulgar)\npahercie ‘to be open’\npotma ‘to cut’\n*potcie\npulma ‘to pinch’\n*pulcie\nsanggotma ‘to break off a branch’\nsanggoyie ‘to be broken (of a branch)’\nseletma ‘to cut off a piece’\nsuwarma ‘to cut diagonally?’\n*suwarcie\ntadorma ‘to break off’\ntadorcie ‘to be pulled out’\ntawotma ‘to fold’\n*tawotcie\ntanggorma ‘to open (door or window)’\ntanggurcie ‘to be opened’\ntolma ‘to cut off; to take a shortcut’\ntolcie ‘to be cut’\nwierma ‘to open (a book)’\nwiercie ‘to be unstuck’\nwurma ‘to cut down a tree’\n*wurcie\n‘to break off a branch’ and sanggoyie ‘to be broken (of a branch)’, and between se-\nlet ‘piece’ and seletma ‘to cut off a piece’. There might also be a relation between\ntolas ‘to break one’s fast’ and tolma ‘to cut off; to take a shortcut’ and tolcie ‘to be\ncut’. This suggests that there was a productive verb formation device for creating\nopening, turning, cutting and breaking verbs.\nImperative forms of the transitive verbs end in -ei and prohibitive in -ein, e.g.\npotma ‘to cut’, potmei! ‘cut!’, potmein! ‘don’t cut!’. This is the same pattern as the\ndirectional verbs in -a, which are described in the next section.\n258\n\n\n11.1 Verb classes\n11.1.2.2 Directional verbs\nDirectional verbs are verbs that express movement in a specific direction, end\nin -a and are irregular. The subclass of directional verbs distinguishes itself from\nother verbs in several other ways. All verbs belonging to the class are given in\nTable 11.5. When combined with locative =ko, as in (8), directional verbs precede\nthe locative, whereas other verbs follow it. Of all verbs, only directional verbs can\ncarry the causative proclitic di=, illustrated in (9). They also have a special imper-\native ending in -ei, in contrast to other verbs, which carry imperative =te (exam-\nple 10). Although they can stand on their own, directional verbs are commonly\nused in complex predicates; and of all Kalamang complex predicates the majority\ninvolve a directional verb (see Chapter 13). Many of the directional verbs end in\n-ra, including the rather generic ra ‘to move (away)’, suggesting these verbs are\ndiachronically related and perhaps have been part of a paradigm involving the\ndirectional verb -ra. The way speakers use directional verbs when talking about\ntravelling by sea from Karas island is described in §10.2.5.\nTable 11.5: Directional verbs\nsara\n‘to ascend (vertically)’\nbara\n‘to descend’\nmasara\n‘to move towards land’\nmarua\n‘to move towards sea’\nmia\n‘to come’\nra\n‘to go; to move away’\nera\n‘to move uphill; to ascend diagonally’\n(8)\nkariak\nblood\nsara\nascend\nnakal=ko\nhead=loc\n‘Blood goes up to the head.’\n[narr33_3:10]\n(9)\nmat\n3sg.obj\nbantu\nhelp\nkarajang=at\nbasket=obj\ndi=saran\ncaus=ascend\nalfukat=at\navocado=obj\npayiem\nfill\n‘[They] help him, put up his basket, fill it with avocados.’\n[stim30_1:32]\n(10)\nnene\ngrandmother\nmei\ncome.imp\n‘Grandmother, come!’\n[conv12_10:40]\n259\n\n\n11 Verbs\nThere are two other observations about this subclass: first, their division into\nopposite pairs, and second, their co-occurrence with causative di=.\nSix of the seven verbs can be divided into opposite pairs: sara ‘to ascend’ and\nbara ‘to descend’, masara ‘to move towards land’ and marua ‘to move towards\nsea’, and mia ‘to come’ and ra ‘to move away’. These pairs may occur together to\nindicate a back-and-forth movement. The verb pairs saran-baran, maran-maruan\nand ran-mian (note that they all carry final -n, although it is unclear why) are\nillustrated in (11) to (13). There is no dedicated opposite of era ‘to move uphill;\nto ascend diagonally’. Instead, bara ‘to descend’ is the opposite of both sara ‘to\nascend (vertically)’ and era. However, era and bara are never used as an opposite\npair in the same clause, whereas sara and bara are.\n(11)\nan\n1sg\nsara\nascend\ndodon-kawet∼kawet\nclothing-fold∼iter\n[...]\n[...]\nsaran\nascend\nbaran\ndescend\nan\n1sg\nbara\ndescend\nkome=ta\nsee=nfin\nme\ntop\n[...]\n‘I went up to fold clothes, [I] went up and down, I went down to look...’\n[conv10_16:05]\n(12)\nma-mun\n3sg-proh\nnain\nlike\neh\nhes\nmaran\nmove_landwards\nmaruan\nmove_seawards\n‘Not like eh, going towards land, going towards sea.’\n[conv10_20:54]\n(13)\nmu\n3pl\nsontum=at\nperson=obj\nkome\nlook\nran\ngo\nmian\ncome\n‘They looked at the people coming and going.’\n[narr16_2:45]\nThe causative proclitic di= (§11.4.4.1), which indicates movement towards a\ngoal, often occurs on directional verbs. It can usually be translated with ‘put’ in\ncombination with a directional verb, such as di=sara ‘put up’ in (9). Di= is not\nfound with era ‘to go up diagonally’ or mia ‘to come’. With ra ‘to move (away),\ndi= creates the specific meaning ‘to put up; to install’. This is illustrated in (14).\n(14)\nlemat=at\nbamboo_string=obj\nparuon=i\nmake=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nkomangganggoup=et\nput_on_roof=irr\nsal=at\nroof_beam=obj\ndi=ran\ncaus=move\n‘After making the bamboo string [we] put on the roof, install the roof\nbeams.’\n[narr6_4:24]\n260\n\n\n11.2 Verb derivation\nHowever, di=ra can also more predictably mean ‘to put (away from the deictic\ncentre)’, as illustrated in (15), which also contains di=bara ‘to put down’, in this\ncase, put inside a container.\n(15)\nan\n1sg\nkaling=at\nfrying_pan=obj\ndi=ran\ncaus=go_away\nper=at\nfrying_pan=obj\ndi=baran\ncaus=descend\n‘I put the frying pan [on the fire], put in the water.’\n[narr8_1:48]\n11.2 Verb derivation\nVerbs can be derived in two ways: by compounding a noun and a verb (noun\nincorporation §11.2.1) and from nouns, by reduplicating them (§11.2.2).\n11.2.1 Noun incorporation\nNouns can, and frequently are, incorporated in the verb in Kalamang. Noun in-\ncorporation is a process whereby a verb is derived from the compounding of a\nnoun and a verb (Mithun 1984), as introduced in §4.2.2. Only objects can be in-\ncorporated in Kalamang, and incorporated objects are recognised by their lack\nof object marking and the fact that the compound is treated as one phonological\nword. It is a common but optional parallel strategy to having a full (case-marked,\nstress-carrying) object NP.\nIn 2018, a count of all incorporations in the Kalamang corpus was conducted\nfor a larger typological study (published as Olthof et al. (2020), which also in-\ncludes more details on frequencies and verb semantics). In 11 hours of transcribed\nrecordings, 155 incorporations with 60 different nouns and 53 different verbs\nwere found. The most commonly incorporating verbs were na ‘to consume’, jie\n‘to get; to buy’, paruo ‘to make’, rep ‘to get; to collect’ and suban ‘to fish’. The most\ncommonly incorporated nouns, excluding don ‘thing’, which is always incorpo-\nrated, were sor ‘fish’, ter ‘tea’, kai ‘firewood’, muap ‘food’ and per ‘water’. Some\nexamples are given in Table 11.6. Proportions of incorporations per verb were\ncalculated. The top four were sair ‘to shoot’ (4 out of 4 occurrences of this verb\nare incorporations), suban ‘to fish’ (10/11), na in the meaning ‘to drink’5 (24/29)\nand jie ‘to get; to collect’ (12/24) (Visser et al. 2019).\nWhile there is one noun that cannot be the object of a verb but instead must\nbe incorporated, don ‘thing’, there are also restrictions on which elements can be\n5A distinction between na in the meaning ‘to drink’ and in the meaning ‘to eat’ was made to\nmake the dataset comparable with other languages. Na ‘to eat’ was very unlikely to incorporate.\nFor details, see Olthof et al. (2020).\n261\n\n\n11 Verbs\nTable 11.6: Most commonly incorporating verbs and incorporated\nnouns.\nincorporating v\nexamples\nna ‘consume’\nper-na ‘water-drink’, wat-na ‘coconut-eat’\njie ‘get; buy’\nkabun-jie ‘innards-get’, tabai-jie ‘tobacco-buy’\nparuo ‘make’\nkurera-paruo ‘basket-make’, amdir-paruo ‘garden-make’\nrep ‘get; collect’\nkai-rep ‘firewood-collect’, alangan-rep ‘trouble-get’\nsuban ‘fish’\ntebol-suban ‘reef_edge-fish’\nincorporated n\nexamples\nsor ‘fish’\nsor-rur ‘fish-skewer’, sor-pasor ‘fish-fry’\nter ‘tea’\nter-na ‘tea-consume’, ter-garewor ‘tea-pour’\nkai ‘firewood’\nkai-rep ‘firewood-collect’, kai-narorar ‘firewood-drag’\nmuap ‘food’\nmuap-ruon ‘food-cook’, muap-koya ‘food-plant’\nper ‘water’\nper-na ‘water-consume’, per-jie ‘water-collect’\nincorporated. Pronouns, demonstratives and modified nouns cannot be incorpo-\nrated. As for the verbs, intransitive verbs cannot incorporate. Incorporation can\ntake place on verbs that are part of a complex predicate. Both the first and the\nsecond verb in such a construction may incorporate, as (16) and (17) illustrate.\n(16)\nin=a\n1pl.excl=foc\nper-jie\nwater-get\nna\ndrink\n‘We got and drank the water.’\n[narr40_0:03]\n(17)\nma\n3sg\n[...] bo\ngo\namdir=ka\ngarden=lat\nbo\ngo\nmuap-ruo\nfood-dig\n‘She goes to the garden to dig up food.’\n[narr21_0:49]\nMany pairs of incorporated noun and verb are also found in the corpus as\nnormal pairs of object + verb. For those incorporations for which an object +\nverb counterpart was not found in the corpus, it was checked whether not in-\ncorporating that noun in that verb was allowed. This was the case for all, except\ncombinations with don ‘thing’, and the combination of min ‘adam’s apple; liver’\nand tolma ‘to cut’. The incorporation mintolma ‘to cut [the] throat’ is a fixed\nexpression used as a curse, and must be incorporated (see §17.6 on cursing for\nexamples).\n262\n\n\n11.2 Verb derivation\nIt is unclear what the semantic or pragmatic difference is between incorpo-\nrated and non-incorporated noun-verb pairs, and thus it remains for further re-\nsearch what guides the choice between incorporating or not incorporating. Some\nincorporations are more abstract expressions. Ter-na ‘tea-consume’, for example,\ndoes not necessarily mean ‘drinking tea’, but can also mean ‘having breakfast’.\nIncorporations with tree names and sara ‘to ascend’ mean ‘to climb that tree in\norder to harvest’. However, we also find object + verb pairs with the same nouns\nand verbs which also have the more abstract meanings, suggesting that incor-\nporation is not a requirement for the abstract reading. This is illustrated in (18).\nIn (18a), the speaker first uses ter ‘tea’ as the object and na ‘consume’ as the verb.\nTwo turns later, in (18b), he incorporates ter into na with the same meaning, ‘to\nhave breakfast’. (19) shows that negation does not play a role in the difference\nbetween (18a) and (18b), and that ter may be incorporated in na also when the\nverb is negated.\n(18)\na. an\n1sg\ntok\nyet\nter=at\ntea=obj\nnat=nin\nconsume=neg\nan\n1sg\nse\niam\nsontum=at\nperson=obj\ngonggung\ncall\n‘I haven’t had breakfast yet, I’m already calling people.’ [narr41_1:55]\nb. Nur\nNur\nan=at\n1sg=obj\ngonggung=te\ncall=nfin\ntok\nfirst\nter-na\ntea-consume\n‘Nur calls me to have breakfast first.’\n[narr41_2:11]\n(19)\nmu\n3sg\nmuap\neat\nba\nbut\nmu\n3sg\nter-nat=nin\ntea-consume=neg\n‘They ate but they didn’t drink tea.’\n[narr29_3:31]\nThis is not a question of referentiality (singling out a new referent by means\nof a non-incorporated noun), as on several occasions in the corpus the first men-\ntion of a referent is already incorporated. Other possible factors, such as whether\nor not the verb was inflected for mood or aspect, or the animacy or plurality of\nthe referent, do not seem to have an effect on the choice of incorporation vs. no\nincorporation. From looking at the corpus examples, the only factor that was\nfound to play a role in the choice between incorporation or no incorporation\nis repetition in the same or adjacent turns. Whenever a speaker repeats them-\nselves or the words of another speaker, there seems to be a heightened chance\nof repeating the previously used construction. But even after three repetitions of\nbir-na ‘beer-consume’ in (20), speaker A suddenly opts for a non-incorporated\nbir ‘beer’.\n263\n\n\n11 Verbs\n(20)\nA: bir-na=teba\nbeer-consume=prog\neh\nright\n‘[They are] drinking beer, right?’\nB: bir-na=teba\nbeer-consume=prog\n‘[They are] drinking beer.’\nA: mier=a\n3du=foc\nbir-na\nbeer-consume\nkona\nlook\nbir=at\nbeer=obj\nna\nconsume\n‘They are drinking beer, look, drinking beer.’\nB: mier\n3du\nbir-na=teba\nbeer-consume=prog\n‘They are drinking beer.’\n[stim4_1:42]\n11.2.2 Noun-to-verb derivation\nVerbs can be derived from nouns by means of reduplication (introduced in §4.2.1).\nThis strategy is not very common or productive, as illustrated by the examples\nin (21), some of which are rather idiosyncratic.\n(21)\na. buok ‘betel’ →buokbuok ‘to chew betel’\nb. mun ‘flea’ →munmun ‘to search for fleas’\nc. doka ‘heron’ →dokadoka ‘to sit and do nothing’ (like a heron search-\ning for fish)\nd. yuol ‘day’ →yuolyuol ‘to be light or bright; to shine’\ne. kiet ‘feces’ →kietkiet ‘to defecate’\nThe functions of reduplication of verbs are described in §11.3.\n11.3 Reduplication of verbs\nVerbs can be reduplicated with several functions. Stative intransitive verbs are\nreduplicated to intensify their meaning. Other verbs are reduplicated to indicate\nhabitual aspect, durativity (or maybe repetition) or distribution. The formal as-\npects of reduplication are described in §4.2.1.\nMost intransitive verbs may be intensified through a combination of redupli-\ncation and the use of enclitic =tun ‘very’. It is not attested with transitive verbs.\n(22)\na. mon ‘quick’ →monmontun ‘very quick’\nb. yor ‘true’ →yoryortun ‘very true’\n264\n\n\n11.3 Reduplication of verbs\nStative intransitive verbs ending in -kap (colour terms) and -sik are partially\nreduplicated. An example of each is given in (23). This (rightward) reduplication\nmay be combined with =tun ‘very’.\n(23)\na. tabusik ‘short’ →tabusiksik ‘very short’\nb. kerkap ‘red’ →kerkapkap ‘very red’\nSome intransitive verbs are reduplicated leftward.\n(24)\na. temun ‘big’ →temtemun ‘very big’\nb. alus ‘soft’ →alalus ‘very soft’\nc. gawar ‘fragrant’ →gawagawar ‘very fragrant’\nCicaun ‘small’ cannot be reduplicated in this way, but notice the other word\nfor small: kinkinun, which looks to be analogous in form to temtemun ‘very big’.\nKinun, however, has no meaning in the contemporary language.\nBoth transitive and intransitive verbs may be reduplicated to denote dura-\ntion, repetition or progressive aspect (examples 25 and 26), or distribution (ex-\namples 27 and 28 with distributive marker -p). At least one verb, paruo ‘to do; to\nmake’ can be used in a habitual sense (example 29).\n(25)\nan\n1sg\nse\niam\nyal=i\npaddle=plnk\nmengga\ndist.lat\nbo\ngo\nkarimun=at\ncape=obj\nkuangi\npass\nbo\ngo\nMas=ko,\nMas=loc\nwinyal,\nfish\nmetko\ndist.loc\nwinyal∼winyal\nfish∼prog\n‘I paddled from there, passed the cape to go to Mas, and fished, there [I]\nwas fishing.’\n[narr8_0:24]\n(26)\nmu\n3pl\nyalyal\npaddle\nba\nand\nmenyanyi-un=at\nsong.mly-3poss=obj\nparuo∼paruo\nmake∼prog\n‘They paddled making their song.’\n[narr19_8:58]\n(27)\nkamamual\nneedlefish\ntumun\nsmall\nopa\nana\ndalang∼dalang=ta\njump∼distr=nfin\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\n‘That needlefish just jumped around there.’\n[conv4_1:55]\n(28)\nsontum\nperson\nse\niam\necie-p∼cie-p\nreturn-distr∼distr-distr\n‘People were returning (one by one/in small groups).’\n[conv7_14:34]\n(29)\namdir=at=a\ngarden=obj=foc\nparuo∼paruo\nmake∼hab\n‘gardening; work in the garden’\n[narr43_4:35]\n265\n\n\n11 Verbs\nWhile duration and distribution or a combination of both are the most com-\nmon functions of reduplicated verbs, there are a number of examples in the cor-\npus that suggest other readings are possible.6 Istiraharearet in (30) could be inter-\npreted as ‘rest for a little’ (diminutive) or ‘rest for a while’ (durative, progressive).\nNarasnaras in (31) could mean ‘fight often’ (repetitive) or ‘fight habitually’ (ha-\nbitual), or ‘fighting’ (progressive). Marmarmarmar in (32) could mean ‘walk a\nlittle’ or ‘walk slowly’ (attenuative) or ‘walking’ (progressive). Konawaruowaruo\nin (33), where the conversation partners list traditional medicines that they know,\ncould refer to forgetting some things (distributive?), or to slowly forgetting them\n(progressive? attenuative?). Kalomlomun in (34), derived from a stative intransi-\ntive verb, may mean ‘very young’ (intensification), ‘a little young’ (attenuative)\nor ‘some are young’ (distributive). Gosomingosomin in (35) could be an attenua-\ntive ‘disappear a little’.\n(30)\nan\n1sg\ntoni\nsay\nNyong\nNyong\nemun\nmother.3poss\npier\n1du.in\ntok\nfirst\nistirahare∼are∼t\nrest∼red\nwarkin\ntide\ntok\nfirst\nbes=et\ngood=irr\neba\nthen\nmetko\ndist.loc\npi\n1pl.excl\nwar=et\nfish=irr\n‘I said: “Nyong’s mother, we two rest first. First when the tide is good, we\ngo fishing.’\n[conv9_2:01]\n(31)\ndoa\nprayer\nsupaya\nso_that\nmier\n3du\nsanang=et\nhappy=irr\nmier\n3du\nhidup-un\nlife-3poss\nbes\ngood\nmu-mun\n3pl-proh\nnaras∼naras=in\nfight∼red=proh\n‘A prayer so that they will be happy, they have a good life, [so that] they\ndon’t fight.”’\n[conv8_5:14]\n(32)\npi\n1pl.incl\nwilak\nsea\nyuwatko\nprox.loc\nmarmar∼marmar=et\nwalk∼red=irr\nNyong\nNyong\nesun=at\nfather.3poss=obj\nnawanggar=et\nwait=irr\n‘We walk to the sea over there [while we] wait for Nyong’s father.’\n[conv1_3:44]\n(33)\nikon\nsome\nse\niam\nkonawaruo∼waruo\nforget∼red\nge\nno\n‘Some [we] already forgot, didn’t we?’\n[conv20_9:48]\n6This is why some reduplications are glossed as ‘red’, instead of forcing a specific reading on\nthem.\n266\n\n\n11.4 Valency changing\n(34)\nTima\nTima\nemun\nmother.3poss\nmu\n3pl\nmu=nan\n3pl=too\nmuin\n3poss\nteun\nfruit\nreidak\nmany\nba\nbut\ntok\nstill\nkalom∼lom∼un\nunripe∼red\n‘Tima’s mother’s family have a lot of fruits, but [they] are still unripe.’\n[conv12_16:45]\n(35)\nnasuena\nsugar\nbolon\nlittle\nbaran\ndescend\npi-mun\n1pl.incl-proh\ntalalu\ntoo\npen=sawet=in\nsweet=too=proh\no\nemph\npen\ntasty\nkoi\nthen\nneba∼neba\nph∼red\ngosomin∼gosomin\ndisappear∼red\n‘Put in a little sugar, we shouldn’t make it too sweet, the tastiness [could]\ndisappear.’\n[conv11_1:55]\nThere is one example of a pair composed of a transitive and an intransitive\nverb, where the latter is formed through reduplication. The transitive verb carries\nma-, which is found in some other derived transitives (like masa ‘to dry in the\nsun’ from sa ‘to be dried’ and maraouk ‘to put’ from taouk ‘to lie’).\n(36)\nmasarut ‘to tear’ →sarusarut ‘to be torn’\n11.4 Valency changing\nKalamang has four derivational constructions and operations that result in a\nchange in valency of the verb: reflexives (§11.4.1), reciprocals (§11.4.2), applica-\ntives (§11.4.3) and causatives (§11.4.4), all of which are predominantly made with\nverbal prefixes or proclitics. For the non-productive transitive verbs in -cie (from\nintransitive verbs in -ma) see §11.1.2.1.\n11.4.1 Reflexive constructions\nReflexive constructions are verbal clauses where both arguments have the same\nreferent, and where the subject carries out an action upon itself, such as ‘he\nshaves himself’. The valency of transitive verbs that are used in a reflexive con-\nstruction is reduced by one: instead of two core arguments, there is only one, the\nsubject.\nThe corpus contains only eight examples of constructions with the reflexive\nprefix un-, four of which are in combination with the restricting pronoun marker\n-tain (which may or may not be focused). These constructions occur with five\n267\n\n\n11 Verbs\ndifferent verbs: balaok ‘to show’ (three occurrences), deir ‘to bring’ (two occur-\nrences), ganggie ‘to lift’, kajie ‘to pick’ and rua ‘to kill’ (each one occurrence).\nThree of eight occurrences have the reflexive verb as the first verb in a complex\npredicate linked with predicate linker =i. (37) shows un-deir ‘to bring oneself’.\n(38), with un-rua ‘to kill oneself’, is from a recording made during net fishing,\nwhere one of the speakers describes the movements of a needlefish in or close to\nthe net.7\n(37)\nma-tain\n3sg-alone\nse\niam\nun-deir=i\nrefl-bring=plnk\nluk\ncome\n‘She came herself.’ (Lit. ‘She brought herself coming.’)\n[narr24_5:33]\n(38)\nma-tain\n3sg-alone\nse\niam\nmetko\ndist.loc\nun-ruan=i\nrefl-kill=plnk\nmia\ncome\no\nsurpr\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nkoi\nagain\nkiem\nflee\n‘He comes there killing himself, oh, he fled again.’\n[conv4_1:58]\n(39)\nmindi\nlike_that\nan\n1sg\nse\niam\nparar=te\nget_up=nfin\nun-ganggie\nrefl-lift\nmat\n3sg\npareir\nfollow\n‘Like that I lifted myself up and followed her.’\n[narr32_1:06]\nThis is not a well-established construction, and the three other reflexive cor-\npus examples rely on Malay loans. The Malay reflexive pronoun diri ‘self’ is used\nin those constructions, which are combined with an Austronesian loan verb na-\ntobat ‘repent’ (example 40) or Malay loan verb sadar ‘to be aware; to have self-\nawareness’ (example 41). It is unclear why the reflexive pronoun is marked with\nthe object postposition in the latter but not in the former, but it suggests that\nthere is not necessarily a valency reduction in reflexive constructions with Malay\ndiri.\n(40)\nma\n3sg\ntoni\nsay\nma\n3sg\ndiri-un\nself-3poss\nnatobat\nrepent\n‘He said he repents [himself].’\n[stim7_24:33]\n(41)\nan-tain=a\n1sg-alone=foc\nse\niam\ndiri-an=at\nself-1sg.poss=obj\nsadar\naware\n‘I already have self-awareness.’\n[stim12_7:13]\n7Four words in the lexicon might contain a fossilised prefix un-. These are unmasir ‘to give\nbirth’ (cf, masir ‘to weed’), unkoryap ‘to divide’ (cf. koryap ‘to divide’, yap ‘to divide’), unkawer\n‘body fat’ (kawer not attested) and unsor ‘orange-spotted trevally’ (cf. sor ‘fish’).\n268\n\n\n11.4 Valency changing\nNote that in the latter example, the subject pronoun an ‘I’ is also inflected\nwith the restricting pronoun marker -tain (§7.1.4), like in (37) and (38). In elicited\nreflexive examples, one encounters this strategy again, without the use of diri\n‘self’, suggesting that these restricting pronouns can also have a reflexive inter-\npretation. Consider (42), where an-tain ‘I alone’ is used to express ‘myself’. This\nexample is ambiguous between a reflexive and a restrictive focus meaning. It\ncould also mean ‘It is I who washes’.8\n(42)\nan-tain=a\n1sg-alone=foc\nwaruo\nwash\n‘I wash myself.’\n[elic_refl_4]\nQuantifying pronoun marker -tain can also be used when a subject carries\nout an action upon a part of itself, and the referent is thus not exactly the same,\nas in (43). In the corpus, this kind of construction without use of -tain occurs,\nillustrated in (44). This suggests that -tain is neither sufficient nor necessary to\nmake a reflexive construction.\n(43)\nan-tain=a\n1sg-alone=foc\nwestal-an=at\nhair-1sg.poss=obj\nsikat\nbrush\n‘I brush my own hair.’\n[elic_refl_6]\n(44)\nan\n1sg\ntok\nfirst\nnakal-an=at\nhead-1sg.poss=obj\nsisir=et\ncomb=irr\n‘I comb my head first.’\n[conv17_3:51]\n11.4.2 Reciprocal constructions\nIn a reciprocal clause, two (groups of) participants have a symmetrical relation\nto each other. That is, what counts for the one group or individual counts for\nthe other group or individual, as in ‘they push each other’ (Haspelmath 2007).\nIn Kalamang, reciprocal constructions are made with a verbal proclitic nau=. In\nthese constructions, the valency of the verb is typically reduced by one such that\nthere is only a subject argument. The reciprocal proclitic is also, but less com-\nmonly, used in distributive constructions, as described at the end of this section.\nThe following examples illustrate simultaneous reciprocal actions.\n8This construction was elicited with a picture of child washing its own hair, which was con-\ntrasted with a picture of a mother bathing a child. Showing the picture was accompanied by a\nrequest for a translation of Malay anak mandi diri ‘the child bathes itself’ and saya mandi diri\n‘I bathe myself’.\n269\n\n\n11 Verbs\n(45)\nmier\n2du\nnau=tabarak\nrecp=crash\nto\nright\n‘They crash into each other, right?’\n[stim29_:41]\n(46)\nin\n1pl.excl\nse\niam\ntan\nhand\nnau=kinkin\nrecp=hold\n‘We already shake hands.’\n[narr1_4:18]\nIn the Reciprocal constructions and situation type field stimulus kit (Evans et al.\n2004), which consists of short video clips that speakers are asked to describe,\nnau= was applied to events of hugging, chasing, hitting and exchanging where\nmore than two people were acting upon each other in a unidirectional chain,\npairwise, radially or mixed. The reciprocal proclitic is also used for asymmetrical\nactions, i.e. actions that one group or individual do(es) to another, but not vice\nversa (for example one person shaking others’ hands, one person giving things\nto several others, a person chasing another who is being chased by a third). It can\nalso be used for sequentially reciprocal events (like people hitting each other in\nturn). (47) is the description of a clip (no. 21) of four people sitting at a table, giving\neach other different items of food and drink. Each person gives and receives,\nbut not necessarily to and from the same person. The verb kosalir ‘to exchange’\nretains its valency, but changes in meaning. In non-reciprocal constructions, its\nobject is replaced with another version of itself (another set of clothes, a part of\nthe house when renovating, fresh food on the table). In reciprocal constructions,\nthe object changes owner but is not replaced.\n(47)\nmu\n3pl\nmuap=at\nfood=obj\nnau=kosalir\nrecp=exchange\n‘They exchange food with each other.’\n[elic_rec_21]\n(48) describes a clip (no. 16) where three people hug a fourth person sequen-\ntially.\n(48)\nmu\n3pl\nnau=koup\nrecp=hug\n‘They hug each other.’\n[elic_rec_23]\nSome verbs, when used in reciprocal constructions, take a more abstract mean-\ning. The verbs tu ‘to hit’ and sair ‘to shoot (with a gun)’ are used for expressing\nfighting or even war. (49) is about the Second World War, and (50) describes\npicture 4 from the Family problems picture task (Carroll et al. 2009) with angry-\nlooking people drinking beer. One person is touching another on the shoulder\n270\n\n\n11.4 Valency changing\nand another is raising his fist but they are not actually hitting each other. While\nnausair is only attested in war contexts, nautu can also simply mean ‘hit each\nother’.\n(49)\nwiseme\nlong_time_ago\nJepang=bon\nJapan=com\nAmerika=bon\nAmerica=com\nnau=sair=ten\nrecp=shoot=ten\n‘A long time ago, Japan and America were at war.’\n[narr40_0:03]\n(50)\nmu\n3pl\nbir\nbeer\nnamabuk=teba\ndrunk=prog\nnau=tu\nrecp=hit\n‘They’re drunk on beer, fighting.’\n[stim6_12:23]\nOther verbs that get a more abstract meaning when used reciprocally are tan\nnau=kinkin ‘hand recp=hold’, which means ‘to shake hands’, and nau=bes ‘to\nmake up’, from bes ‘to be good’. The latter is illustrated in (51), which describes\npeople making up after a fight. The intransitive verb bes is transitivised with\nhelp of paruo ‘to make’ (§11.4.4), and then reduced in valency again with help of\nreciprocal nau=.\n(51)\nmu\n3pl\nparuo\nmake\nnau=bes\nrecp=good\n‘They are making up.’\n[stim6_8:32]\nA verb that gets a more specific reading with nau= is komahal ‘to not know’,\nwhich means ‘to not have encountered’ when inflected with the reciprocal. This\nis also valid where one of the parts is inanimate, such as the forest to which the\nspeaker describes fleeing in (52).\n(52)\nka\n2sg\ntamandi=a\nhow=foc\nkiem=et,\nflee=irr\nka\n2sg\ntamangga=ta,\nwhere.lat=nfin\nin\n1pl.excl\nse\niam\nnau=komahal=te\nrecp=not_know=nfin\n‘How could you flee, where? We had never encountered [that part of the\nforest] before.’\n[narr40_3:42]\nAt least one verb, munmun ‘to delouse’ (derived from mun ‘louse’) cannot be\nused with the reciprocal marker, regardless of whether the action is symmetrical\nor asymmetrical, simultaneous or sequential.\nReciprocal nau= is found on two nouns in the corpus. It is unclear whether\nthis is a productive process, but attaching reciprocal nau= appears to change\n271\n\n\n11 Verbs\nthese nouns into verbs with a meaning related to the noun. The root kia- ‘same-\nsex sibling’ turns into nau=kia(ka) ‘to be/have siblings’ (example 53), and the\nroot kahaman ‘bottom’ turns into nau=kahaman ‘to be close to or touch each\nother’s bottoms’ (example 54). (The example is from a picture-matching task with\npictures of two building blocks.)\n(53)\nma\n3sg\nkoi\nthen\nnau=kiaka\nrecp=be_sibling\nmambon=ta\nexist=nfin\n(...)\n‘He, then, has siblings [who] are there (...).’\n[conv7_8:27]\n(54)\nnau=kahaman\nrecp=bottom\n‘Touching each other’s bottoms.’\n[stim38_6:08]\nNau= is in a few cases used in a distributive sense. In (55), it is prefixed to\ngang ‘to hang’ to talk about items hanging in a tree. It is distributive in the sense\nthat the items hang in different places. In (56), it is used to describe a naked\nman. That example is distributive in the sense that the man’s penis is seen in\nmovement, dangling from the body.\n(55)\nse\niam\nnau=gang\nrecp=hang\n‘[They] hung everywhere.’\n[narr27_1:54]\n(56)\nma\n3sg\nhanduk=at\ntowel=obj\njien=i\nget=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nparuak=i\nthrow=plnk\nkor\nleg\nkerunggo\non_top\nus\npenis\nnau=gang\nrecp=hang\n‘After getting a towel he threw it over his legs. His penis was dangling.’\n[narr17_1:13]\nOne corpus example suggests that reciprocal constructions may also be used\nto express the omnipresence or perhaps the duration of a feeling, similar to a\ndistributive reading. The reciprocal proclitic is not attested with other bodily\nsensations, and a clear example illustrating the meaning of layier ‘to itch’ without\nthe reciprocal is lacking.\n(57)\nkaden-un\nbody-3poss\nnau=layier=te\nrecp=itch=nfin\n‘His body is itchy.’\n[narr32_0:59]\n272\n\n\n11.4 Valency changing\nLastly, the form nauleluk ‘to meet each other’ might be a lexicalised form of\nnau= and koluk ‘to meet’. [k] →[l] is not a synchronic morphophonological\nprocess.\n11.4.3 Applicative constructions\nIn an applicative construction, an underlying peripheral argument is promoted to\nbecome an object argument (Dixon 2012: 335), i.e. there is an increase in valency.\nThis is done with a verbal proclitic ko=. Table 11.7 gives some examples of verbs\nand one noun with the applicative proclitic, together with the semantic role of\nthe promoted argument.9\nTable 11.7: Applicatives\noriginal\napplicative\npromoted argument\ngareor ‘pour’ tr\nko=gareor ‘pour onto’\nlocation\nsara ‘move up’ intr\nko=sara ‘move onto’\nlocation\npalom ‘to spit’ intr\nko=palom ‘to spit on’\nlocation\nyuon ‘to rub’ tr\nko=yuon ‘to rub with’\ninstrument\newa ‘to speak’ intr\nko=ewa ‘to be mad at’\ngoal\nkademor ‘be mad’ intr\nko=kademor ‘to be mad at’\ngoal\nnaurar ‘to circle’ intr\nko=naurar ‘to circle somebody?’\npatient?\nnasuarik ‘to scatter’ tr\nko=nasuarik ‘to scatter something’\npatient\ngarung ‘to chat’ intr\nko=garung ‘talk about?’\ntheme?\nkanggirar ‘face’ noun\nko=kanggirar ‘to face’\ngoal?\nMost applicatives promote a location (which typically remains unexpressed in\nthe original) to object. The original object of yuon ‘to rub’ in (58) is the location\nof the action (the body part), which changes to the instrument in an applicative\nconstruction (ointment, water, a rag), or coconut oil as in (59).\n(58)\nkaden-un=at\nbody-3poss=obj\nmu\n3pl\nyuon\nrub\n‘His body they rub.’\n[stim29_1:05]\n(59)\nmingtun=at\ncoconut_oil=obj\nbolon-i\nlittle-objqnt\nko=yuon\nappl=rub\n‘Rub [the sore body part] with a little coconut oil.’\n[narr31_1:32]\n9The translational equivalent of two applicatives and three promoted arguments is not entirely\nclear and therefore given with a question mark.\n273\n\n\n11 Verbs\nTwo other verbs ewa ‘to speak’ and kademor ‘to be mad’ introduce an object\nto the scene when the applicative is used. The speaker in (60) describes how\nshe finished a task quickly, so that her husband would not get mad at her. The\nmeaning of ewa ‘to speak’ thus changes to ‘to be mad at’ with the applicative.\n(60)\nmena\notherwise\nma\n3sg\necie\nreturn\nma\n3sg\nan=at\n1sg=obj\nko=ewa\nappl=speak\n‘Otherwise when he comes back, he is mad at me.’\n[conv10_0:15]\nThe applicatives ko=naurar ‘to circle somebody?’ and ko=garung (/koŋgaruŋ/)\n‘to talk about?’ have only two occurrences each in the corpus, in which a pa-\ntient and a theme are promoted to object, respectively. The only occurrences of\nko=naurar are the ones in (61), from a story that describes a ritual for the welcom-\ning of a new spouse to Karas Island, whereby the spouse sits in a canoe while a\nplate with betel leaves is circled above her head. While in this example a person\nis circled, more data might show that ko=naurar takes any location as its object.\nKo=garung ‘to talk about?’ has one example (see 62) where the theme is the ob-\nject argument. The other example, given in (63), from the same text, lacks an\nobject. The understood object may be either the prison (the theme), mentioned\nin the clause before or the people the ex-prisoner is talking to (the goal), who are\nvisible in the picture that is being described in this utterance.\n(61)\nbuok_sarung=bon\nbetel_plate=com\nsara\nascend\net\ncanoe\nkit=ko\nabove=loc\nmat\n3sg.obj\nwan-karuok-i\ntime-three-objqnt\nko=naurar\nappl-circle\nko=naurar=i\nappl-circle=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\n‘[They] move the betel plate above the canoe and circle her three times.\nAfter circling [her]...’\n[conv8_2:40]\n(62)\nma\n3sg\necie\nreturn\nma\n3sg\nkadan=at\nsituation.mly=obj\nko=garung\nappl=chat\n‘He returns, he talks about the situation.’\n[stim7_24:24]\n(63)\nma\n3sg\nlembaga=at=a\nprison.mly=obj=foc\necie\nreturn\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nko=garung\nappl=chat\n‘He returns from prison, he talks [about it? to them?].’\n[stim7_24:31]\nLastly, there is one recorded case of a noun-to-verb conversion with help of ap-\nplicative ko=. The noun kanggirar ‘face’ changes to kokanggirar ‘to face’. Though\nthis is not a prototypical applicative, as no argument is promoted to become ob-\nject, the semantics are very similar (kokanggirar must be used with an object).\nKanggirar cannot be used as a verb, either with or without an object.\n274\n\n\n11.4 Valency changing\n(64)\nma\n3sg\nror=at\ntree=obj\nko=kanggirar\nappl=face\n‘He faces the tree.’ [stim26_8:35]\nThere is one applicative that shows lenition on the first consonant: koalom ‘to\nspit on’ from palom ‘to spit’.\nThe productivity of ko= remains for further research.\n11.4.4 Causative constructions\nCausative constructions increase the valency of intransitive verbs by one, intro-\nducing a subject argument and making the subject of the intransitive verb into\nan object argument, so that they become transitive. The main strategy is with\ncausative di=, a proclitic on the predicate (§11.4.4.1). This causative occurs only\nwith predicates that express movement and location. Other causative construc-\ntions, with causative ma= and with complex predicates with paruo, are described\nin §11.4.4.2.\n11.4.4.1 Causatives with di= ‘caus’\nThe causative proclitic di= attaches to the left edge of the predicate and occurs\nwith directional verbs (except era ‘to move up diagonally’) and with locative con-\nstructions. It is optional in give-constructions (see §12.2.1.2). The three uses are\nillustrated below.\n(65) illustrates causative di= on marua ‘to move seawards’. The subject of the\nintransitive verb (‘two poles’) becomes the object and a subject (‘they’) is intro-\nduced into the clause. In (66), the predicate is a location.\n(65)\nror=at\nwood=obj\nmu\n3pl\nkis-eir-i\nclf_long-two-objqnt\ndi=[maruan]Pred\ncaus=move_seawards\n‘Of wood, they moved two poles to the sea-side.’\n[conv7_13:56]\n(66)\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nper=at\nwater=obj\ndi=[bintang\ncaus=tub\nneko]Pred\ninside\n‘He had put water inside the tub.’\n[conv7_7:08]\nLocative predicates may be quite long, even including a demonstrative, as\nin (67). As this example also illustrates, the object may be elided, as is common\nin Kalamang (§12.6.1).\n275\n\n\n11 Verbs\n(67)\nmu=a\n3pl=foc\nkansuor\nfour\nmia\ncome\nkajie\npick\n[...] di=[karanjang\ncaus=basket\nopa\nana\nnerunggo]Pred\ninside\nto\nright\n‘They four come and pick [...], put [the avocados] in that basket, right.’\n[stim34_0:41]\nLastly, causative di= is employed in give-constructions (§12.2.1.2). It is not\nobligatory, and it remains unclear what guides the choice for using (example 68)\nor omitting (example 69) causative di= in a give-construction, and whether it is\na valency-increasing device in these constructions or not. In any case, the zero\nmorpheme ‘give’ may be used with the theme (the indirect object argument that\nis most commonly omitted from the construction) whether di= is used or not, as\nthe two examples in (68) and (69) illustrate.\n(68)\nan\n1sg\nsungsung=at\npants=obj\ndi=tumun-an=ki\ndi=child-1sg.poss=ben\n∅\ngive\n‘I give pants to my child.’\n[elic_give_12]\n(69)\nka\n2sg\npitis=at\nmoney=obj\nin\n1pl.excl\n∅=kin\ngive=vol\n‘Do you want to give us money?\n[conv9_10:59]\nIn fact, in the give-constructions, as in many other constructions with causative\ndi=, the proclitic seems to indicate movement towards an endpoint besides being\na valency increaser. The use of di= seems to put the focus on the endpoint or\nthe goal of a movement rather than on the movement itself. When used with\ndirectional verbs, di= indicates that the movement ends somewhere. In (70), the\nendpoint is the edge of the canoe, on which a plank (the omitted object noun) is\nattached after drilling holes. In (71), repeated from (65) above, the terminus is the\nsea-side, and the object is two poles of wood. When used with directional verbs,\ndi= can often be translated as ‘put’.\n(70)\nin\n1pl.excl\ner=at\ncanoe=obj\nbor=i\ndrill=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nto\nright\neba\nthen\ntaikon-i\none_side-objqnt\ndi=saran\ncaus=ascend\n‘After finishing drilling the canoe, right, [we] put up one side.’\n[narr14_5:57]\n(71)\nror=at\nwood=obj\nmu\n3pl\nkis-eir-i\nclf_long-two-objqnt\ndi=maruan\ncaus=move_seawards\n‘Of wood, they moved two poles to the sea-side.’\n[conv7_13:56]\n276\n\n\n11.4 Valency changing\nDirectional verbs may also be used with a subject and object argument without\nuse of di=. In these cases, the verbs indicate ongoing movement, or have less focus\non the goal of the movement and more on the movement itself. (72) is about\nclimbing a coconut palm in order to pick coconuts. The focus is on the entire\nharvesting action, which does not finish at the top of the tree. Also, directional\nverbs without causative di= take a subject that is the moving referent, and an\nobject that is a location. Directional verbs with causative di=, on the other hand,\ntake a subject that is the causer, and an object that is the moving referent. See\nTable 11.8.\n(72)\nan\n1sg\nbo\ngo\nwat=at\ncoconut=obj\nsarat=et\nascend=irr\n‘I climbed the coconut.’\n[narr40_15:46]\nTable 11.8: Directional verbs with and without causative di=.\nsubject\nobject\nwith di= ‘caus’\ncauser\nmoving referent\nwithout di= ‘caus’\nmoving referent\nlocation\nCausative di= is not productive; it is ungrammatical on non-directional verbs.\n(73)\na. * ema\nmother\ntumun=at\nchild=obj\ndi=waruon\ndi-wash\nIntended: ‘Mother washes the child.’\n[elic]\nb. * ma\n3sg\nan\n1sg\nkasamin=at\nbird=obj\ndi=komet\ndi-see\nIntended: ‘He shows me the bird.’\n[elic]\nc. * ki\n2pl\nan=at\n1sg=obj\ndi=mian\ndi=come\ntamisen=ka\nAntalisa=lat\nIntended: ‘You made me come to Antalisa.’\n[elic]\nDi= is not a verb: it cannot stand on its own and must be accompanied by\na predicate, and it is never inflected for anything. Diachronically, however, it\ncould derive from the verb jie ‘to get’ (palatalised, see §3.4.4), which could have\ntaken on a more grammatical role in complex predicates. Compare the Papuan\nlanguage Eastern Timor, where ‘to take’ was part of a serial verb construction\nfor give-constructions (Klamer & Schapper 2012).\n277\n\n\n11 Verbs\n11.4.4.2 Other causative strategies\nKalamang employs several other causative strategies. One is causative proclitic\nma= (na= before verbs in m-), as in (74) and (75). Another strategy is to use a\ncomplex predicate with paruo ‘to do; to make’ (example 76, see also §13.4.2.5).\nBoth strategies have 28 corpus occurrences, and neither is productive.\n(74)\nmat\n3sg.obj\nna=min\ncaus-sleep\nye\nor\nna=melelu\ncaus-sit\nge\nno\n‘Put him to sleep, wake him up, no.’\n[conv7_10:58]\n(75)\nin\n1pl.excl\nkoi\nthen\nwewar=ki\naxe=ins\nma=salaboung\ncaus=broken\n‘Then we break [it] off with the axe.\n[narr14_1:05]\n(76)\nma\n3sg\ntan-un\narm-3poss\neir-gan\ntwo-all\nparuo\nmake\nyorsik\nstraight\n‘He straightens both his arms.’\n[stim44_2:18]\nComplex predicate causative constructions may also be made with the Malay\nloan kasi ‘to give’ (11 occurrences, not productive). In the elicitation of causative\nconstructions (with translations from Malay), if none of the strategies above is\nemployed, people opt for biclausal constructions. In (77), for example, I tried to\nelicit ‘I made the child come’ and got a biclausal construction in return. It is\nunclear how common the biclausal strategy is in more naturalistic settings.\n(77)\nan\n1sg\ntumun=at\nchild=obj\ngonggung=te\ncall=nfin\nma\n3sg\nmia\ncome\n‘I called the child, it came.’\n[elic_cau19_9]\nThree transitive verbs seem to contain causative ma=, but are now merged\nwith the intransitive root they are derived from. Compare the pairs in (78) to (80).\n(78)\na. mararak ‘to dry’\nb. pararak ‘to be dry’\n(79)\na. manggang ‘to hang up’\nb. ganggang ‘to be hanging’\n(80)\na. manyor ‘to adjust’\nb. yor ‘to be right’\n278\n\n\n11.5 Plural number\nOne verb shows lenition of its initial consonant: maoyet ‘to finish’ from koyet\n‘to be finished’.\nSomething similar is the case with three verbs that start with me-. Strikingly,\nthese all have intransitive counterparts starting with /t/.\n(81)\na. merengguen ‘to heap up’\nb. tengguen ‘to gather’\n(82)\na. melebor ‘to get rid of; to move aside’\nb. telebor ‘to fall off; to fall off and move aside’\n(83)\na. meraraouk ‘to break’\nb. taraouk ‘to be broken’\nCompare also some of the verbs in -uk in §11.6.2, which contain ma- or na- and\nan element -uk (roughly ‘out’) and could be causativised verbs. This suggests\nthat ma= (and perhaps na=) are old Kalamang elements that were productive\ntransitivisers or causativisers, but which have lost their productivity.\n11.5 Plural number\nNumber is not normally inflected on verbs. There is one exception: the plural\nimperative. Plural imperative forms =tar and =r are described in §14.2.1.3.\nThe suffix -p was attested on reduplicated directional verbs, and is possibly a\ndistributive or pluractional marker. For a further description, see §14.2.2.4.\n11.6 Fossilised morphology\nKalamang has two remnants of what has been either productive or borrowed\nverbal morphology: a prefix na- on loan verbs from Austronesian languages, and\na morpheme -uk, which is synchronically found on verbs denoting movement\nalong an axis, the meeting of entities, pulling, and snapping.\n11.6.1 Austronesian loan verbs\nLoan verbs often have a first syllable na-. It is likely that na- is an Austronesian\nmorpheme that was borrowed together with the verbs, probably a third-person\nsingular marker. The source language for the borrowings is unclear. Sometimes\nthey appear to be Austronesian languages of the region, a few examples of which\n279\n\n\n11 Verbs\nare given in Table 11.9. This is not to suggest that e.g. naloli ‘to mince’ is a di-\nrect borrowing from Yamdena or Fordata, which are spoken relatively far away\nfrom Karas, in the south Moluccas, but for those languages large vocabularies\nare available. Other loans are more likely to be borrowed from Papuan Malay\nor Indonesian, such as namenyasal ‘to be sorry; to regret’ (in the lower part of\nTable 11.9), because it carries Indonesian prefix meN-.\nTable 11.9: Loan verbs with na- and comparable verbs in other lan-\nguages. U = Uruangnirin [urn], Visser (2019b); G = Geser-Gorom [ges],\nVisser (2019a); Y = Yamdena [jmd], Drabbe (1932b); F = Fordata [frd],\nDrabbe (1932a).\nKalamang\ncompare\nnafafat ‘to slap’\nU afafat ‘to slap’\nnafikir, napikir ‘to think’\nG hiʔir, U pikpikir\nnaloli ‘to mince’\nY and F n-loli ‘fijnstampen’ [‘to mash’]\nnamot ‘to block’\nF n-motak ‘verstopt zitten’ [‘to be clogged’]\nnatewa ‘to hit’\nY n-tebak ‘steken, prikken’ [‘to stab’]\nnarekin ‘to count’\nU mirekiŋ, G reʔin, ultimately from\nDutch rekenen ‘to count’\nnamenyasal ‘to regret’\nIndonesian menyesal ‘to regret’\nAs appears from the examples above, na- is not a productive morpheme: newer\nMalay loans do not carry it. When asked to translate sentences with very new\nloans such as cas ‘to charge’, WA ‘to WhatsApp’, nonton ‘to watch (television)’\nand SMS ‘to SMS’, na- was not used to mark these. The natural spoken corpus is\nalso full of unmarked Malay loans, such as cat ‘to paint’, campur ‘to mix’, pariksa\n‘to check’, rekam ‘to record’ and tulun ‘to help’ (<tolong). An example of a Malay\nborrowed verb with na-, nafikir ‘to think’, is given in (84), while an example with\ntelpon ‘to telephone’, which is borrowed as is, is given in (85).\n(84)\njadi\nso\nwaktu\ntime\nkon\none\nan-autak\n1sg-alone\nmelelu\nsit\nme\ntop\nnafikir\nthink\n‘So when I was sitting alone I was thinking.’\n[stim12_7:08]\n(85)\nOm\nuncle\nPet=a\nPet=foc\ngen\nmaybe\nse\niam\ntelpon=i\ntelephone=plnk\nUnyil\nUnyil\nemun\nmother.3poss\nmu=konggo\n3pl=an.loc\n‘Uncle Pet maybe already telephoned Unyil’s mother’s.’\n[conv7_1:06]\n280\n\n\n11.6 Fossilised morphology\n11.6.2 Verbs in -uk\nA small group of verbs, around twenty, end in -uk (sometimes -ouk) and have\nsemantics related to movement on an axis (typically in/out or from/towards the\ndeictic centre), the meeting of two entities or forces, or pulling and breaking or\nsnapping (usually causative). These verbs do not behave differently from other\nverbs, and -uk is not a productive morpheme. An exhaustive list is given in Ta-\nble 11.10.\nTable 11.10: Verbs in -uk and their semantic categorisation\nduk\n‘walk into; be hit’\nmeeting of forces\neiruk\n‘squat, bow, bend down’\nmovement down\nemguk\n‘vomit’\nmovement out\nkomasasuk\n‘close w. lid or tap’\nmeeting of entities?\nkoluk\n‘find’\nmeeting of entities\nlauk\n‘exit; protrude; appear’\nmovement out\nluk\n‘come’\nmovement towards deictic centre\nmalaouk\n‘turn over’\nmovement around axis\nmaouk\n‘spit out’\nmovement out\nmeraraouk\n‘cause to snap’\npull and snap/break\nmuk\n‘throw fishing line’\nmovement away from deictic centre\nmukmuk\n‘rock tree to harvest’\nshake and snap/break\nnadeduk\n‘pull’\npulling\nnamasuk\n‘give back’\nmovement towards deictic centre\nnauleluk\n‘meet’\nmeeting of entities\nnasuk\n‘go backwards’\nmovement backwards\nrouk\n‘fall over (of tree)’\nsnapping/breaking, movement down\nsaouk\n‘emerge from water’\nmovement out\ntaluk\n‘exit’\nmovement out\ntaouk\n‘lie down’\nmovement down\ntaraouk\n‘snap’\nsnapping/breaking\nSome of these words likely have valency-changing morphology, such as ap-\nplicative ko= (koluk, komasasuk), reciprocal nau= (nauleluk) or causative ma= or\nna= (and in one case me-, compare meraraouk ‘cause to snap’ and taraouk ‘snap’).\nIn the case of rouk, which is used to describe the falling over of a tree, there could\nbe the remnant of ror ‘tree’, followed by -uk.\n281\n\n\n\n\n12 The clause\nThis chapter describes aspects of the structure of the simple clause. Multiclausal\nconstructions are described in Chapter 15. This chapter is structured as follows.\nAn overview with the characteristics of the predicate and core arguments is\ngiven in §12.1. In §12.2, declarative verbal clauses with different valencies are de-\nscribed, as well as comparative constructions. Non-verbal declarative clauses are\ndescribed in §12.3. Non-declarative clauses, viz. questions and imperatives, are\ntreated in §12.4. Clausal negation is described in §12.5. Variation in the syntax of\nthe clause (elision and reordering of arguments) is treated in §12.6.\n12.1 Overview\nA clause is a grammatical unit that consists minimally of a predicate. A predicate\nis an element that takes a subject to form a clause, and it expresses something\nabout this subject. The predicate is usually a verb, but can also be a noun, demon-\nstrative, quantifier or location. Each verbal predicate licenses a number of argu-\nments. An intransitive verb requires one argument: a subject NP. A transitive\nverb requires a subject and an object NP. Ditransitive verbs require an indirect\nobject NP in addition to a subject and object NP. Semantic roles are sometimes\nused to describe constituent order. I distinguish agents (A), patients (P), themes\n(T) and recipients (R). Kalamang also has peripheral arguments, such as comita-\ntives or instrumentals, which are expressed with help of postpositional enclitics\n(§6.4). Complement clauses (§15.2) are another type of peripheral argument.\nAll arguments precede the predicate. The constituent order in a basic and\nunmarked transitive clause is subject-object-verb, with nominative-accusative\nalignment.\nA simplified template of the clause structure is given in (1). A large number of\nclausal modifiers, including aspect, mood, modal markers and adverbials, occur\nin different slots in the clause and are described in Chapter 14. Many adverbials,\naspect markers and mood markers attach to the predicate. The predicate can be\ncomplex and is, except in Chapter 14, discussed in Chapter 11 and Chapter 13. In\nthis chapter, I focus on simple verbal and non-verbal predicates.\n\n\n12 The clause\n(1)\nclause structure\n(Subj NP) (Obj NP=obj) (Indirect Obj NP) Pred\nSubject and object are formally differentiated by constituent order and object\nmarking (=at) on the last constituent of the object NP. (2) and (3) illustrate these\ncharacteristics for a transitive and intransitive clause, respectively.\n(2)\nbal\ndog\nse\niam\nsor=at\nfish=obj\nkoraru\nbite\n‘The dog has bitten the fish.’\n[stim2_3:45]\n(3)\nin\n1pl.excl\nse\niam\nmin\nsleep\n‘We slept.’\n[narr40_0:43]\nClauses may be the complement of speech and thought verbs like toni ‘say’\n(§15.2), and may be modified by clausal modifiers like negation (§12.5) and mood,\naspect, modal and adverbial modifiers (Chapter 14). They may be combined with\nthe conjunctions treated in §15.1.2.\n12.2 Verbal clauses\nVerbal clauses have a verb as predicate. Verbs may be monovalent (intransitive),\nbivalent (transitive), trivalent (ditransitive), or zero-intransitive (lacking an ar-\ngument altogether). This section starts with an overview of clauses with differ-\nent valencies in §12.2.1. Comparative constructions are described in §12.2.2 and\nexistential and possessive clauses in §12.2.3. This section exclusively describes\naffirmative declarative clauses.\n12.2.1 Valency\nThis section describes the marking of grammatical relations in clauses with differ-\nent valencies. This is done with constituent order and with postpositions on some\nof the arguments. Transitive and intransitive clauses are described in §12.2.1.1.\nThree-participant events are treated in §12.2.1.2. Zero-intransitive clauses are\npresented in §12.2.1.3. Valency-changing operations are treated in the chapter\non verbs, in §11.4.\n284\n\n\n12.2 Verbal clauses\n12.2.1.1 Transitive and intransitive clauses\nIntransitive clauses have a single unmarked subject argument preceding the verb.\n(4)\nma\n3sg\ntur\nfall\n‘He falls.’\n[stim34_0:29]\n(5)\nkaman\ngrass\nkos=te\ngrow=nfin\n‘Grass grows.’\n[stim21_2:46]\nAll intransitive clauses display this pattern irrespective of whether the subject\nis volitional/actor or non-volitional/undergoer. Active participants such as ‘they’\nin (6) are formally the same as the undergoer participants such as ‘he’ in (4) and\n‘grass’ in (5), that is, they are unmarked.\n(6)\nmu\n3pl\nkiem\nrun\n‘They run.’\n[narr40_15:26]\nTransitive clauses have two arguments: subject and object. The unmarked con-\nstituent order is SOV (APV), although the object can be fronted for focus, which\nis illustrated in (8) and further described in §12.6.2 below. The object is marked\nwith an object enclitic =at (6.4.2), also if it is pronominal, as in (9).\n(7)\nemun\nmother\ntumun=at\nchild=obj\nnarorar\ntake_by_hand\n‘The mother takes the child by the hand.’\n[stim4_4:47]\n(8)\nMujim=at\nMujim=obj\nin\n1pl\ntok\nstill\nnawanggar\nwait\n‘For Mujim we’re still waiting.’\n[narr1_1:21]\n(9)\nbal\ndog\nma=at\n3sg=obj\nsarie\nfollow\n‘The dog follows him.’\n[stim1_0:18]\nWhile most verbs are either transitive or intransitive, there are also a number\nof ambitranstive verbs. In all of them, the transitive subject corresponds to the\nintransitive subject. Ambitransitive verbs include directional verbs like bara ‘de-\nscend’; ingestion verbs like na ‘to consume’, muap ‘to eat’ and kosom ‘to smoke’;\nand perception verbs like kome ‘to see; to look’. The use of sara ‘to ascend’ in an\nintransitive and a transitive clause is illustrated below.\n285\n\n\n12 The clause\n(10)\na. an\n1sg\nsara\nascend\n‘I went up.’\n[narr2_2:57]\nb. ma\n3sg\nafukat=at\navocado=obj\nsara\nascend\n‘He climbed the avocado tree.’\n[stim30_0:17]\n12.2.1.2 Ditransitive clauses\nIn all ditranstive clauses, the subject/agent is unmarked and the direct objec-\nt/theme is marked with object marker =at. Ditransitive clauses with different\nverbs are marked in different ways. The verbs for showing and sending require\nthat both the theme and recipient are marked with object marker =at. The verbs\nfor selling, buying, asking and saying require that the theme is marked with ob-\nject marker =at and the recipient with animate locative =konggo or animate lative\n=kongga. Give-constructions are also monoclausal constructions with three argu-\nments. The recipient is optionally preceded by causative di= and, if the recipient\nis nominal rather than pronominal, followed by benefactive =ki. Table 12.1 gives\nan overview of the different constructions found with ditransitive verbs.\nTable 12.1: Ditransitive clause constructions\nto show; to send\nA\nT=obj\nR=obj\nto sell; to buy; to ask; to say\nA\nT=obj\nR=an.loc/an.lat\nto give\nA\nT=obj\n(caus=)R(=ben)\n12.2.1.2.1 Showing and sending\nThe first strategy, with object marker =at on both theme and recipient, was\nelicited with the verbs naunak ‘to show’, kiempanaet ‘to send’ and kama ‘to send’.\nThe constituent order can be either agent-theme-recipient-verb (ATRV) or agent-\nrecipient-theme-verb (ARTV), as illustrated in (11).\n(11)\na. tumunA\nchild\nguru=atT\nteacher=obj\nbuk=atR\nbook=obj\nnaunak\nshow\n‘The child shows the teacher the book.’\n286\n\n\n12.2 Verbal clauses\nb. tumunA\nchild\nbuk=atR\nbook=obj\nguru=atT\nteacher=obj\nnaunak\nshow\n‘The child shows the teacher the book.’\n[elic_3P_2]\nIn elicitation it was easy to get all three participants mentioned, but in the\ncorpus the theme is almost always elided, as in (12). The theme, the object that\nthe speaker wants the addressee to show, is clear from the context.\n(12)\nkaA\n2sg\nenem=atR\nwoman=obj\nnaunak=te\nshow=imp\n‘You show [it] to the woman!’\n[stim26_7:11]\nOnly one example in the corpus also has the theme mentioned. The theme,\n150,000 rupiah, expressed as just a numeral, is marked with the number object\nmarker -i (§8.3). The recipient, an ‘me’, is marked with the general object marker\n=at.\n(13)\nmaA\n3sg\nreitkon\nhundred\npurap-iT\nfifty-objqnt\nan=atR\n1sg=obj\nkama=et\nsend=irr\n‘He sent me one hundred and fifty [thousand rupiah].’\n[conv12_3:09]\n12.2.1.2.2 Selling, buying, asking and saying\nThe second strategy, with the recipient marked with animate locative =konggo or\nlative =kongga, can be used with (at least) parin ‘to sell’, jie ‘to buy’, gerket ‘to ask’\nand toni ‘to say’. (14) shows an object marker on the theme and a locative marker\non the pronoun. (15), on the other hand, has the number object -i suffix on the\nnumber (as in 13 above) and both locative and object marking on the recipient.\nThe constituent order is agent-theme-recipient-verb, and in this case theme and\nrecipient cannot be swapped.\n(14)\nmaA\n3sg\nsor=atT\nfish=obj\nan=konggoR\n1sg=an.loc\nparin\nsell\n‘He sells me fish.’\n[elic_3P_3]\n(15)\ntumun\nchild\nme\ndist\nmeA\ntop\ndon\nthing\nkon-i=aT\none-plnk=foc\nesun-kongga=at=aR\nfather.3poss-an.lat=obj=foc\ngerket\nask\n‘The child asks its father a thing.’\n[elic_3P_5]\n287\n\n\n12 The clause\nAs with the first strategy above, the theme is usually elided in natural speech.\nConsider the following example, where the theme (et ‘canoe’) is understood from\nthe context.\n(16)\nanA\n1sg\nki=konggoR\n2pl=an.loc\nparin=nin\nsell=neg\n‘I don’t want to sell [my canoe] to you guys.’\n[narr42_33:47]\nThe only corpus example using the second strategy with the theme present has\na theme NP with a number modifying the noun, again with the number object -i\nsuffix present.\n(17)\ninA\n1pl.excl\nme\ntop\ngoni\nsack\nkon-iT\none-objqnt\nemun_caun\naunt\nmu=kongga=at-aR\n3pl=an.lat=obj=foc\njie=ta\nbuy=nfin\nme\ntop\n‘We bought a sack from his aunt’s family.’\n[conv13_2:08]\n12.2.1.2.3 Giving\nThe verb for ‘give’ is a zero morpheme that requires three arguments.1 The three\nparticipants in a give-construction are the agent (A), the theme (T) and the re-\ncipient (R). There are two elements that are combined in various constellations\nto make give-constructions. These are causative di= (§11.4.4.1) and benefactive\n=ki (§6.4.5). Give-constructions differ depending on whether the recipient NP is\na noun or a pronoun. Constructions with a noun as recipient take the form A\nT=obj (caus=)R=ben ∅, where the causative proclitic is optional. The benefac-\ntive =ki is obligatory here. Constructions with a pronoun as recipient take the\nform A T=obj (caus=)R ∅. Again, the causative proclitic is optional. Note that\nin the case of pronominal recipients, however, the benefactive enclitic =ki is un-\ngrammatical. Table 12.2 gives an overview of the possible constructions. These\nwere elicited based on the corpus example in (18). All constructions in the table\nare found in the corpus.\n(18)\nmaA\n3sg\nsandal=bon\nsandal=com\nladan=bon=atT\nshirt=com=obj\ndi=teman-un=kiR\ncaus=friend-3poss=ben\n∅\ngive\n‘He gives the sandals and shirt to his friend.’\n[stim4_0:41]\n1Other languages with a zero morpheme for ‘give’ are the Gum languages of Papua New Guinea,\nnotably Amele (Roberts 1998), and Koasati, a Muskogean language (Kimball 1991).\n288\n\n\n12.2 Verbal clauses\nTable 12.2: All possible give-constructions for the clauses ‘he gives the\nsandals to his friend’ and ‘he gives the sandals to me’.\nA\nT=obj\ncaus=\nR\n=ben\ngive\nNominal R\nOption 1\nma\nsandal=at\ndi=\ntemanun\n=ki\n∅\n3sg\nsandal=obj\ncaus=\nhis friend\n=ben\ngive\nOption 2\nma\nsandal=at\ntemanun\n=ki\n∅\n3sg\nsandal=obj\nhisfriend\n=ben\ngive\nPronominal R\nOption 1\nma\nsandal=at\ndi=\nan\n∅\n3sg\nsandal=obj\ncaus=\n1sg\ngive\nOption 2\nma\nsandal=at\nan\n∅\n3sg\nsandal=obj\n1sg\ngive\nBecause Kalamang lacks an overt lexeme ‘give’, the meaning of giving is es-\nsentially expressed by the presence and order of the participants, (optionally)\naccompanied by di= and/or =ki. The theme often remains unexpressed. The least\nelaborate give-construction therefore is two subsequent NPs: A and R, if the re-\ncipient NP is a pronoun. Despite this very minimal construction, a clause con-\nsisting of a noun followed by a pronoun (ema ma ‘mother gives him/her’) or of\ntwo pronouns (ma ma ‘he/she gives him/her’) is always interpreted as a give-\nconstruction by Kalamang speakers.\nThe position of the zero morpheme is after the recipient as in (19) and (20), or\nafter the benefactive if present as in (21). This is evident from the position of, for\nexample, mood or negation marking. On the surface, everything that is attached\nto the verb is attached to the recipient, and is also sometimes morphophonologi-\ncally integrated, as shown in (19). Give-constructions may also be part of complex\npredicates (Chapter 13), such as the one in (22), where the verbs are linked with\npredicate linker =i.\n(19)\nMa\nma\n3sg\nbirara\nbir=at=a\nbeer=obj=foc\nmain.\nma\n3sg\n∅=kin\ngive=vol\n‘He wants to give him beer.’\n[stim4_1:58]\n(20)\nma\n3sg\nam=at\nbreast_milk=obj\nma\n3sg\n∅=nin\ngive=neg\n‘She didn’t give him milk.’\n[narr21_1:58]\n289\n\n\n12 The clause\n(21)\nsor\nfish\nme\ntop\nselet-kon-i\npiece-one-objqnt\ntete=ki\ngrandfather=ben\n∅=te\ngive=imp\n‘Give one piece of fish to grandfather!’\n[conv9_6:01]\n(22)\nnaman=a\nwho=foc\npadanual=at\npandanus=obj\nrep=i\nget=plnk\nka\n2sg\n∅\ngive\n‘Who got pandanus [leaf] and gave it to you?’\n[conv17_23:37]\nBenefactive =ki was also elicited in non-give constructions such as the one\nexemplified in (23). Benefactive =ki does not occur on pronouns, parallel to =ki\nin give-constructions.\n(23)\nma\n3sg\nkewe\nhouse\ngiar=ten=at\nnew=at=obj\nparuon=i\nmake=plnk\nkiun=ki\nwife.3poss=ben\n‘He makes a new house for his wife.’\n[elic_cla_18]\n12.2.1.3 Zero-intransitive clauses\nZero-intransitive clauses lack an argument (Dryer 2007: 267). Typically, these are\nclauses about environmental conditions, which is why they may also be called\nambient clauses. (24) illustrates how a weather phenomenon (kalis ‘to rain’) is\nexpressed without argument. Other environmental conditions, such as fog, are\nexpressed in the same way, but this is a rather marginal phenomenon in the\ncorpus.\n(24)\nmu\n3pl\ntoni\nthink\nkalis=kin\nrain=vol\n‘They think it will rain.’\n[narr22_4:04]\n12.2.2 Comparative constructions\nIn a comparative construction, two referents are compared on a gradable prop-\nerty. One referent, the comparee, is compared to a standard of comparison, the\nother referent. The construction also typically involves a parameter of compar-\nison (the property that is compared). Kalamang employs two comparative con-\nstructions: a monoclausal ‘exceed’ construction and a biclausal construction with\nantonyms, neither of which involve a parameter of comparison.\nThe majority of elicited and natural speech comparative constructions are mo-\nnoclausal, making use of lebe ‘to exceed’, illustrated in (25) and (26). Lebe ‘to ex-\nceed’ is a loan from Malay lebih ‘more (than)’, which is also used in comparative\nconstructions in Malay varieties.\n290\n\n\n12.2 Verbal clauses\n(25)\nma\n3sg\ntanbes=ko\nright=loc\nror\ntree\nmat\n3sg.obj\nlebe\nexceed\n‘He’s on the right, the tree exceeds him.’\n[stim26_7:46]\n(26)\nharga-un\nprice-3poss\nmain\n3poss\nme\ntop\ntang-un=at\nseed-3poss=obj\nlebe\nexceed\n‘Its price exceeds the seed[’s price].’\n[narr12_6:21]\nA monoclausal exceed construction may also be made with nemies ‘to exceed’,\nbut is much less frequent (one natural speech example and one corpus example,\nagainst at least ten of each for lebe). (27) and (28) are the two attested instances.\nBased on these two examples, it is possible that nemies actually has the more\nspecific meaning ‘to exceed in height’.\n(27)\nwarkin\ntide\nse\niam\nmat\n3sg.obj\nnemies\nexceed\n‘The tide exceeded him.’\n[narr19_16:24]\n(28)\nibu\nmiss\nme\ntop\nririn-un\ntall-nmlz\nan=at\n1sg=obj\nnemies\nexceed\n‘Miss’s length exceeds mine.’\n[comp_5]\nIn elicitation, speakers sometimes phrased a comparative construction with\nantonyms. That construction consists of two independent clauses, where one\nclause contains the standard and the other the comparee. This is possibly an\nartefact of the elicitation, which involved stimulus materials showing opposite\ntypes (e.g. a skinny and a fat person, or an old and a new house). An example\nof such a construction with antonymous predicates is seen in (29). It remains for\nfurther research whether this is a construction that is also used in naturalistic\nspeech.\n(29)\npas\nwoman\nwa\nprox\nme\ntop\nkaden-un\nbody-3poss\ntemun\nbig\npas\nwoman\nwa\nprox\nme\ntop\nkaden-un\nbody-3poss\ncicaun\nsmall\n‘This woman’s body is big, this woman’s body is small.’\n[elic_comp_2]\n12.2.3 Existential and possessive clauses\nExistential and possessive clauses are expressed with existential mambon. (30) is\nan existential clause. Possessive clauses, like (31), also include a possessive suffix\non the possessed or a possessive pronoun.\n291\n\n\n12 The clause\n(30)\nkewe\nhouse\nmetko\ndist.loc\nmambon\nexist\n‘There is a house there.’\n[narr44_2:59]\n(31)\nka\n2pl\nme\ntop\nhukat-ca\nfishing_net-2sg.poss\nmambon\nexist\n‘Do you have your fishing net?’\n[conv1_6:38]\nFor the negation of possessive clauses, see §12.5.3. Other possessive construc-\ntions are described in Chapter 9.\n12.3 Non-verbal clauses\nNon-verbal clauses are clauses whose predicate belongs to a class other than verb,\nand which can function as the head of a NP. This kind of clause is rather common\nin Kalamang, as any property or argument can act as a predicate with no overt\ncopula needed. This section is dedicated to affirmative declarative non-verbal\nclauses. Nominal clauses are described in §12.3.1, demonstrative clauses are de-\nscribed in §12.3.2, quantifier clauses in §12.3.3 and locative, lative and similative\nclauses in §12.3.4. Equative constructions (§12.3.5) and similative constructions\n(§12.3.6) are also non-verbal clauses.\nKalamang has no copula verb, although topic marker me (§16.1) is often found\nwith both stative verbal and non-verbal predicates. As shown in §5.1, the con-\nstruction of a noun and a stative verb is ambiguous between a copular clause\nand a NP reading. The use of topic marker me makes an unambiguous copular\nclause.\n(32)\na. [tumun\nchild\ntabusik]NP\nshort\n‘the/a short child’\nb. [tumun]NP\nchild\n[tabusik]Pred\nshort\n‘The child is short.\nc. [tumun\nchild\nme]NP\ntop\n[tabusik]Pred\nshort\n‘The child is short.’\n[elic]\n292\n\n\n12.3 Non-verbal clauses\n12.3.1 Nominal clauses\nIn nominal clauses, a NP headed by a noun functions as a predicate. Nominal\nclauses typically consist of two juxtaposed NPs, expressing an identity relation-\nship between them. These clauses can also be called equational clauses. I analyse\nthe first NP as the subject and the second NP as the predicate based on the fact\nthat arguments typically precede the predicate in Kalamang. (33) contains two\nnominal clauses expressing someone’s occupation, and (34) the subject NP is\nheaded by in ‘name’.\n(33)\n[kon]S\none\nse\niam\n[guru]Pred,\nteacher\n[tumtum\nchildren\nkon]S\none\n[guru]Pred\nteacher\n‘One is already teacher, one child is teacher.’\n[conv12_9:15]\n(34)\n[dun-un\nopposite_sex_sibling-3poss\nin-un]S\nname-3poss\n[pas\nwoman\nKelengkeleng]Pred\nKelengkeleng\n‘His sibling’s name was “Kelengkeleng woman”.’\n[narr24_6:08]\nThe predicate NP in nominal clauses may also be a possessive pronoun. An\nexample is given in (35).\n(35)\nkarena\nbecause\nhak\ntask\ninggon\n1pl.excl.poss\n‘Because the task is ours.’\n[narr26_18:55]\nAlthough nominal clauses may occur without topic marker me (§16.1), fre-\nquently they have one. (36) and (37) show two nominal clauses with me in be-\ntween the subject and the predicate.\n(36)\nNema\nNema\nnamun\nhusband.3poss\nme\ntop\nsontum\nperson\nRarait\nSeram\n‘Nema’s husband is Seramese.’\n[dict_Rarait]\n(37)\nMoktar\nMoktar\nesun\nfather.3poss\nme\ntop\nkamanget\nmedicine_man\n‘Moktar’s father is a medicine man.’\n[dict_kamanget]\nIn equational clauses (also known as identifying clauses), a distinction can be\nmade between clauses of proper inclusion (where the second NP describes a set\nof items, also known as ascriptive clauses) and completely equational clauses.\nThe two clause types are different in that in completely equational clauses the\n293\n\n\n12 The clause\ntwo NPs can be swapped, whereas this is impossible for the ascriptive clauses.\nThis is illustrated in (38) for a completely equational clause, where the two NPs\nare entirely coreferential and thus can be switched without problems. In (39), a\nproper inclusive clause is given, where the first NP in example a (a schoolmaster)\nis part of the set in the second NP (Butonese men). Switching is ungrammatical.\nOtherwise, clauses of proper inclusion and completely equational clauses are\nsyntactically the same. Note that also in these examples, me may be left out.\n(38)\na. Sebi\nSebi\nkiun\nwife.3poss\n(me)\ntop\nKalamang\nKalamang\nemun\nmother.3poss\n‘Sebi’s wife is Kalamang’s mother.\nb. Kalamang\nKalamang\nemun\nmother\n(me)\ntop\nSebi\nSebi\nkiun\nwife.3poss\n‘Kalamang’s mother is Sebi’s wife.’\n[elic_eq_8]\n(39)\na.\nkepala_sekola\nschoolmaster\n(me)\ntop\nutun-ca\nButon-man\nkon\none\n‘The schoolmaster is a man from Buton.’\nb. * utun-ca\nButon-man\nkon\none\nme\ntop\nkepala_sekola\nschoolmaster\n‘A man from Buton is the schoolmaster.’\n[elic_eq_14]\n12.3.2 Demonstrative clauses\nIn demonstrative clauses, a NP headed by a demonstrative is the predicate. These\nclauses function as presentational clauses. An example is given in (40). Note\nthat (40) also contains a locative clause, which will be described in §12.3.4.\n(40)\nma\n3sg\ntamatko\nwhere\nah\nint\n[ma]S\n3sg\n[me]Pred\ndist\n‘Where is it? Ah, that’s it.’\n[stim42_6:40]\nThe expression ma he me ‘that’s it; that’s enough’ is also a demonstrative\nclause. (41) is taken from a story where a black-furred monkey wants to turn\nhis fur white. A cuscus puts him in a cage in the rising sea, knowing that every-\nthing looks lighter under water. When the monkey sees his legs start turning\nwhite, he thinks it’s enough and wants to be released.\n294\n\n\n12.3 Non-verbal clauses\n(41)\nEih\neih\nsurpr\nkoran\nkor-an\nleg-1sg.poss\nse\nse\niam\niren,\niren\nwhite\nma\nma\n3sg\nhe\nse\niam\nme,\nme\ndist\nanat\nan=at\n1sg=obj\nkahetmei!\nkahetmei\nrelease.imp\n‘Hey, my legs are already white, that’s enough, release me!’ [narr19_14:00]\nSee Chapter 10 for an in-depth description of demonstratives.\n12.3.3 Quantifier clauses\nQuantifier clauses state the quantity of something, and have a NP headed by a\nquantifier as the predicate. Quantifiers were discussed in Chapter 8. A numeral\nquantifier predicate is shown in (42) and a non-numeral quantifier is shown\nin (43).\n(42)\nkereta-un\ncart-3poss\n[kansuor]Pred\nfour\n‘It has four carts.’ (lit. ‘Its cars are four.’)\n[stim40_1:44]\n(43)\nan\n1sg\nmuap-an\nfood-1sg.poss\n[bolodak]Pred\njust_little\n‘As for me, I have just a little food.’ (lit. ‘I, my food is just a little.’)\n[narr18_10:37]\nBased on elicitation, it does not seem possible to have higher numerals in pred-\nicative function. Where to draw the boundary line between possible and impossi-\nble predicative numerals, if such a boundary exists, remains for further research.\n12.3.4 Locative and lative clauses\nLocative and lative clauses are clauses where the predicate is a NP marked with\na locative or lative postposition (§6.4).\nLocative clauses express location. Locative predicates are NPs that refer to a\nlocation, inflected with the locative postposition =ko. A NP carrying locative =ko\nmay be preceded or followed by a verb. In such cases, I analyse the locative NP\nand the verb as a complex predicate. For the rules governing the ordering of verbs\nand locatives, see Chapter 13. When a noun inflected with =ko is not preceded or\nfollowed by a verb, it is the predicate of the clause on its own, as in (44).\n(44)\nmu\n3sg\ntoni\nsay\n[ma]S\n3sg\n[kewe-ko]Pred\nhouse-loc\n‘They say he is at home.’\n[conv12_1:37]\n295\n\n\n12 The clause\nNPs marked with the lative postposition =ka, which marks movement from or\ntowards, are usually combined with other verbs. They are very seldom the pred-\nicate on their own. One such example, with =ka fused with distal demonstrative\nme as mengga, is given in (45), where the speaker sums up all the houses she\nhasn’t visited yet (an action which for married women is related to a ritual). The\ncombination of lative NPs and verbs is described in Chapter 13.\n(45)\ntete\ngrandfather\nManggan\nManggan\nmu\n3pl\ntok\nyet\n[mengga=nin]Pred\ndist.lat=neg\nweinun\ntoo\n‘[I] haven’t yet been to grandfather Manggan’s either.’\n[conv9_24:27]\n12.3.5 Equative constructions\nEquative constructions (to be distinguished from equational constructions such\nas ‘Majid is a fisherman’) are constructions that “express situations in which two\nreferents have a gradable property to the same degree” (Haspelmath 2015: 9).2\nHaspelmath (2015) identifies five components in equative constructions. If we\nexemplify this with the English phrase ‘She is as tall as her mother’, we have\na comparee (‘she’ [is]), a degree marker (‘as’), a parameter (‘tall’), a standard\nmarker (‘as’) and a standard (‘her mother’).\nAn equative construction is made with nain ‘like’ as the standard marker and\nthe similative postposition =kap on the standard. As with comparative construc-\ntions, there is no parameter, but the gradable property might be expressed as part\nof the comparee, as in (46). In (47), the verb bo ‘to go’ is used to indicate growth.\nThe sentence means literally something like ‘[it] has become [so that it is] like\n[the size of] a cassava fruit’.\n(46)\nma\n3sg\nririn-un\ntall-nmlz\nnain\nlike\nemun=kap\nmother.3poss=sim\n‘She is as tall as her mother.’ (lit. ‘Her height is like her mother.’)\n[elic_idem_6]\n(47)\nse\nasp\nbo=te\ngo=nfin\nnain\nlike\npanggala\ncassava\nnaun=kap\nfruit=sim\n‘It’s already becoming as big as a cassava.’\n[conv12_6:51]\nKalamang is an ‘only equative standard marker’ language according to the\nclassification in Haspelmath (2015). We have a parameter (which can be omit-\nted if understood), differentiated comparee, standard, and two equative standard\n2For comparative constructions, see §12.2.2.\n296\n\n\n12.3 Non-verbal clauses\nmarkers nain and =kap, which apparently fulfil the same function. Note that the\nequative standard markers are not dedicated to equative constructions, but occ-\ncur in similative constructions as well (see §12.3.6). Note also that in similative\nconstructions, nain and =kap can be used independently or in combination, with-\nout a difference in meaning. It has not been tested whether equative construc-\ntions can be made with either nain or =kap alone or whether both have to be\npresent.\nAn alternative strategy is to use the Malay loan sama ‘same’. This was only\nelicited as shown in (48).\n(48)\nmier\n3du\nririn-un\ntall-nmlz\nsama\nsame\n‘They have the same height.’\n[elic_comp_17]\n12.3.6 Similative constructions\nThere are several ways to make a similative construction, that is, a construction\nto indicate that a referent has a characteristic similar to another referent. These\ninvolve the words sama ‘same’ (cf. Malay sama ‘same’), nain ‘like’ and the simila-\ntive postposition =kap (§6.4.6) in different combinations, as shown in Table 12.3.\nKalamang can make similative constructions with just the enclitic =kap, just the\nword nain, a combination of nain and =kap, or (occasionally) a combination of\nsama, nain and =kap.\nTable 12.3: Similative constructions\nSubj\nN-kap\nSubj\nnain\nSubj\nsama\nnain\nN-kap\nThe similative postposition =kap can be used on its own, as in (49) and (50).\nIn (49), two things are compared, and in (50), one person is compared to many.\n(49)\nma\n3sg\nper=kap=teba\nwater=sim=prog\n‘It’s like water.’\n[narr34_2:51]\n(50)\nka\n2sg\nkalamang\nKalamang\nemumur=kap\nwoman.pl=sim\nto\nright\n‘You are like the Kalamang women, aren’t you?’\n[conv12_6:51]\n297\n\n\n12 The clause\nIn (51), =kap is used in combination with nain, which also translates as ‘like’.\nThis is not uncommon in the corpus, but it is unclear what drives the choice of a\ndouble similative marking. Constructions with nain N=kap are used for equative\nconstructions (as described in §12.3.5), but it is common with similative construc-\ntions as well.\n(51)\nka\n2sg\nnain\nlike\ntenggeles=kap\neagle=sim\nka\n2sg\nbo\ngo\ntenggeles=kap=te\neagle=sim=nfin\ndon\nthing\nkuek=te\nsteal=nfin\nkuru\nbring\nluk=te\ncome=nfin\nyuwa\nprox\n‘You’re like an eagle, you turn into an eagle stealing stuff and bringing it\nback.’\n[conv8_1:59]\nLike in equative constructions, a speaker can also opt to use the Malay loan\nword sama ‘same’ in similative constructions, such that we get examples with\nsama nain N-kap. In (52), the quality of rice is described, while (53) is from a\nstory where a black-furred monkey wants to get the same white fur as a cuscus.\nThis is a rare construction, with only four occurrences in the corpus.\n(52)\nikon\nsome\nme\ntop\nsama\nsame\nnain\nlike\nsontum\nperson\ngier-un=kap\ntooth-3poss=sim\n‘Some are like people’s teeth.’\n[conv13_1:48]\n(53)\nme\ndist\nsama=i\nsame=plnk\nnain\nlike\nan=kap\n1sg=sim\n‘That is the same as me.’\n[narr19_12:22]\nNain ‘like’ can also be used on its own. (54) is said two utterances after (52),\nby the same speaker, still discussing the quality of rice.\n(54)\nikon\nsome\nme\ntop\nyar\nstone\nikon\nsome\nme\ntop\nnain\nlike\nsemen\ncement\n‘Some are stones, some are like cement.’\n[conv13_1:55]\nSimilative constructions can also be used to compare entities or persons, such\nas God and Jesus in (55).\n(55)\nsontum\nperson\nkawir=ten\nchristian=at\ntoni\nsay\nIsa\nJesus\nme\ntop\nnain\nlike\ntuhan=kap\ngod=sim\n‘Christians say Jesus is like God.’\n[elic_sim19_3]\n298\n\n\n12.3 Non-verbal clauses\nTo single out referents (as in 56), a similative construction with only nain ‘like’\ncan be used.\n(56)\ntumtum\nchildren\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\nnain\nlike\nKalamang=bon\nKalamang=com\nRehan=bon\nRehan=com\nmindi\nlike_that\n‘Those children were like Kalamang and Rehan, like that.’\n[narr25_2:51]\nThe similative constructions above do not have a demonstrative function. For\nthat purpose, Kalamang has manner demonstratives wandi ‘like this’ and mindi\n‘like that’, forms that are likely derived from the proximal and distal demonstra-\ntives, respectively. These can be used in combination with similative construc-\ntions, as in (56) above. Manner demonstratives may be evoked to make similative\nconstructions, as in (57), which expresses close similarity between two referents,\nin this case the position of a doll’s arm on a picture. More information about\nmanner demonstratives can be found in Chapter 10.\n(57)\nwa=nan\nprox=too\ntan-un\narm-3poss\nkoi\nagain\nmindi\nlike_this\nweinun\ntoo\n‘This one too, his arm is again like this.’\n[stim44_1:14]\nSimilative =kap is grammaticalised on colour terms, which all seem to derive\nfrom nouns. This allows us to hypothesise the nominal origins of Kalamang\ncolour terms see Table 12.4. Earlier Kalamang speakers seem to have used phrases\nmeaning ‘like turmeric’ or ‘like charcoal’ to indicate colours.3\nOther, perhaps newer colour terms are not formed according to this pattern.\nKowewep(kon) ‘grey; brown’ (from koep ‘ashes’) does not take =kap.\nTo express sameness or true identity, i.e. where there is a single referent, kodak\n‘just one’ may be used, as in (58).\n(58)\nmu\n3pl\nnakal-un\nhead-3poss\ntai-kodak=ko\nside-just_one=loc\n‘Their heads are on the same side.’\n[stim38_3:08]\n3This is reminiscent of languages such as Candoshi (isolate, Peru), which describes colours with\nterms that translate as ‘like the feathers of a Milvago bird’ (Surrallés 2016). For Candoshi, it is\nclaimed that these terms only have secondary use as colour terms, and that the language there-\nfore does not really have colour terms. An overarching word ‘colour’ is also lacking. Although\nthe latter is the case for Kalamang as well, and Kalamang colour terms are clearly derived terms,\nthe words mentioned here are used primarily as colour terms. People backtranslate baranggap\nas ‘yellow’, for example, and not as ‘like turmeric’.\n299\n\n\n12 The clause\nTable 12.4: Possible nominal origins of Kalamang colour terms\ncolour term\npossible origin\nwelenggap ‘blue; green’\nwele ‘vegetables’\nkerkap ‘red’\nunknown, perhaps karyak ‘blood’\nbaranggap ‘yellow’\nbarang ‘turmeric’\niriskap ‘white’\niren ‘ripe; white person’\nkuskap ‘black’\nkus ‘piece of charcoal’\n12.4 Non-declarative clauses\nDeclarative clauses were described above. Below, I describe the syntax of the two\nnon-declarative clause types questions (§12.4.1) and imperatives (§12.4.2).\n12.4.1 Interrogative clauses\nInterrogative clauses serve to request information. In this section, I describe four\ntypes of Kalamang interrogative clauses: content questions (§12.4.1.1), polar ques-\ntions (§12.4.1.2), confirmation-seeking questions (§12.4.1.3) and alternative ques-\ntions (§12.4.1.4). All interrogative clauses adhere to the basic Kalamang word or-\nder SOV.\n12.4.1.1 Content questions\nContent questions (also question-word questions, wh-questions or information\nquestions) are formed with the question words listed in §5.8. Question words oc-\ncur in the syntactic position of the argument they are replacing and are typically\nfocused with =a. Thus, in (59), neba ‘what’ occurs in object position, because\nthat is the syntactic position that the question is after. In (60), tamatko ‘where’\ncomes before the verb kos ‘to grow’, just as any locative would. And in (61), na-\nman ‘who’ occurs in subject position. The question posed in the narrative in (61)\nis not answered, whereas for the other two examples the answer is also given.\n(59)\nA: esun\nfather.3poss\nneba=at=a\nwhat=obj=foc\ntanggo=ta\nhold=nfin\nyuwa\nprox\n‘What is his father holding here?’\nB: karajang=at=a\nbasket.obj=foc\ntanggo\nhold\n‘[He’s] holding a basket.’\n[stim4_4:38-44]\n300\n\n\n12.4 Non-declarative clauses\n(60)\nA: ror\ntree\ntamatko=a\nwhere=foc\nkos\ngrow\n‘Where does the tree grow?’\n[stim27_13:55]\nB: ror\ntree\nkir-un=ko\nside-3poss=loc\ntanbes=ko\nright_side=loc\n‘The tree is on his side, on the right side.’\n[stim27_13:57]\n(61)\nnaman=a\nwho=foc\nkat\n2sg.obj\nsirie\nfollow\n‘Who follows you?’\n[narr39_7:50]\nA subtype of content questions are conventionalised questions Kalamang speak-\ners use to greet each other. Upon meeting each other outside or passing by some-\none’s house, one asks either ‘what are you doing’ (example 12.4.1.1) or ‘where are\nyou going/where are you coming from?’ (example 63). These questions have the\nsame syntax as normal content questions. To the question ‘what are you doing?’\none may either answer with a verb marked with progressive =teba, or with the\nphrases ge o or ge mera, indicating that one does not want or feel the need to\nspecify what one is doing.\n(62)\nA: nebara\nwhat.obj.foc\nparuo\ndo\n’What are [you] doing?’\nB: an\n1sg\nmuap=teba\neat=prog\n/\n/\nge\nnothing\no\nemph\n/\n/\nge_mera\nnothing\n‘I’m eating. / Nothing. / Nothing.’\n[overheard]\n(63)\na. ka\n2sg\ntamangga=ta\nwhere.lat=nfin\nbot\ngo\n‘Where are you going?’\n[overheard]\nb. ka\n2sg\ntamangga=ta\nwhere.lat=nfin\nmia/yecie\ncome/return\n‘Where are you coming/returning from?’\n[overheard]\nSee also §17.2 on the initiation and termination of conversations.\n12.4.1.2 Polar questions\nPolar questions, questions which are meant to be affirmed or denied, can be di-\nvided into polar questions with and without a tag. It is common to answer a polar\n301\n\n\n12 The clause\nquestion with a clause. The interjections yor ‘true’ or ge ‘no(t)’ may otherwise\nby used (§17.3).\nPolar questions are most commonly followed by a tag ye ge ‘or not’. (64) shows\na polar question answered in the negative, in this case with an inherent negative\nverb eranun ‘cannot’ (the positive form is the Malay loan bisa ‘can’, see §12.5.4\nbelow).\n(64)\nA: an\n1sg\nmat\n3sg.obj\ngerket\nask\nka\n2sg\nbisa\ncan\nnan\nconsume\nye\nor\nge\nnot\n‘I asked him: “Can you eat or not?”’\nB: ma\n3sg\ntoni\nsay\no\nint\nan\n1sg\nnan-un\nconsume-nmlz\neranun\ncannot\n‘He said: “Oh, I can’t eat.”’\n[narr44_4:46]\nA positive answer to a polar question is given in (65).\n(65)\nA: yuwa\nprox\nme\ntop\npulisi=a\npolice=foc\nwa\nprox\nye\nor\nge\nnot\n‘This one, is this the police or not?’\nB: pulisi=a\npolice=foc\nwa\nprox\n‘This is the police.’\n[stim6_11:24]\nAlternatively, polar questions can be formed without a tag. The clause struc-\nture is the same as in affirmative declarative clauses, but with a different intona-\ntion (see §3.3.3). (66) illustrates a polar question and answer.\n(66)\nA: Ka\nka\n2sg\nterara\nter=at=a\ntea=obj=foc\nlo?\nlo\nwant\n‘Do you want tea?’\nB: An\nan\n1sg\nterara\nter=at=a\ntea=obj=foc\nlo.\nlo\nwant\n‘I want tea. ’\n[elic]\n12.4.1.3 Confirmation-seeking and rhetorical questions\nOther tags may be used to create rhetorical questions, or questions for which\nan affirmative answer is expected. (67) illustrates ge ‘no’ which is used as a\nconfirmation-seeking tag.\n302\n\n\n12.4 Non-declarative clauses\n(67)\nA: wa\nprox\nme\ntop\npulisi=a\npolice=foc\nhukum\npunish\nge\nno\n‘Here the police officer is punishing, right?’\nB: m’m\nyes\npulisi=a\npolice=foc\nhukum\npunish\n‘Yes, the police officer is punishing.’\n[stim6_14:29]\nThe tag e is also used to evoke agreement from the listener (see §5.10 and §17.4).\nE is not only used with questions, and can also be used with declarative clauses\nfor evoking agreement. The question in (68) remains unanswered.\n(68)\nwa\nprox\nme\ntop\nge\nno\ne\ntag\n‘Not this one, right?’\n[stim6_7:24]\nTo ‘right’ is a confirmation-seeking tag (from Malay toh, ultimately from Dutch\ntoch, all with the same meaning), illustrated in (69). It is also used to check\nwhether the listener is still following along, and is often used to mark informa-\ntion that was previously given by the speaker, as in (70). Usually, an answer is\nnot expected. Like the tag e, the use of to is not confined to questions, and can\nbe a confirmation-seeking tag on declaratives as well (§17.4).\n(69)\nwa\nprox\nme\ntop\nnika\nfishing_line\nwa\nprox\nme\ntop\npi\n1pl.incl\nwatko\nprox.loc\nkaniet=et\ntie=irr\nto\nright\n‘This is fishing line, this we tie here, don’t we?’\n[stim15_1:11]\n(70)\ntumun\nchild\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\nper\nwater\nnerunggo\ninside\nto\nright\n‘So that child is in the water, you see?’\n[stim21_0:28]\n12.4.1.4 Alternative questions\nAlternative questions are questions that pose two alternatives to the addressee,\nwho is expected to choose one. They are made with the help of the conjunction\nye ‘or’. In (71), the addressee chooses the second alternative by repeating the\nproposition.\n(71)\nA: ma-tain\n3sg-alone\nkademor\nmad\nye\nor\nsontum=a\nperson=foc\nmat\n3sg.obj\najak\ninvite\n‘Did he get mad on his own or did people invite him?’\n303\n\n\n12 The clause\nB: sontum=a\nperson=foc\nmat\n3sg.obj\najak\ninvite\n‘People invited him.’\n[stim7_29:01]\n12.4.2 Imperative clauses\nImperatives are directive speech acts used for orders and commands (Shopen\n2007b: 303). They are marked with enclitic =te on the predicate. An imperative\nclause can but need not contain a subject (addressee). Compare (72), with subject,\nand (73), without subject.\n(72)\ngoras\ncrow\nmat\n3sg.obj\nsirie\norder\nka\n2sg\nmenyanyi=te\nsing=imp\n‘The crow orders him: “You sing!”’\n[stim1_0:39]\n(73)\nnokidak=te\nbe_silent=imp\n‘Shut up!’\n[conv12_1:20]\nMovement verbs ending in -a (e.g. sara ‘go up’, marua ‘go towards sea’, mia\n‘come’) have imperative forms in -ei, as illustrated in (74) for the imperative form\nof era ‘go up diagonally’. That example, taken from a route description given to\na fictional stranger, also illustrates that imperative forms are not only used for\norders, but also for hortatives.\n(74)\nbo\ngo\nmasikit\nmosque\nmul-un=ka\nside-3poss=lat\nka\n2sg\nse\niam\n[...] uriap\nstreet\nmengga\ndist.lat\nerei\nascend.imp\n‘Past the mosque, you go up to that street.’\n[narr37_0:49]\nGive-constructions, which have no overt verb (§12.2.1.2), are put in the impera-\ntive by adding the imperative enclitic =te to the recipient. Depending on whether\nthe recipient is expressed as a pronoun or as a noun, it may or may not carry bene-\nfactive =ki. If a benefactive enclitic is present, the imperative is added to that, as\nin (75).\n(75)\nArifin\nArifin\nse\niam\nemun=at\nmother.3poss=obj\ntiri\nrun\npareir\nfollow\nsor\nfish\nme\ndist\nseletkon-i\npiece-objqnt\ntete=ki\ngrandfather.mly=ben\n∅=te\ngive=imp\n‘Arifin ran after his mother: “Give a piece of that fish to grandfather!”’\n[conv9_6:00]\n304\n\n\n12.5 Negative clauses\nNegated imperatives, i.e. prohibitive constructions, are described in §12.5.2 be-\nlow and in §14.2.1.3. For the intonation of imperative clauses, see §3.3.3.5.\n12.5 Negative clauses\nThis section describes clausal negation. It starts with a description of standard\nnegation with negator =nin, the negation of declarative verbal main clauses (Mi-\nestamo 2005), in §12.5.1. It then goes on to describe negation in non-declarative\nand non-verbal clauses, in §12.5.2 and §12.5.3. Dedicated negative verbs with the\nmeanings ‘not know’, ‘not like’ and ‘cannot’ are described in §12.5.4. Two neg-\native polarity items are treated in §12.5.5. This account of Kalamang negative\nclauses is an adaptation of a part of Visser (forthcoming).\n12.5.1 Negation of declarative verbal main clauses\nNegation of declarative verbal main clauses (also known as standard negation,\nMiestamo 2005) is achieved by adding the negator =nin to the predicate. Exam-\nple (76) contrasts an affirmative and a negated clause with the stative verb sem\n‘to be afraid’.\n(76)\na. ma\n3sg\nsem\nbe_afraid\n‘She’s afraid.’\n[conv11_2:14]\nb. ma\n3sg\nsem=nin\nbe_afraid=neg\n‘She’s not afraid.’\n[narr40_16:33]\nExamples (77) and (78) show a negated transitive verb and a negated intransi-\ntive stative verb. In both cases, the constituent order of the non-negated coun-\nterpart is the same.\n(77)\nma\n3sg\nyuon=at\nsun=obj\nkonat=nin\nsee=neg\n‘He didn’t see the sun.’\n[stim7_22:55]\n(78)\nwa\nprox\nme\ntop\nmang=nin\nbitter=neg\n‘This one isn’t bitter.’\n[narr34_3:10]\n305\n\n\n12 The clause\nGive-constructions, with a zero morpheme ‘give’, can be negated by adding\n=nin to the zero morpheme, as in (79).\n(79)\nan\n1sg\nme\ntop\nka\n2sg\nan\n1sg\n∅=nin\ngive=neg\no\nemph\n‘Me, you didn’t give me!’\n[conv12_17:43]\nWhen the recipient is a noun instead of a pronoun, the recipient is followed\nby the benefactive enclitic =ki. In a negated clause, the zero morpheme follows\nthe benefactive enclitic, and =nin is attached to the zero morpheme, as illustrated\nin (80).\n(80)\nguru\nteacher\ntok\nyet\ndodon=at\nthing=obj\ndi=tumun=ki\ncaus=child=ben\n∅=nin\ngive=neg\n‘The teacher hasn’t given the children the gift yet.’\n[elic_give_15]\nOn a surface level, it looks as if =nin is cliticised to pronouns and postpositions\nin give-constructions, but underlyingly negation of give-constructions works ex-\nactly the same as other standard verbal negation: by adding =nin to the predicate.\nNegative clauses differ from affirmatives in that they do not allow the same\nverbal marking. The enclitic =kin (§14.2.1.2), used in affirmative clauses for the ex-\npression of volition and imminent situations, is incompatible with negator =nin.\nThis is illustrated in example (81). The range of semantic distinctions that =kin\ncan express is lost, or underspecified, once a clause is negated (‘neutralisation’\nin Miestamo 2016).. Thus, (81b) is ambiguous between a reading that the child\ndoes not want to eat or is not about to eat, and a plain negation of the verb ‘to\neat’, i.e. ‘the child does not eat’. Note that for explicitly expressing ‘not want’, the\nKalamang speaker can use a dedicated expression suka-poss ge, as described in\n§12.5.4.\n(81)\na. * tumun\nchild\nmuap=kin=nin\neat=vol=neg\n‘The child doesn’t want to eat.’\nb.\ntumun\nchild\nmuap=nin\neat=neg\n‘The child doesn’t (want to) eat.’\n[elic_neg_1]\nIrrealis mood, indicated by enclitic =et on the predicate, is compatible with\nnegator =nin. It always gets the reading of a negative conditional, whereas irre-\nalis mood in affirmative clauses is not exclusively used for conditionals (§14.2.1.1,\n15.4).\n306\n\n\n12.5 Negative clauses\n(82)\nki\n2sg\ntok\nyet\nnewer=nin=et\npay=neg=irr\nki\n2pl\nsabua\ntent\nnerungga\ninside.lat\nrat-un\nmove-nmlz\neranun\ncannot\n‘If you haven’t paid yet, you cannot go inside the tent.’\n[narr5_2:18]\nAt least two of the five aspectual markers are compatible with negated verbs,\nwhereby the aspect takes scope over negation. The aspectual word tok ‘yet; still;\nfirst’ (a.k.a. nondum, van der Auwera 1998) can be combined with a negated verb\nto form the meaning ‘not yet’, and iamitive se (sometimes translatable as ‘al-\nready’) takes the meaning ‘not any more’ in negated clauses. For further illustra-\ntion of the interaction of these aspectual markers with negation, see §14.2.2.1.\n12.5.2 Negation in non-declaratives\nContent questions (§12.4.1.1) are negated with negator =nin, as illustrated in (83).\n(83)\nnaman=a\nwho=foc\nkewe=at\nhouse=obj\nkabarat=nin\nsweep=neg\n‘Who doesn’t want to sweep the house?’\n[elic_neg_20]\nPolar questions (§12.4.1.2) are formed by adding ye ge, literally ‘or not’, at the\nend of an affirmative clause, as in (84). Ye ge is neutral in the sense that there\nis no expectation of either a positive or negative answer. Leaving ye ge out but\nkeeping question intonation is possible, but not often encountered.\n(84)\nmu\n3pl\nkat\n2sg.obj\ngonggung\ncall\nter-nan\ntea-consume\nye\nor\nge\nnot\n‘Are they calling you for tea?’\n[conv12_20:16]\nTo express a negative expectation to an answer (as opposed to confirmation-\nseeking, §12.4.1.3), one may use negator =nin. Note that there are no occurrences\nof this type in the natural spoken corpus.\n(85)\nma\n3sg\npasa=at\nrice=obj\nnat=nin\nconsume=neg\n‘Doesn’t he eat rice?’\n[elic_neg_15]\nThere are no occurrences of negated alternative questions.\nProhibitives, the negative counterpart of imperatives (§12.4.2), have a dedi-\ncated construction involving pronominal suffix -mun and clitic =in on the pred-\nicate. Note that a combination of -mun and negator =nin is ungrammatical. Ex-\nample (86) illustrates a prohibitive clause. See also §14.2.1.4.\n307\n\n\n12 The clause\n(86)\nka-mun\n2sg-proh\nkoyal=in\ndisturb=proh\n‘Don’t you disturb!’\n[conv9_10:05]\n12.5.3 Negation in non-verbal clauses\nNon-verbal clauses may have a NP headed by a noun, a demonstrative or a quan-\ntifier as predicate, or a noun inflected with the locative or similative postposition\n(§12.3.1 to §12.3.6). Locative and similative predicates can be negated with nega-\ntor =nin. This also counts for adverbial demonstratives. Predicative NPs may be\nnegated with negator =nin or with clause-final propositional negator ge. Pos-\nsessive and demonstrative clauses must be negated with propositional negator\nge. Quantifiers are not negated. Not-having and negative existential clauses are\nmade with negative existential verb saerak.\n(87) is a negated locative, (88) a negated lative demonstrative, (89) a negated\nanimate locative, (90) a negated similative and (91) a negated manner adverbial.\n(87)\nma\n3sg\newun\nroot.3poss\nnaun-kit=ko=nin\nsoil-inside=loc=neg\n‘Its root is not inside the soil.’\n[narr34_4:58]\n(88)\ntete\ngrandfather\nManggan\nManggan\nmu\n3pl\ntok\nyet\nmengga=nin\ndist.lat=neg\nweinun\ntoo\n‘[I] haven’t yet been to grandfather Manggan’s either.’\n[conv9_24:27]\n(89)\npengalaman\nexperience\nkon\none\nyume\ndist\nsampi\nuntil\nin=konggo=nin\n1pl.excl=an.loc=neg\n‘That experience hasn’t reached us yet.’\n[narr26_15:54]\n(90)\nwise=kap=nin\nlong_time_ago=sim=neg\n‘It’s not like it used to be.’\n[conv9_32:32]\n(91)\nmindi=nin\nlike_that=neg\n‘It’s not like that.’\n[conv7_10:11]\nClauses with a NP as predicate, typically clauses of proper inclusion or ascrip-\ntive clauses, may be negated with negator =nin or with propositional negator ge.\nConsider (92). What the (pragmatic) difference between the two constructions is\nremains for further research.\n308\n\n\n12.5 Negative clauses\n(92)\na. dun-an\ncross.sex.sibling-1sg.poss\nme\ndist\nme\ntop\nguru\nteacher\nge\nnot\n‘That sibling of mine is not a teacher.’\n[elic_neg_26]\nb. ma\n3sg\nme\ntop\nguru=nin\nteacher=neg\n‘He is not a teacher.’\n[elic_neg_26]\nPossessives and demonstratives in predicate function may not be negated with\nnegator =nin, but must be negated with propositional negator ge. This is illus-\ntrated for possessive clauses in (93).\n(93)\na. * don\nthing\nme\ndist\nanggon=nin\n1sg.poss=neg\n‘That stuff isn’t mine.’\n[elic_neg_7]\nb.\ndon\nthing\nme\ndist\nanggon\n1sg.poss\nge\nnot\n‘That stuff isn’t mine.’\n[elic_neg_7]\nWhile the proposition ‘that stuff is mine’ is negated in (93b), non-possession\n(i.e. not-having) is expressed with negative existential saerak.\n(94)\ntumtum-un\nchildren-1pl.excl.poss\nsaerak\nneg.exist\n‘We don’t have children.’\n[narr23_6:35]\nQuantifiers are not negated, but some have negative counterparts. The neg-\native counterpart of tebonggan ‘all’ is negative existential saerak. The negative\ncounterpart of reidak ‘much; many’ is reingge ‘not much; not many’. The latter\ncontains the (prenasalised) morpheme ge ‘no(t)’.\nFinally, existential clauses are negated with negative existential saerak. Exam-\nples (95) and (96) show existential negation. Saerak is the opposite of existential\nmambon, as shown in example (97). It is ungrammatical to combine either mam-\nbon or saerak with negator =nin. Saerak has a slightly more differentiated use\nthan mambon. For non-possession, saerak is obligatory, whereas for affirmative\npossessive clauses mambon only stresses the presence of a possessed item, but is\nnot necessary to express possession.\n(95)\nsor\nfish\nsaerak\nneg_exist\n‘There is no fish.’\n[conv9_0:55]\n309\n\n\n12 The clause\n(96)\nkarena\nbecause\npak\nnail\nsaerak\nneg_exist\nkarek=ki=a\nstring=ins=foc\nkanie\ntie\n‘Because there were no nails [we] tied with string.’\n[narr7_1:03]\n(97)\nutkon\nsome\nkadok-un\ncloth-3poss\nmambon\nexist\nutkon\nsome\nmuin\n3pl.poss\nsaerak\nneg_exist\n‘Some had their cloths, some didn’t have theirs.’\n[narr40_19:28]\nThe aspectual particle se ‘already’ and the aspectual word tok ‘yet; still; first’\ncombine with saerak as illustrated in (98) and (99): they get the meaning ‘not any\nmore’ and ‘not yet’ respectively.\n(98)\nma\n3sg\nnan=et\nconsume=irr\nme\ndist\nme\ntop\ntadon\ncough\nse\niam\nsaerak\nneg_exist\n‘If they drink that, the cough disappears [is not anymore].’\n[narr31_2:57]\n(99)\npitis\nmoney\ntok\nyet\nsaerak\nneg_exist\n‘The money isn’t there yet.’\n[narr45_1:06]\n12.5.4 Dedicated negative verbs\nApart from negative existential saerak (the opposite of existential mambon), de-\nscribed in §12.5.3, there are three inherently negative verbal constructions: suka-\nposs ge ‘not want; not agree’, Verb-nmlz eranun ‘cannot’ and komahal ‘not know’.\nThese meanings are all common among dedicated negative verbs cross-linguis-\ntically (Veselinova 2013). They are listed with their positive counterparts below.\nNegation of any of the verbs described in this section, whether positive or nega-\ntive forms, with negator =nin is ungrammatical. However, the construction suka-\nposs neg ‘to not want; to not agree’ may combine with a predicate negated with\n=nin.\n(100)\na. lo ‘to want; to agree’\nb. =kin volitional\nc. suka-poss V=neg/ge ‘to not want; to not agree’\n(101)\na. bisa ‘can’\nb. eranun ‘cannot’\n(102)\na. gonggin ‘to know’\nb. komahal ‘to not know’\n310\n\n\n12.5 Negative clauses\nSuka-poss Verb=neg is a dedicated negative construction that means ‘to not\nwant; to not agree’. The construction is made with the borrowed verb suka (<In-\ndonesian suka ‘to like’, but not in use with that meaning in Kalamang), nomi-\nnalised by inflection with a possessive suffix and followed by a negated verb. It\ncould be paraphrased as ‘is not of pron’s liking’. The third-person possessive\nsuffix -un can be used for all subjects. A speaker can, however, choose to inflect\nsuka with another person corresponding with the subject, as in (103).\n(103)\nsontum\nperson\nhaus\nthirsty\nba\nbut\nan\n1sg\nsuka-n-an\nlike-n-1sg.poss\nparin=nin\nsell=neg\n‘People are thirsty [keen to buy] but I don’t want to sell.’ [narr42_34:03]\nWhen the predicate is lacking, the construction can be made with ge ‘no’, as\nin (104).\n(104)\ncanam\nman\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\nmat\n3sg.obj\nnarorar\nlead\nba\nbut\nlek\ngoat\nsuka-un\nwant-3poss\nge\nno\n‘That man is leading it, but the goat doesn’t want.’\n[stim31_0:51]\nThe inflections of suka for all persons are given in Table 12.5. Note that there\nis an extra phoneme /n/ between suka and the first-person possessive suffix -an.\nIt is not clear where this /n/ comes from or what it means. It might be epenthetic,\ninserted to prevent the first-person possessive marker from disappearing (with-\nout the /n/, the first-person form would surface as sukangge). See also §3.4.6.2\nfor a discussion of unexplained phonemes on possessed nouns.\nTable 12.5: Inflections of suka-poss V=neg/ge ‘to not want; to not agree’\n1sg\nan suka-n-an V=nin/ge\n2sg\nka suka-ca V=nin/ge\n3sg\nma suka-un V=nin/ge\n1pl.incl\npi suka-pe V=nin/ge\n1pl.excl\nin suka-un V=nin/ge\n2pl\nki suka-ce V=nin/ge\n3pl\nmu suka-un V=nin/ge\nAs for the lexical opposite of ‘not want; not agree’, there is a verb lo ‘to con-\nsent; to like’, but it is rather uncommon. An example is given in (105). Wishes\n311\n\n\n12 The clause\nand desires are more commonly expressed with volitional =kin, which is an irre-\nalis marker that is among other functions used as a volitional marker, see exam-\nple (106). As we have seen in section 12.5.1, volitional =kin and negator =nin are\nincompatible.\n(105)\nan\n1sg\nbo\ngo\nmu\n3sg\net-un=at\ncanoe-3poss=obj\npaning\nask_for\npaning=i\nask_for=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nmu\n3pl\nse\niam\nlo\nconsent\n‘I went to ask for their canoe; after asking, they consented.’ [narr8_0:12]\n(106)\nbal\ndog\nnapikir\nthink\nan\n1sg\nsor=at\nfish=obj\nnat=kin\nconsume=vol\n‘The dog thinks: “I want to eat the fish.”’\n[stim1_0:34]\nIn the pair bisa ‘can’/eranun ‘cannot’, we are dealing with a Malay form again,\nbut this time for the positive form: bisa also means ‘can’ in Malay. But whereas\nbisa in Malay is negated with standard negation marker tidak (tidak bisa ‘can-\nnot’), Kalamang has a dedicated form, eranun. The use of eranun triggers nom-\ninalisation of the negated proposition with -un ‘nmlz’. (This is also the suffix\nthat eranun itself seems to carry, but if that is so, it has lost its meaning.) Eranun\nis clause-final. Consider examples (107) and (108). One could also translate the\nconstruction Verb-nmlz eranun as ‘V-ing isn’t possible’, such that example (108)\ntranslates as ‘toilet-going isn’t possible.’\n(107)\nka\n2sg\nmarua\nmove_seawards\nhukat\nfishing_net\nyume\ndist\nbisa\ncan\n‘Can you go seawards with the fishing net?’\n[conv1_2:56]\n(108)\nning-kabor\nsick-stomach\npasiengga\nto_beach\nbot-un\ngo-nmlz\neranun\ncannot\n‘[If you have] stomachache [you] cannot go to the toilet.’ [conv20_15:58]\nThe pair gonggin ‘to know’/komahal ‘to not know’ is illustrated in (109) and (110).\nNote also the colloquial yeso ‘don’t know’ in (109). This is a clause-initial inter-\njection uttered at high pitch which expresses indignation, and not a verb like\nkomahal.\n(109)\nyeso\ndunno\nka-tain=a\n2sg-alone-foc\ngonggin\nknow\n‘I don’t know, only you know.’\n[conv12_18:43]\n312\n\n\n12.5 Negative clauses\n(110)\nema\nmother\ntamatko\nwhere\neh\nint\nema\nmother\nin=nan\n1pl.excl=too\nkomahal\nnot_know\n‘Where’s mother?’ ‘Eh, mother, we don’t know either.’\n[narr40_5:19]\n12.5.5 Negative polarity items\nKalamang has two negative polarity items: -barak ‘any’ and don kon∼kon ‘any’.\n-barak ‘any’ is a negative polarity item that has to be accompanied by a negated\npredicate or dedicated negative verb, such as konatnin ‘not see’ in (111) or jietnin\n‘not get’ in (112). Som konbarak ‘no-one’ in (113) could be paraphrased as ‘not any\nperson’.\n(111)\nlampur-barak\nlamp-any\nma\n3sg\nkonat=nin\nsee=neg\n‘He didn’t see any lamp.’\n[stim7_29:22]\n(112)\nsairarar\nlobster\nreidak\nmany\nba\nbut\nkon-barak\none-any\nan\n1sg\njiet=nin\nget=neg\n‘There were many lobsters but I didn’t get any.’\n[elic_neg]\n(113)\nsom\nperson\nkon-barak\none-any\nkarajang-un\nwork-nmlz\neranun\ncannot\n‘No-one can do the work.’\n[elic_ind]\nThe same suffix is used with the meanings ‘too’ and ‘even’, in which cases it\nis not a negative polarity item.\nDon kon∼kon ‘any’ (lit ‘thing one∼red’) can be used with a negative verb or\nnegated predicate (example 114), or can be negated itself (example 115). (For in-\ndefinite pronouns, see §8.3.)\n(114)\nma\n3sg\ndon\nthing\nkon∼kon\none∼red\nparuot=nin\ndo=neg\n‘He didn’t do anything.’\n[stim7_25:50]\n(115)\nkian\nwife.1sg.poss\nma\n3sg\nsala-un\nmistake-3poss\ndon\nthing\nkon∼kon=nin\none∼red=neg\n‘My wife’s mistake doesn’t matter.’\n[stim7_16:56]\n313\n\n\n12 The clause\n12.6 Variation in clausal structure\nTwo common patterns of variation apply to Kalamang clausal structure. The first\nis elision of arguments, and the second is reordering of constituents to mark\ntopics and anti-topics. Arguments that are retrievable from the context may be\nelided, especially in dialogues. This is described in §12.6.1. The marking of topic\nand anti-topic is described in §12.6.2.\n12.6.1 Elision of arguments\nIn natural spoken Kalamang, when retrievable from the context, either the sub-\nject or the object may be elided, depending on which stays the same across\nclauses or utterances.\nAn example of subject elision is given in (116). The first clause contains both\nsubject and object. The object and predicate are repeated in the next clause as an\ninstance of tail-head linkage (§15.1.3). In the second and third clause, the subject\nis elided.\n(116)\nMu\nmu\n3pl\nhe\nse\niam\nerat\net=at\ncanoe=obj\ndimarua.\ndi=marua\ncaus=move_seawards\nErat\net=at\ncanoe=obj\ndimarua,\ndi=marua\ncaus=move_seawards\nkaiat\nkai=at\nfirewood=obj\ndisara.\ndi=sara\ncaus=ascend\n‘They moved the canoe towards the water. Moved the canoe towards the\nwater, put the firewood on.’\n[narr19_1:32]\nSubject elision is also possible when the subject has been mentioned by an-\nother speaker. Consider the following dialogue, where speaker B responds to\nspeaker A eliding the transitive subject (the first response of speaker B) and the\nintransitive subject (the second response of speaker B).\n(117)\nA: taman-un\nfriend-3poss\nmat\n3sg.obj\najak=te\ninvite=nfin\nkasi\ngive\nminuman\ndrink\n‘His friends invite him, give him drinks.’\nB: mat\n3sg.obj\nnacoba\ntry\n‘[They] try him’\n314\n\n\n12.6 Variation in clausal structure\nA: nacoba\ntry\nto\ntag\nma\n3sg\ntoni\nsay\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\ntobat\nrepent\n‘Try, right, he says he repents.’\nB: tobat\nrepent\nyor\ntrue\nse\niam\nkoyet\nfinish\n‘[He] repents, true, finished.’\n[stim6_24:05]\nIn procedural descriptions, the subject may be elided throughout the whole\ntext, being generic or non-referential (Schapper 2014: 156). Consider the begin-\nning of the monologue of a woman explaining how to weave baskets in (118).\nThere is no subject, and throughout the whole explanation she does not intro-\nduce one.\n(118)\nkiem=at\nbasket=obj\nparuot=kin\nmake=vol\n[...]\n[...]\ngous=at\nbamboo=obj\npotman\ncut\n‘Making a basket. [One] cuts the bamboo.’\n[narr11_0:04]\nThe first-person inclusive pronoun also occurs in a generic sense. In some\nstretches of discourse, it occurs once every now and then, being left out for a few\nclauses in a row, as in (119), a description of how traditional houses were built.\nHere, pi ‘we’ does not refer to a specific group of people building a house on a\nspecific occasion, but is a generic pronoun referring to whoever used to build\nhouses the traditional way.\n(119)\nKewe\nkewe\nhouse\nopa\nopa\nana\nme\nme\ntop\npi\npi\n1pl.incl\nhe\nse\niam\nusar.\nusar\nerect\n‘We erected that house.’\nUsari\nusar=i\nerect=plnk\nkoyet\nkoyet\nfinish\npi\npi\n1pl.incl\nhe\nse\niam\nmulai\nmulai\nbegin\npadenat\npaden=at\npole=obj\nusar,\nusar\nerect\n‘After erecting we started erecting the poles,’\nterus\nterus\nthen\nlarat\nlat=at\nplank.mly=obj\nnapasan,\nnapasan\nput.up\n‘then [we] put up the planks,’\nkarena\nkarena\nbecause\npak\npak\nnail\nsaerak\nsaerak\nneg_exist\nkarekia\nkarek-ki=a\nstring-ins=foc\nkanie.\nkanie\ntie\n‘because there were no nails [we] tied with string.’\n[narr6_0:29]\n315\n\n\n12 The clause\nAn example of object elision is given in (120). The object, karek ‘string’, is\nmentioned in the first clause and elided in the second.\n(120)\nMa\nma\n3sg\nkareat\nkarek=at\nstring=obj\ntolma\ntolma\ncut\nto,\nto\ntight\nma\nma\n3sg\ngiergi\ngier=ki\nteeth=ins\ntolma.\ntolma\ncut\n‘She cut string, right, she cut [it] with her teeth.’\n[narr40_4:27]\nAnother example comes from a narrative of which the object is tobacco, but\nonly has tobacco in object position three times in the beginning, given in (121).\n(121)\nSu\nsu\nalready\ntabaiat\ntabai=at\ntobacco=obj\nkasi\nkasi\nmake\nkaluar,\nkaluar\ngo_out\nnene\nnene\ngrandmother\nmu.\nmu\n3pl\nTabaiat\ntabai=at\ntobacco=obj\nkasi\nkasi\nmake\nkaluarkan\nkaluarkan\ngo_out\nan\nan\n1sg\nme\nme\ntop\nkan\nkan\nint.mly\ntabaiat\ntabai=at\ntobacco=obj\nkosomnin.\nkosom=nin\nsmoke=neg\n‘Already got out the tobacco, grandmother and those. Got out the tobacco,\nyou know, as for me, I don’t smoke, you know.’\n[narr16_0:15]\nThroughout the rest of the story there is reference to tobacco, or specific pack-\nages of tobacco that are introduced later, but the object is always elided. Object\nelision is not limited to narratives only; it can occur anywhere in Kalamang dis-\ncourse.\n(122)\njadi\nso\nmu\n3pl\nse\niam\nkasi\nmake\nkeluar=ta\ngo_out=nfin\nme\ntop\n‘So they already got [the tobacco] out.’\n[narr16_0:22]\n(123)\nkodaet\none_more\nkoi\nthen\nsarat=et\nascend=irr\nmayilma\nflip\nkomet=et\nlook=irr\n‘Then one more came up, flipped [the tobacco] and looked [at it].’\n[narr16_0:38]\n(124)\nan\n1sg\nse\niam\nkuru\nbring\nbara\ndescend\n‘I brought [the tobacco] down.’\n[narr16_2:05]\n(125)\nmu\n3pl\nkasetma\nopen\nkasetman=i\nopen=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nmu\n3pl\nse\niam\nkies\nwrap\n‘They opened [the tobacco pouch], after opening [it], they rolled [a\ncigarette].’\n[narr16_2:05]\n316\n\n\n12.6 Variation in clausal structure\n(126)\nmu\n3pl\nse\niam\npotman=i\ncut=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nmier\n3du\nyap\ndivide\n‘After cutting [the tobacco pouch] they two divided [it].’\n[narr16_2:56]\n12.6.2 Reordering arguments\nThe reordering of arguments is used to mark topics and anti-topics. Topics can\nbe marked by fronting or by doubling the subject NP, and anti-topics are at the\nright edge of the clause.\nA topic is “an entity that the speaker identifies, about which information [...] is\nthen given” (Krifka & Musan 2012: 27). A topic may be marked by fronting the top-\nicalised constituent. In addition, it may be marked with topic marker me (§16.1). If\nthe constituent is a subject, or a recipient in a give-construction, it is repeated in\nthe main clause. This kind of fronting is only found with first-person pronoun an.\nA fronted subject is exemplified in (127) and a fronted recipient in (128). Fronted\nobjects, in contrast, are not repeated in the main clause. (129) has a fronted object\nwith topic marker me, and (130) has a fronted object without topic marker. Topic\nmarker me is described in §16.1. Focused constituents can be marked with focus\nmarker =a or =ba. The constituents remain in their usual position in the clause.\nFocus is described in §16.2.\n(127)\nan\n1sg\nme\ntop\nan\n1sg\nkona\nthink\nwatko\nprox.loc\nkomana=et\nskewer=irr\nkanggir-un=ko\neye-3poss=loc\nto\nright\n‘As for me, I think you skewer it here, in the eye, right?’\n[stim15_4:32]\n(128)\nan\n1sg\nme\ntop\nka\n2sg\nan\n1sg\n∅=nin\ngive=neg\no\nemph\n‘Me, you didn’t give me.’\n[conv12_17:44]\n(129)\nkiun=at\nwife.3poss=obj\nme\ntop\nma\n3sg\ngonggung=te\ncall=nfin\nma\n3sg\nkirarun=ko\nside=loc\n‘His wife he calls, she sits beside him.’\n[stim7_28:27]\n(130)\nMujim=at\nMujim=obj\nin\n1pl.excl\ntok\nstill\nnawanggar\nwait\n‘For Mujim we’re still waiting.’\n[narr1_1:21]\nAnother way to topicalise a subject is by apposition of a more specific NP to\na more general NP. This is done by apposing a pronoun and a noun, where the\nnoun specifies the referent of the pronoun. There is no pause between the two\nNPs. (131) shows the apposition of esa main ‘his father’ to the subject ma ‘he’.\n317\n\n\n12 The clause\nThese constructions have been double-checked with two speakers to confirm\nthat these are actual constructions and not repairs. In this example, the subject\nNPs are pronounced under one intonation contour.\n(131)\n[ma]NP\n3sg\n[esa\nfather\nmain]NP\n3poss\nafukat-sara\navocado-ascend\n‘He, his father climbed the avocado tree.’\n[stim34_0:16]\nIn (132) there are even three juxtaposed NPs.\n(132)\n[ma]NP\n3sg\n[tatanina\nwoman\nopa]NP\nana\n[ma]NP\n3sg\nbuok\nbetel_nut\nkuru\nbring\nmia\ncome\n‘She, that woman, she came and brought betel nut just now.’\n[conv12_12:23]\nAnti-topics (AT) are constituents at the right edge of the clause, which serve to\nspecify or reactivate a topic (Lambrecht 1981). In (133), the subject of the clause,\ntumun opa me ‘that child’, is specified in the postposed NP. It is also a reactivation\nof the topic, which had been mentioned a few turns earlier. Note that the anti-\ntopic is also marked with anaphoric demonstrative opa and topic marker me.\nIn (134), the object pesawat nunat ‘plane sounds’, which was left out in the main\nclause, is mentioned in the postposed NP. Planes but not their sounds had been\nmentioned before in the narrative, so the specification at the end of the clause\nserves to indicate what people went to listen to.\n(133)\nma\n3sg\nminggalot-un=ko\nbedroom-3poss=loc\n[tumun\nchild\nopa\nana\nme]AT\ntop\n‘He’s in his bed, that child.’\n[stim20_0:34]\n(134)\nmu\n3pl\nutkon\nsome\nse\niam\nbo\ngo\nkeluan\nlisten\nto\nright\n[pesawat\nplane\nnun=at]AT\nsound=obj\n‘Some went to listen, right, to the plane sounds.’\n[narr40_12:14]\n318\n\n\n13 Complex predicates\nIn Kalamang, complex predicates are monoclausal predicates with more than one\nverb or verb-like element with a shared argument. Verbs in complex predicates\nneed not be contiguous: the verbs may be separated by an object and an indirect\nobject. They are of four morphosyntactic types, which are described in order of\nfrequency: complex predicates connected by predicate linker =i (§13.1), complex\npredicates with one dependent verb (§13.2), complex source, goal and location\npredicates (§13.3) and serial verb constructions (§13.4). Serial verb constructions\n(SVCs) differ from the other types in that they are not linked by a predicate linker\nand that the verbs are independent That is, they can be the single predicate in\na clause, and they can be inflected by all mood, aspect and modality markers\navailable in Kalamang. This is a relatively minor type in Kalamang. Complex\npredicates are distinct from the clause-combining strategies described in §15.1.\nAll elements in complex predicates, being part of the same clause, have the\nsame mood, aspect and polarity, which is only marked on the last verb. In other\nwords, there can only be one instance of the same mood, aspect or modality\nmarking per clause. An example of shared mood with the plural imperative is\ngiven in (1a), contrasted with a biclausal example in (1b). An example with a\ncomplex predicate with predicate linker =i is given in (2).\n(1)\na. jie\nget\nbo=tar\ngo=pl.imp\n‘Go get!’\n[conv9_22:57]\nb. jie=tar\nget=pl.imp\nkuet=tar\nbring=pl.imp\n‘Get and bring!’\n[conv9_22:58]\n(2)\nmena\nlater\nka\n2sg\nnasuarik=i\ntuck=plnk\nbarei\ndescend.imp\n‘Then you tuck [it] down!’\n[conv17_40:20]\nAlso in non-contiguous predicates, mood, aspect and negation can only be\nexpressed once. The imperative marker in (3) has scope over the entire predicate.\n\n\n13 Complex predicates\n(3)\nmelelu\nsit\nwele\nvegetables\nyuwa=at\nprox=obj\nnarari=te\nslice=imp\n‘Sit and slice these vegetables!’\n[elic_svc_33]\nNon-verbal predicates like NPs marked with a lative or locative postposition\ncan also be part of complex predicates, as is shown by the prohibitive enclitic =in\non the locative pasierko ‘in the sea’, which has scope over a predicate which also\ncontains the verb gareor ‘to dump’.\n(4)\nan\n1sg\ntoni\nsay\nsor-kang\nfish-bone\nme\ntop\nki-mun\n2pl-proh\ngareor=i\ndump=plnk\npasier=ko=in\nsea=loc=proh\neh\ntag\n‘I said: “Those fish bones, hey, don’t you guys dump [them] in the sea!”’\n[conv10_14:05]\nShared aspect is illustrated here with progressive =teba. (5a) is a complex pred-\nicate; (5b) contains two clauses with two predicates.\n(5)\na. emumur\nwoman.pl\nmambaran\nstand\ngarung∼garung=teba\nchat∼prog=prog\n‘The women stand chatting.’\n[elic_svc_37]\nb. emumur\nwoman.pl\nmambara=teba\nstand=prog\ngarung∼garung=teba\nchat∼prog=prog\n‘The women are standing and [they] are chatting.’\n[elic_svc_39]\nFinally, consider an example of a negated predicate, where the negator is marked\non the second verb masara ‘move towards land’ in (6).\n(6)\nkalau\nif\nmat\n3sg.obj\nkuru\nbring\nmasarat=nin=et\nmove_landwards=neg=irr\nme\ntop\npi\n1pl.incl\nbarat=nin\ndescend=neg\n‘If [they] don’t bring him towards land, we don’t go down.’ [conv7_4:22]\n13.1 Complex predicates with predicate linker =i\nThe most common type of complex predicate is made with predicate linker =i\non all but the last word in the construction. They are monoclausal constructions\nwith more than one independent verb or verb-like element and at least one shared\nargument. With the exception of ‘until’-constructions with bo ‘to go’ (§13.1.4), no\n320\n\n\n13.1 Complex predicates with predicate linker =i\narguments can come between the elements in these predicates. I present different\nsemantic types roughly in order of frequency of occurrence.\nThe use of predicate linker =i is ungrammatical with complex predicates with\ndependent verbs (§13.2), directional verbs (§13.3) and bo ‘to go’ (§13.4.2.1) as the\nfirst verb.\n13.1.1 Aspectual serialisation with koyet ‘to be finished’\nCompletive aspect, discussed in greater detail in §14.2.2.3, is made with help of\nthe verb koyet ‘to be finished’. This is an independent verb, as illustrated in (7).\n(7)\nkai\nfirewood\ntok\nyet\nkoyet=nin\nfinish=neg\n‘The firewood isn’t finished yet.’\n[narr19_6:38]\nCompletive aspect is expressed with the construction Verb=i koyet, where =i\nis attached to a matrix verb of any kind. At the same time as being a complex\npredicate, this construction sequentially links the state, event or action in the first\nclause (which has to be completed) to a state, event or action in the next clause\n(which was started after completion of the first). Multiple monoclausal Verb=i\nkoyet constructions may be strung together in this way. There are no restrictions\non the first verb in the predicate. Both verbs in the predicate share the same\narguments. (8) shows the construction with a transitive verb in a narrative about\nmaking a canoe from a tree trunk. (9) is taken from the end of that narrative, and\nshows the construction on an intransitive verb. Although it is uncommon, even\nthe verb koyet ‘to be finished’ may be used as the matrix verb in this construction,\nas in (10).\n(8)\newun=at\nstem=obj\npotman=i\ncut=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nkoi\nthen\ntim-un=at\ntip-3poss=obj\npotma\ncut\n‘After cutting the stem, [I] cut its tips.’\n[narr42_0:17]\n(9)\nma\n3sg\nyor=i\nright=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\n[...]\n‘After it is right, [...].’\n[narr42_15:00]\n(10)\nkoyet=i\nfinish=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nkawarman\nfold\n‘After finishing, fold.’\n[narr11_2:29]\n321\n\n\n13 Complex predicates\nIt is also possible, though not often employed, to make aspectual serialisation\nwith two verbs before koyet ‘to be finished’, as in (11). There is not enough data\nto determine the relationship between the two verbs marked with =i.\n(11)\ntena-un=at\nkeel-3poss=obj\ntawaran=i\nchop=plnk\nmanyor=i\nadjust=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\n[...]\n[...]\n‘After chopping the keel straight, [...].’\n[narr42_3:01]\nLastly, aspectual serialisation is also used with locatives, which are NPs carry-\ning locative postposition =ko functioning as predicates (§6.4.7).\n(12)\nos=at\nsand=obj\ndi=timbang-un=ko=i\ncaus=forehead-3poss=loc=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\n[...]\n[...]\n‘After putting sand on her forehead, [...].’\n[conv8_3:02]\nBecause this construction has a clause-linking function, it cannot be modified\nfor other moods, aspects or modes. It cannot be negated. The construction also\nhas related properties as a quantifier, meaning ‘all; until finished’ (§8.2).1\n13.1.2 Motion\nComplex motion predicates have a motion verb as the second verb, and a manner\nor other verb as the first verb. The second verb is very commonly a directional\nverb (§11.1.2.2). The verbs share all arguments.\n(13) illustrates a manner and directional verb, (14) illustrates a manner and\nother motion verb, and (15) shows the verb dorma ‘to pull out’ with a directional\nverb.\n(13)\ntumtum\nchildren\nkaruok\nthree\nmarmar=i\nwalk=plnk\nmia\ncome\n‘Three children come walking.’\n[stim31_1:48]\n(14)\nsetela\nafter\nma\n3sg\nyie=te\nswim=nfin\nan=a\n1sg=foc\nmat\n3sg.obj\nyal=i\npaddle=plnk\nparei∼pareir\ndistr∼follow\n‘After he [started] swimming I followed him paddling.’\n[narr44_1:28]\n1The relation between aspect and universal quantification is discussed for Timor-Alor lan-\nguages in Huber & Schapper (2014). See also Unterladstetter (2020: 341): “Completives differ\nfrom finish semantics in that the endpoint of the event is not reached by some actor wilfully\nending it, but because a totality of referents is affected”. In §14.2.2.3, I argue that Kalamang =i\nkoyet does both.\n322\n\n\n13.1 Complex predicates with predicate linker =i\n(15)\nar-un\nstem-3poss\nwa-rip\nprox-qlt\nye\nor\ndorman=i\npull_out=plnk\nsara\nascend\n‘Pull up [from the soil] a stem about as big as this.’\n[narr31_3:22]\nThese constructions are also very common with (y)ecie ‘to return’, making\ncomplex centrifugal motion constructions, as illustrated in (16).\n(16)\nmat\n3sg.obj\ndan=i\nbury=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nse\niam\necien=i\nreturn=plnk\nsara\nascend\n‘After burying him, [we] went back up.’\n[narr2_0:34]\nAs with aspectual serialisation (§13.1.1), other complex predicates with predi-\ncate linker =i may also contain more than one verb. For example, in the manner\n+ direction construction in (17), both manner verbs are marked with =i. Again,\nthere is not enough data in the corpus to determine patterns in the (semantic)\nrelationship between the verbs in the construction.\n(17)\nnasirang=i\npour=plnk\nmon∼mon=tun=i\nquick∼ints=ints=plnk\nran\ngo\n‘Go pour quickly.’\n[conv10_14:37]\nNouns carrying -pis ‘side’ (§6.1.2.1) are also inflected with =i when they modify\na verb.\n(18)\nkon\none\nse\niam\nmarmar=i\nwalk=plnk\ntalep-pis=i\noutside-side=plnk\nbot\ngo\n‘One is walking outside.’\n[stim14_2:33]\nThis is also the case for NPs carrying similative postposition =kap, like ododa\n‘gado-gado’ (a dish) in (19). Most colour terms end in -gap or -kap and are prob-\nably derived from nouns marked with similative =kap (§12.3.6), but are treated\nas monomorphemic. They can also be inflected with =i and become part of a\ncomplex predicate, like baranggap ‘yellow’ in (20).\n(19)\nododa=kap=i\ngado_gado=sim=plnk\nparuot=et\nmake=irr\n‘Make [it] like gado-gado.’\n[conv15_5:20]\n(20)\nwa\nprox\nme\ntop\npaden\npole\ntaikon\none_side\nbaranggap=i\nyellow=plnk\nsaran\nascend\n‘This one, a yellow pole goes down on one side.’\n[stim39_1:27]\nThree manner adverbials, described in §14.3.1, end in /i/, but it is not clear at\nthis point whether this is predicate linker =i.\n323\n\n\n13 Complex predicates\n13.1.3 Action and result\nComplex action and result predicates express an action in the first verb and a\nresult in the second verb. Like resultative SVCs, §13.4.2.4, they are rare. One nat-\nural spoken corpus example is (21) with the verbs komain ‘to stab’ and rua ‘to\nkill’. The object of the first verb is the subject of the second, such that the verbs\nin the construction do not share any arguments. In (22), it is unclear exactly\nwhether campur ‘to mix’ is the result obtained by chopping two ingredients and\nthe same time, or whether this should be read as two sequential events. The same\nconversation also contains the construction kawareni campur ‘grate mix’.\n(21)\no\nint\nmu\n3pl\nse\niam\nkaka=at\nolder_sibling=obj\nkomain=i\nstab=plnk\nrua\nkill\n‘O, they killed the older brother (by stabbing).’\n[narr24_3:51]\n(22)\nmier-gan=at\n3du-all=obj\nparuo\nmake\ndakdak=i\nchop=plnk\ncampur\nmix\n‘Mix both of them (by chopping).’\n[conv20_13:24]\nA few other examples of action-result constructions with predicate linker =i\nwere elicited with help of the cut and break clips (Bohnemeyer et al. 2001). Here,\nthe resultative function of the constructions is clear. Consider (23) and (24).\n(23)\nma\n3sg\nkarek=at\nstring=obj\nramien=i\npull=plnk\nmeraraouk\ncause_to_snap\n‘He causes the string to snap (by pulling it).’\n[elic_cut_28]\n(24)\npue=i\nhit=plnk\nparair\nbreak\n‘[Of a clip where a pot is smashed with a hammer:] break (by hitting).’\n[elic_cut_39]\n13.1.4 Durative and ‘until’-constructions\nReduplicated verbs marked with predicate linker =i occur in two contexts. The\nfirst is with reduplicated verbs that indicate durativity, followed by a construc-\ntion with ‘until’ which indicates the result of the action. The ‘until’-construction\n(with help of bo ‘to go’) may (example 25) or may not (example 26) be made in\na separate clause. The second is in constructions with verbs that indicate dura-\ntivity, but without an explicitly linked action (example 28), or with an implied\n‘until’-construction (example 27). The verbs are typically lengthened (§3.3.2), as\nindicated in (28).\n324\n\n\n13.1 Complex predicates with predicate linker =i\n(25)\nkit-kadok=at\ntop-side=obj\nparuon=i\nmake=plnk\nparuon=i\nmake=plnk\nbo\ngo\nkoyet\nfinish\n‘[We] made the top-side until [it was] finished.’\n[narr7_2:45]\n(26)\nkuar=i\ncook=plnk\nkuar=i\ncook=plnk\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nbo\ngo\nruon\ncooked\n‘Cooking, cooking, until it’s cooked.’\n[narr8_2:10]\n(27)\nmier\n3du\nse\niam\nmu=at\n3pl=obj\nkomain=i\nstab=plnk\nkomain=i\nstab=plnk\nkon\none\nse\niam\ntur\nfall\n‘They stabbed and stabbed [until] one fell.’\n[narr28_9:10]\n(28)\ninier\ninier\n1du.ex\nse\nse\niam\nmelalu\nmelelu\nsit\nraːwi\nrap=i\nlaugh=plnk\nraːwi\nrap=i\nlaugh=plnk\n‘We sat laughing, laughing.’\n[narr44_22:46]\nThe ‘until’-constructions with bo ‘to go’ illustrated in (25) and (26) are also\noften found with distal manner demonstrative mindi and another verb, marked\nwith predicate linker =i. The order is Verb=plnk + ‘like that’ + ‘go’ (example 29).\nThe construction can be elaborated with mendak, a demonstrative form probably\nderived from distal demonstrative me and clitic =tak ‘just’, meaning ‘just like\nthat’ (§10.2.2.4). The ‘until’-construction then takes the form mendak=i + mindi\n+ bo (example 30). See §10.2.2.4 for a discussion of the uses of the distal manner\ndemonstrative mindi.\n(29)\nkaruar=i\nsmoke_dry=plnk\nmindi\nlike_that\nbo\ngo\nkararak\ndry\nkoi\nthen\nmasan\ndry_in_sun\n‘We dry [on a rack above the fire] until it’s dry, then we dry in the sun.’\n[narr11_2:50]\n(30)\nmu\n3pl\nko=melelu\nappl=sit\nmendak=i\njust_like_that=plnk\nmindi\nlike_that\nbo\ngo\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nnasuk=i\ngo_backwards=plnk\nsaran\nascend\n‘They sit on it until it [the haemorrhoids] has gone back up.’ [narr36_0:53]\nThe corpus also includes ‘until’-constructions with Austronesian loans like\nsampe ‘until’ or selama ‘as long as’ preceded by a verb marked with predicate\nlinker =i.\n325\n\n\n13 Complex predicates\n13.1.5 With give-constructions\nGive-constructions (§12.2.1.2) are made with a zero morpheme ‘give’. They may\nand frequently do occur without any other verb in the clause. However, they\nalso occur in complex predicates with predicate linker =i. The verb marked with\n=i precedes the recipient. The zero morpheme ‘give’ comes after the recipient,\nwhich makes these discontinuous complex predicates. The verbs only share their\nsubject, and the recipient comes between the two verbs. The theme (pandanus\nleaf in the first example and fish in the second) is the direct object of both verbs.\n(31)\nnaman=a\nwho=foc\npadanual=at\npandanus=obj\nrep=i\nget=plnk\nka\n2sg\n∅\ngive\n‘Who got pandanus [leaf] and gave it to you?’\n[conv17_23:37]\n(32)\nan\n1sg\ntoni\nsay\nkuru\nbring\nma\nmove_landwards\nyap=i\ndivide=plnk\nsontum=ki\nperson=ben\n∅\ngive\n‘I said bring it here and divide it among people.’\n[conv19_8:42]\nLike with other types of complex predicates with predicate linker =i, we also\nfind multiple verbs marked with =i in give-constructions. Consider (33). As for\nthe other types, there is not enough data to systematically analyse the relation-\nship among the =i-marked verbs.\n(33)\nkalau\nif\nsontum\nperson\nnakal-un\nhead-3poss\nning=et,\nill=irr\nmet\ndist\nme\ntop\nkulun=at,\nskin=obj\nkawaren=i\ngrate=plnk\nnaramas=i\nsqueeze=plnk\nmu\n3pl\n∅=ta\ngive=nfin\nmu\n3pl\nnan=et\nconsume=irr\n‘If a person has a headache, the skin of that [kawalawalan], grate,\nsqueeze and give [it] to them and they drink [it].’\n[narr36_1:18]\n13.1.6 With become-constructions\nThe corpus contains three examples of complex predicates consisting of a noun\ninflected with predicate linker =i, followed by ra ‘to become’. An example with\nmun ‘lime’ is given in (34). The other examples are with lempuang ‘island’ and\nyar ‘stone’.\n(34)\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nmun=i\nlime=plnk\nra\nbecome\n‘He became a lime.’\n[narr23_3:40]\n326\n\n\n13.2 Complex predicates with dependent verbs\n13.2 Complex predicates with dependent verbs\nAll four Kalamang dependent verbs occur in complex predicates. These verbs\ncannot be negated or inflected for e.g. aspectual and modal categories. Two of\nthe dependent verbs (kuru ‘bring’ and bon ‘bring’) occur as the first verb in the\nconstruction, and one (eranun ‘cannot; not be possible’) occurs as the second verb\nin the construction. Toni can occur in both positions. As the first verb, it means\n‘want’, and as the second verb, it means ‘say’ or ‘think’.\n13.2.1 With kuru ‘bring’\nThe independent verb kuet ‘to bring’, illustrated in (35), is only rarely combined\nwith other verbs into a complex predicate, and is then always marked with predi-\ncate linker =i, as in (36). It is also used in give-constructions, which have the zero\nmorpheme ‘give’, as in (37).\n(35)\nka\n2sg\nnene\ngrandmother\nming-un\noil-3poss\nyuwa=at\nprox=obj\nkuet=et\nbring=irr\n‘You bring this oil of granny.’\n[conv12_2:21]\n(36)\nbolon\nlittle\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\ntok\nfirst\nkuet=i\nbring=plnk\nran\nmove\n‘First bring over that little bit.’\n[conv9_9:41]\n(37)\nkuet=i\nbring=plnk\nma\n3sg\n∅\ngive\n‘Bring him.’\n[elic_i19_4]\nHowever, there is a dependent verb kuru ‘bring’ which occurs as the first verb\nin complex predicates expressing transfer and motion. Kuru ‘bring’ cannot be\nused independently, and never carries any morphology. The most common con-\nstruction is with a directional verb (§11.1.2.2), illustrated in (38), or another verb\nexpressing motion, such as luk ‘come’ in (39).\n(38)\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nmara\nmove_landwards\nadik-un=at\nyounger_sibling-3poss=obj\nkuru\nbring\nmarua\nmove_seawards\n‘He came towards land and [he] brought his brother towards sea.’\n[narr28_12:46]\n327\n\n\n13 Complex predicates\n(39)\nin\n1pl.excl\nse\niam\nkuru\nbring\nluk\ncome\net=at\ncanoe=obj\n‘We brought [it] back, the canoe.’\n[narr14_4:42]\n(40) has three verbs: dependent verb kuru ‘bring’, a directional verb ra ‘go’ and\nthe zero morpheme ‘give’. (41) is similar, except that the recipient is a NP marked\nwith benefactive =ki.\n(40)\nkawir-un=atT\nhat-3poss=obj\nkuruV1\nbring\nraV2\ngo\nmaR\n3sg\n∅V3\ngive\n‘[They] bring him his hat.’\n[stim30_1:48]\n(41)\nkaling=at=aT\nfish.hook=obj=foc\nka\n2sg\nkuruV1\nbring\nmaruaV2\nmove_seawards\nsorR\nfish\n∅V3=ki\ngive=ben\n‘Fish hooks, you bring them to sea to give them to the fish!’\n[conv10_10:50]\nOtherwise, kuru ‘bring’ is frequently combined with bo ‘go’ and a location\nmarked with the locative postposition =ko (indicating goal, example 42), with\njust a location marked with the locative (also indicating goal, as in 43), or with\na lative and a motion verb (indicating source, example 44). See §13.3.1 for more\ncomplex predicates expressing source, goal or location.\n(42)\nma\n3sg\nkuru\nbring\nbo\ngo\nror\ntree\nkeit=ko\ntop=loc\n‘He brought [it] up to the tree.’\n[stim3_0:19]\n(43)\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nan=at\n1sg=obj\nkuru\nbring\nlaut=ko\nsea=loc\n‘She brought me to the sea.’\n[narr26_7:42]\n(44)\nmu\n3pl\nkuru\nbring\nrumasakit=ka\nhospital=lat\nsara\nascend\n‘They brought [him] up to the hospital.’\n[conv7_3:22]\n13.2.2 With bon ‘bring’\nThe dependent verb bon ‘bring’ (possibly related to comitative postposition =bon,\n§6.4.3) occurs as the first verb in a complex predicate in combination with a\nmotion verb like tiri ‘to run’ (example 45), rep ‘to get’, marmar ‘to walk’, bo ‘to\ngo’, bara ‘to descend’ (example 46) or sara ‘to ascend’.\n328\n\n\n13.2 Complex predicates with dependent verbs\n(45)\ntumun\nchild\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\nsara\nascend\nbo\ngo\nrusa\ndeer\nsuor-un\nantler-3poss\nkeit-un=ko\ntop-3poss=loc\nma\n3sg\nmat\n3sg.obj\nbon\nbring\ntiri\nrun\n‘That child goes up the deer’s antlers, he brings him running.’\n[stim20_4:43]\n(46)\nDesi\nDesi\nse\niam\nnawas=te\ncarry=nfin\nmengga\ndist.lat\nbon\nbring\nbara\ndescend\n‘Desi came down carrying [the child], bringing it down from there.’\n[conv11_5:50]\nWhile kuru ‘bring’ is a generic bring-verb, bon ‘bring’ can only be used for\nthings that are carried by the subject (and not, for example, escorted).\n13.2.3 With toni ‘say; think; want’\nThe dependent verb toni ‘say; think; want’ is used with the meaning ‘say; think’\nas the second verb in complex predicates in combination with verbs expressing\nspeech, thought, or sensation, such as taruo ‘to say’, as illustrated in (47). Other\nverbs accompanied by toni are gerket ‘to ask’, narasa ‘to feel’ and konawaruo ‘to\nforget’. More examples are given in §15.2.\n(47)\nkiun=a\nwife-3poss=foc\ntaruo\nsay\ntoni\nsay\nmu=nan\n3pl=too\nse\niam\nma\nmove_seawards\ngo-un=at\nplace-3poss=obj\nruon\ndig\nWith the meaning ‘want’ (discussed in detail in §14.2.1.2), toni can be the first\nverb in a complex predicate, without any restriction on the semantics of the other\nverb. An example with bara ‘to descend’ is given in (48).2\n(48)\nlusi\neagle\ntoni\nwant\nbara\ndescend\nmat\n3sg.obj\nkonggelem=kin\ngrab=vol\n‘The eagle wants to descend and grab him.’\n[stim20_4:21]\n2It is unclear whether toni ‘want’ can be used without volitional =kin (§14.2.1.2). The corpus\ninstances of toni followed by a verb that is not marked with =kin are ambiguous between the\n‘want’ and the ‘say; think’ reading.\n329\n\n\n13 Complex predicates\n13.2.4 With eranun ‘cannot’\nThe dedicated negative verb eranun ‘cannot; to not be possible’ is not a full verb:\nit cannot be inflected for mood and aspect. Moreover, it must always be preceded\nby another verb. This verb is nominalised with -un, such as karajang ‘to work’\nin (49). For a further discussion of this construction, see §12.5.4.\n(49)\nsom\nperson\nkon-barak\none-any\nkarajang-un\nwork-nmlz\neranun\ncannot\n‘No-one can do the work.’\n[elic_ind]\n13.3 Complex source, goal and location predicates\nComplex source, goal and location constructions can be made with locative and\nlative postpositions, §13.3.1, or with causative di=, §13.3.2. They are made by\nmeans of the different complex predicates presented in this section, and show\na variety of order constraints.\n13.3.1 Complex locative and lative predicates\nSource, goal and location are commonly expressed with help of four postpo-\nsitions: locative =ko, animate locative =konggo, lative =ka and animate lative\n=kongga (§6.4.7, §6.4.8 and §6.4.9). While a NP marked with a locative postpo-\nsition may and frequently does occur as the predicate of the clause, without any\nother verb, a NP marked with a lative postposition must be followed by a verb.\nIn both cases, these locative and lative constructions may combine with other\nverbs to create even more complex goal, source and location predicates. The op-\ntions for these complex predicates are given in Table 13.1. The building blocks\nof these predicates are three groups of verbs: manner verbs, verbs expressing\nmotion and other verbs. These combine in a limited number of ways with NPs\ncarrying a locative or lative clitic. Six slots in these complex predicates can be dis-\ntinguished: three before and two after the noun with the postposition. The first\nslot is reserved for manner verbs (marked with predicate linker =i, §13.1) and kuru\n‘to bring’ (§13.2.1). Motion verbs occur in either the second or the fifth slot. Mo-\ntion verbs include all verbs expressing motion: the directional verbs (§11.1.2.2), bo\n‘to go’ (§13.4.2.1) and other verbs like taluk ‘to come out’. In some constructions,\nonly bo ‘to go’ is allowed in the motion slot; in others, bo ‘to go’ is specifically\nnot allowed in the motion slot. In one case, only motion verbs that are not bo\nor a directional are allowed. Bo ‘to go’ has its own slot before the NP with the\n330\n\n\n13.3 Complex source, goal and location predicates\npostposition. The verb slot (V), finally, is normally used for any verb, including\nthe aforementioned. In one construction, this slot is used for a directional verb.\nIn all cases, if bo ‘to go’ precedes the locative or lative, it takes the form bo. If it\nfollows it, it takes the form bot (see also §13.4.2.1).\nTable 13.1: Complex source, goal and location predicates\nmanner\nmotion\n‘go’\nN=loc/N=lat\nmotion\nV\nexample\nN=loc\n§6.4.7\n+\nN=loc\n50\n+\nN=loc\n51\n+\n+\nN=loc\n52\ndir. only\n+\nN=loc\n53\ndir. only\n+\nN=loc\n+\n54\nN=loc\n+\n55\nN=lat\n+, *bo\n§6.4.8\nN=lat\n+, *bo, *dir.\nmust be dir.\n56\nN=lat\nbo only\n+\n57\n+\nN=lat\n+\n58\n+\nN=lat\n+\n59\n+\n+\nN=lat\n+\n60\nWhile all constructions have several examples in the natural spoken corpus,\nnot all are found (or tested) with the animate forms =konggo and =kongga, which\nare much less frequent in the corpus. There is, however, no reason to assume they\nwould behave differently. More constructions may be found if more data become\navailable. Each type will be exemplified in turn below. The standard locative con-\nstruction is described in §6.4.7 and the standard lative construction is described\nin §6.4.8.\n(50)\nmotion + locative (goal):\nkariak\nblood\nsara\nascend\nnakal=ko\nhead=loc\n‘Blood rises to the head.’\n[narr33_3:10]\n(51)\nmanner + locative (goal):\nma\n3sg\ndalang=i\njump=plnk\npasier=ko\nsea=loc\n‘He jumps in the sea.’\n[narr44_4:11]\n331\n\n\n13 Complex predicates\n(52)\nmanner + bo + locative (goal):\nmat\n3sg.obj\ndeir=i\naccompany=plnk\nbo\ngo\ntompat-un=ko\nplace-3poss=loc\n‘I accompanied him to his place.’\n[stim43_0:37]\n(53)\ndirectional + bo + locative (goal):\nma\n3sg\nsara\nascend\nbo\ngo\nkarop-un\nbranch-3poss\nosa-t=ko\nup-t=loc\n‘He climbed up to the branch up there.’\n[conv12_16:39]\n(54)\ndirectional + locative + posture V (goal + location):\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nbara\ndescend\nror\ntree\newun=ko\ntrunk=loc\ntaouk\nlie\n‘He went down to the tree trunk and lay down.’\n[stim20_2:59]\n(55)\ndirectional + locative + verb (location):\nnene\ngrandmother\nmarua\nmove_seawards\nwele\nvegetable\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\npasier=ko\nsea=loc\nwaruo\nwash\n‘Granny went to sea to wash those vegetables in the sea.’\n[narr23_3:50]\n(56)\nlative + motion + directional (source/goal):\nkoi\nthen\njembatan=ka\ndock=lat\nmarmar=i\nwalk=plnk\nmasara\nmove_landwards\n‘Then walking from the dock inland.’\n[stim43_20:21]\n(57)\nlative + bo + V (source/goal):\nma\n3sg\namdir=ka\ngarden=lat\nbo\ngo\nmuap-ruo\nfood-dig\n‘She goes to the garden to dig for food.’\n[narr21_0:49]\n(58)\nmanner + lative + motion (source/goal):\nmu\n3pl\necien=i\nreturn=plnk\ntamisen=ka\nAntalisa=lat\nbot\ngo\n‘They returned to Antalisa.’\n[narr4_2:21]\n(59)\nmanner + bo + lative + V (goal):\nmu\n3pl\nkiem=i\nflee=plnk\nbo\ngo\nSuo=ka\nSuo=lat\nnung\nhide\n‘They ran to (until) Suo to hide.’\n[narr40_2:33]\n332\n\n\n13.4 Serial verb constructions\n(60)\nbo + lative + V (source/goal):\ntiri\nsail\nki=at\n2pl=obj\nbo\ngo\nkibis=ka\nshore=lat\nrep=et\nget=irr\n‘[We] sail and go pick you up from the shore.’\n[conv28_3:07]\nThe four complex predicates where one or more verbs precede the locative are\nall goal constructions, i.e. expressing movement towards a goal. This order obeys\nthe principle of iconicity: the goal, the endpoint of the movement, follows the mo-\ntion verb (cf. Schapper 2011). The fifth complex predicate in the table, which has\nverbs preceding and following the locative, expresses both movement towards a\ngoal and the posture taken at the location of the goal. The last complex locative\npredicate in the table, where a verb follows the locative, is a static locative con-\nstruction. In (55), the locative is combined with waruo ‘to wash’, but the verb is\nalso often a posture verb like maraouk ‘to put’, mambara ‘to stand’ or melelu ‘to\nsit’ (cf. posture SVCs in §13.4.2.3).\nAll latives must be followed by a verb, regardless of the construction. Most\nconstructions can express both movement from a source and movement towards\na goal. These constructions are not iconic, so the correct reading must always be\ninferred from the context. The construction manner + bo + lative + Verb is rare:\nthere are only two examples in the corpus, both of which express movement\ntowards a goal.\n13.3.2 Complex causative predicates\nCausative di= (§11.4.4.1) occurs in combination with directional verbs and loca-\ntions in complex causative predicates. It attaches to the left edge of the complex\npredicate. It is also optionally employed in give-constructions (§12.2.1.2). (61) is\nan example of a complex causative predicate with ra ‘to move (away); to become’\n(§13.4.2.2).\n(61)\nmendak\nlike_that\nembir-ne=ka\nbucket-inside=lat\nsasul\nspoon\ndi=ra\ncaus=move\nbintang\ntub\nne=ko\ninside=loc\n‘So [I] spooned from the bucket into a tub.’\n[conv13_3:11]\n13.4 Serial verb constructions\nFollowing Lovestrand (2018) and Haspelmath (2016), I define serial verb construc-\ntions (SVCs) as monoclausal constructions with more than one independent verb,\n333\n\n\n13 Complex predicates\nno linking element between the verbs, and with at least one shared argument.3\nThis type of complex predicate is not very common in Kalamang. SVCs can be\ndivided into symmetrical SVCs (with verbs from open verb classes, §13.4.1) and\nasymmetrical SVCs (with at least one verb from a restricted class, §13.4.2).\n13.4.1 Symmetrical SVCs\nSymmetrical SVCs consist of verbs from open verb classes, with no restrictions\non the semantics of the verb. All components in a symmetrical SVC contribute\nequally to its meaning, so there is no ‘head’ in the construction (Aikhenvald &\nDixon 2006: 22). Symmetrical SVCs express events consisting of two or more\nactive verbs, given in sequential order (obeying the iconicity of order, Unterlad-\nstetter 2020: 288, van Staden & Reesink 2008: 29). They share their arguments.\n(1a) above is a symmetrical SVC. Additional examples are provided in (62) to (64).\nNote that in (63), the noun is incorporated into the SVC (see §11.2.1 on noun\nincorporation).\n(62)\npawan=at\nplank=obj\nworman=i\ncut_down=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nin\n1pl.excl\nkoi\nthen\npotman=i\ncut=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\ntimun=at\ntip=obj\npotma\ncut\nparuak\ndrop\n‘After cutting down [trees for] planks, after cutting, [we] cut off the tips.’\n[narr14_5:00]\n(63)\nin=a\n1pl.excl=foc\nper-jie\nwater-get\nna\nconsume\n‘We fetched water and drank.’\n[narr40_1:45]\n(64)\nusar=et\nerect=irr\nmul-un=ka\nside-3poss=lat\nkajien\npick\nkowarman\nfold\n‘Erect [the basket], pick and fold [strips] from the side.’\n[narr11_0:38]\nWhen an unmarked directional verb (§11.1.2.2) is in the first position of a com-\nplex predicate, the construction can be a SVC. Like the examples above, they are\nsequential actions with a shared subject. They can also be purposive, such as bara\nkomet ‘come down to look’ in (67). If a directional verb in a complex predicate is\npreceded by a non-directional verb, this verb is always marked with =i (described\n3This is a morphosyntactic definition for a morphosyntactic phenomenon. Often-used criteria\nsuch as intonation and event structure (in e.g. Aikhenvald & Dixon 2006) are argued to be hard\nto falsify and to follow from a morphosyntactic definition (e.g. Haspelmath 2016, Defina 2016).\n334\n\n\n13.4 Serial verb constructions\nin §13.1), and this construction is thus not a SVC. (68) and (69) show SVCs of two\ndirectional verbs. (70), finally, shows a SVC with shared subject, separated by the\nobject of the second verb.\n(65)\ntim-un=at\ntip-3poss=obj\npotma\ncut\nbara\ndescend\nmelalu\nsit\n‘[We] cut off the tips, and lower down [the canoe].’\n[narr14_1:37]\n(66)\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nra\ngo\nmin\nsleep\n‘He goes to sleep.’\n[stim1_1:05]\n(67)\nma\n3sg\nbara\ndescend\nkomet\nlook\n‘He came down to look.’\n[conv10_4:39]\n(68)\nmengga\ndist.lat\nkoi\nthen\nmara\nmove_landwards\nmasara\nmove_landwards\nbara\ndescend\n‘Then go inland from there, descend inland.’\n[stim36_0:46]\n(69)\npi\n1pl.excl\nkonenen=i\nremember=plnk\nkoi\nthen\nran\ngo\nmia=nin\ncome=neg\n‘We don’t [have to] remember to come and go anymore.’\n[conv3_3:55]\n(70)\nma\n3sg\nra\ngo\nulan=at\naunt=obj\ngerket\nask\neh\ntag\n‘He asks my aunt, right?’\n[conv12_2:51]\n13.4.2 Asymmetrical SVCs\nAsymmetrical SVCs have one or more verbs from a restricted class of verbs\n(Aikhenvald & Dixon 2006: 21). In most cases described here, this is not a syn-\ntactic subclass of verbs; rather, one of the verbs is from a particular semantic\nclass. Some asymmetrical verb constructions may only occur with one particular\nverb. All asymmetrical SVCs have a fixed order, where the verb from the (most)\nrestricted class usually is the first verb.\n13.4.2.1 With bo ‘go’\nThe single most common asymmetrical SVC is with bo ‘to go’, an independent\nverb that can be modified with all mood, aspect and modality markers available\nin Kalamang. It is, however, also an irregular verb, which always takes the form\n335\n\n\n13 Complex predicates\nbot when it is the only verb in the construction, but bo when it occurs in a SVC\n(see §3.4.6.1 for an introduction to verb roots in -t, and §11.1.2 for a discussion of\nthese as a separate verb class).4 It is multifunctional, and always occurs as the\nfirst verb in the SVC.\nFirst, it occurs in purposive motion serialisation, where bo ‘to go’ indicates the\nmovement of the subject, and the second verb indicates the purpose. The second\nverb can be any dynamic verb, transitive or intransitive. Consider the following\nexamples with an intransitive verb, a transitive verb with incorporated object,\nand a transitive verb with object, respectively.\n(71)\nma\n3sg\ntoni\nsay\ne\nint\nan\n1sg\nbo\ngo\nwar=kin\nfish=vol\n‘He said: “Eh, I go fishing.”’\n[conv10_13:26]\n(72)\ntumun\nchild\nkon\none\nse\niam\nbo\ngo\nkai-rep\nfirewood-get\n‘One of the children went to collect firewood.’\n[narr23_5:21]\n(73)\nmu\n3pl\ntok\nfirst\nbo\ngo\nwalor=at\ncoconut_leaf=obj\nsaran\nascend\n‘They first went to harvest [lit. ascend] coconut leaves.’\n[narr3_10:54]\nSecond, bo ‘to go’ occurs in SVCs with stative intransitive verbs in change-of-\nstate serialisation. Like in purposive motion serialisation, bo ‘to go’ needs to be\nthe first verb in the construction. Consider (74) and (75).\n(74)\nsontum\nperson\nbo\ngo\nreidak\nmany\nmindi\nlike_that\n‘We became many people, like that.’\n[conv7_12:38]\n(75)\nbungkus\nsachet\neir∼eir-i\ntwo∼distr-objqnt\nkahetma\nopen\ngelas\nglass\nbo\ngo\nmikon\nfull\n‘Open two sachets each, until the glass is full.’\n[narr3_11:56]\nA fixed expression that is a variant of change-of-state serialisation with bo ‘to\ngo’ and tik ‘to take a long time’ is bo tik ‘before long’. Note that change-of-state\ncan also be expressed with nominals referring to times of the day in predicate\nfunction, e.g. bo go saun ‘until the evening; after it had turned evening’ (with go\nsaun ‘evening’ ).\n4Alternatively, it could be argued that bo is an independent form of bot. In that case, complex\npredicates with bo are not SVCs.\n336\n\n\n13.4 Serial verb constructions\nThird, bo ‘to go’ occurs in constructions with locatives and latives to indicate\nmotion towards a goal (see §13.3.1).\n13.4.2.2 With ra ‘move’\nPurposive motion serialisation can also be achieved with the directional verb\nra ‘to move (along a path); to become’ as V1. It is less generic than bo ‘to go’,\ndescribed above, in that it specifies the path of motion in combination with the\nother verb. This is also evident from its use as the antonym of mia ‘to come’ (as\nin 69 above). In (76), the use of ra refers to the path from a floating fish cage to a\nboat. In (77), the path from the speaker to the fire is indicated by ra. (78) is made\nwith ra and the zero morpheme ‘give’, to indicate the path between the giver and\nthe recipient.\n(76)\nMas\nMas\ntoni\nsay\neh\nhey\npi\n1pl.incl\ntiri\nsail\nra\nmove\nkomet=et\nlook=irr\n‘Mas said: “Hey, let’s sail out to look.”’\n[narr17_0:51]\n(77)\nim=at\nbanana=obj\n[...] walawala=i\nthrow=plnk\ndin-neko\nfire-inside\nkulpanggat=bon\ntriggerfish=com\nra\nmove\nsair\nbake\n‘[I] threw the bananas in the fire, baked [them] with the triggerfish.’\n[conv9_19:42]\n(78)\nan\n1sg\ntok\nfirst\nraV1\nmove\npasarom=atT\nambarella=obj\nmaR\n3sg\n∅V2=et\ngive=irr\n‘I go give him an ambarella first.’\n[conv9_16:17]\nOther examples are (16) and (70) above. Ra ‘to move’ is also used as the second\nverb in constructions with dependent verb kuru ‘to bring’ (§13.2.1, example 40),\nas the second verb in complex predicates linked by predicate linker =i (§13.1,\nexample 17), and in causative constructions (§13.3.2, example 61).\n13.4.2.3 With melelu ‘sit’ and mambara ‘stand’\nSVCs with melelu ‘to sit’ and mambara ‘to stand’ (introduced in examples 5a\nand 5b above) can tentatively be grouped as posture SVCs. The first verb in the\nconstruction is the posture verb, and the second is a transitive or intransitive\nverb expressing some kind of activity. The verbs share the same subject.\n(79)\nkaman-neko\ngrass-inside\nmambara\nstand\nkomet∼komet\nlook∼prog\n‘[He] stands looking in the grass.’\n[stim2_2:23]\n337\n\n\n13 Complex predicates\n(80)\nAfin\nAfin\nmambara\nstand\npi=at=a\n1pl.excl=obj=foc\nkomet=et\nlook=irr\n‘Afin stands looking at us.’\n[conv11_9:20]\n(81)\nin-naninggan\n1pl.excl-all\nmelelu\nsit\newa\ntalk\n‘We all sat talking.’\n[narr4_0:26]\n(82)\nMustafa\nMustafa\nemun\nmother.3poss\nmelelu\nsit\nwele-narari\nvegetables-slice\n‘Mustafa’s mother sits slicing vegetables.’\n[stim42_8:29]\n(83)\nkon\none\nmelelu\nsit\nmain=at\n3poss=obj\nna\nconsume\n‘One sits eating his.’\n[stim4_2:05]\n13.4.2.4 With bara ‘descend’\nThere is one example of an asymmetrical SVC that is composed of an activity\nand a result, and that may tentatively be termed resultative. It consists of the\ndirectional verb bara ‘to descend’ and the stative intransitive verb pol ‘to be com-\npact’. They share the same subject: soil. The context is digging soil for making\nthe foundation of a house. The speaker says that one shouldn’t use soil without\nsmall stones, because otherwise, if it rains, the soil will become too compact.\n(84)\nmena\notherwise\nma\n3sg\nbara\ndescend\npol\ncompact\n‘Otherwise it becomes compact.’\n[conv10_5:03]\n13.4.2.5 With paruo ‘make, do’\nCausative constructions are usually made with one of the proclitics di=, na= or\nma= (§11.4.4), but may also be made help of paruo ‘to make; to do’ as the first\nverb in a complex predicate. It is often combined with stative intransitive verbs\nlike samsik ‘thin’ (example 85), but can also be combined with the reciprocal verb\nnaubes(bes) ‘to have a good relationship’ (from reciprocal nau= and bes ‘good’)\nto form the meaning ‘to make up’ (after a fight).\n(85)\nmanyor=i\nadjust=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nma\n3sg\nyorsik\nstraight\nan\n1sg\nkoi\nthen\ndesil=i\nplane=plnk\nparuo\nmake\nsamsik\nthin\n‘After adjusting it’s straight and then I plane it to make it thin.’\n[narr42_5:43]\n338\n\n\n13.4 Serial verb constructions\n(86)\nmu\n3pl\nparuo\nmake\nnau=bes∼bes\nrecp=good∼prog\n‘They are making up.’\n[stim6_16:31]\n339\n\n\n\n\n14 Clausal modification\nClausal modifiers in Kalamang are words, a single particle, proclitics, enclitics\nand suffixes that modify the predicate or clause in one of the following ways.\nThey can change the mood, aspect or mode of a predicate or clause, or specify\nthe manner, temporal setting, degree or other characteristics of the state or event\nexpressed by the predicate, such as repetition or exclusivity.\n14.1 Overview\nTable 14.1 provides an overview of the different kinds of clausal modifiers, as well\nas their slot in the clause and where in the chapter they are described. Negation\nis described in §12.5. Clausal modifiers are structurally very diverse: they can be\nwords, clitics on the predicate, suffixes on the pronoun, or a particle, so they are\ndescribed according to function from §14.2 onwards.\nThere is one slot before the subject, three slots between the subject and the\nobject, two between object and predicate, and three after the predicate. Modifiers\nthat occupy the same slot are mutually exclusive, with the exception of slots 6\nand 7, where the waters are a bit murky (see comments below). Some slots (2, 6, 7)\nare not for words, but for dependent morphology only. The template for clausal\nmodification is given in (1).\n(1)\n1 | subject-2 | 3 | 4 | object | 5 | predicate=6=7 | 8\nIt is impossible to capture all the details of predicate and clausal modification\nin the table, so please note the following things. First, several modifiers can occur\nin more than one slot. This is the case for modal markers bisa ‘can’ and harus\n‘must’. Bisa ‘can’, moreover, can also be the predicate itself, and inflect for irrealis\n=et. Second, some modifiers are discontinuous and occur in several slots at the\nsame time. The prohibitive is formed by simultaneously placing suffix -mun on\nthe subject and clitic =in on the predicate. Modal marker suka-poss ‘not like; not\nwant’ must either be combined with a negated verb, or can be the predicate itself\nif followed by propositional negator ge. The position of negator =nin is indicated\nin the table. Negation is described in §12.5. Third, the use of modal marker eranun\n\n\n14 Clausal modification\nTable 14.1: Predicate and clausal modifiers\nslot\nform\ngloss/function\nkind of modifier\nreference\n1\nbisa\n‘can’\nmodal\n§14.2.3\nharus\n‘must’\nmodal\n§14.2.3\ndiv.\ndiv.\ntemporal adverbials\n§14.3.3\nSubj\n2\n-mun\nprohibitive\nmood\n§14.2.1.4\n-re\napprehensive\nmood\n§14.2.1.6\n=taet\n‘again’\nadverbial\n§14.3.5\n3\nse\niamitive (‘already’)\naspect\n§14.2.2.1\ntok\nnondum (‘not yet’)\naspect\n§14.2.2.1\nbisa\n‘can’\nmodal\n§14.2.3\nharus\n‘must’\nmodal\n§14.2.3\ngen\n‘maybe’\nmodal\n§14.2.3\n4\nsuka-poss\n‘not like; not want’\nmodal\n§14.2.3\nkoi\n‘again’\nadverbial\n§14.3.5\nObj\n5\ndiv.\ndiv.\nmanner adverbials\n§14.3.1\nPred\n6\n=teba\nprogressive\naspect\n§14.2.2.2\n=te\nimperative\nmood\n§14.2.1.3\n=in\nprohibitive\nmood\n§14.2.1.4\n=kin\nvolitional\nmood\n§14.2.1.2\n=ero\nconditional\nmood\n§14.2.1.5\n=i koyet\ncompletive\naspect\n§14.2.2.3\n=nin\nnegation\n–\n§12.5\ndiv.\ndiv.\ndegree adverbials\n§14.3.2\n=taet\n‘again’\nadverbial\n§14.3.5\n7\n=teba\nprogressive\naspect\n§14.2.2.2\n=et\nirrealis\nmood\n§14.2.1.1\n8\nbisa\n‘can’\nmodal\n§14.2.3\nreon\n‘maybe’\nmodal\n§14.2.3\neranun\n‘cannot’\nmodal\n§14.2.3\nweinun\n‘too’\nadverbial\n§14.3.4\n342\n\n\n14.1 Overview\n‘cannot’ turns the preceding predicate into a noun. Fourth, some of the predicate\nenclitics in 6 and 7 can co-occur, while cannot. Completive =i koyet and intensi-\nfier =tun may be followed by irrealis =et. Volitional =kin (as well as negator =nin)\ncan be followed by progressive =teba and irrealis =et. Progressive =teba, in turn,\nmay also be followed by irrealis =et and is therefore listed in both slots 6 and 7.\nFifth, the placement of modal markers in slot 3 relative to the aspectual particle\nse and word tok, also given in slot 3, is not entirely clear. More data are needed\nto see if it is appropriate to posit another slot between current 2 and 3.\nThe following examples show different combinations of modifiers.\n(2)\nan\nSubj\n1sg\nkoi\n4\nagain\ncat=kin=teba\nPred=6=7\npaint.mly=vol=prog\n‘I want to go painting again.’\n[narr42_32:56]\n(3)\ngo_dung\n1\nmorning\ninier\nSubj\n1du.ex\nse\n3\niam\nter-nan=i\nPred=6\ntea-consume=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\n[...]\n[...]\n‘In the morning, after drinking tea, [...].’\n[narr44_19:43]\n(4)\nkain\nObj\n2sg.poss\nme\ntop\nka-mun\nSubj-2\n2sg-proh\ntok\n3\nyet\nnarorar=in\nPred-6\ndrag=proh\n‘Yours, don’t drag [it] yet!’\n[conv5_0:50]\n(5)\npi\nSubj\n1pl.incl\nkoi\n4\nagain\nbo\nPred\ngo\nKanastangan=ko=teba=et\nPred=loc=6=7\nKanastangan=loc=prog=irr\nreon\n8\nmaybe\n‘Shall we maybe go to Kanastangan again?’\n[narr44_18:23]\n(6)\nloi\n5\nquickly\nnasambung=te\nPred=6\nconnect=imp\nnasambung=te\nPred=6\nconnect=imp\nraor=ko=te\nPred=6\nmiddle=loc=imp\n‘Quickly connect, connect, in the middle!’\n[conv1_6:27]\nThe next part of this chapter outlines the particularities of all predicate and\nclausal modifiers, starting with mood, aspect and modality marking (§14.2), fol-\nlowed by the different adverbial modifiers in §14.3.\n343\n\n\n14 Clausal modification\n14.2 Mood, aspect and modality marking\nMood, aspect and modality markers are clausal modifiers indicating the speak-\ners’ attitudes towards what they are saying, or the internal temporal constituency\nof a state or event. Most of these are clitics that attach to the predicate, one is\na particle, and some (namely modal markers) are independent words. Because\nthey are structurally so diverse, they are described by function. I describe irre-\nalis mood (§14.2.1.1), volitional mood (§14.2.1.2), the imperative and prohibitive\nmoods (§14.2.1.3), aspectual markers iamitive se and tok ‘still; yet; first’ (§14.2.2.1),\nprogressive aspect (§14.2.2.2), completive aspect (§14.2.2.3) and modal markers\n(§14.2.3). Kalamang has no tense marking. One modal and one mood marker are\ndescribed elsewhere: the modal apprehensive marker -re and other strategies to\nform apprehensive constructions are described in §15.3, and conditional mood\nmarker =o/=ero and other strategies for making conditional clauses are described\nin §15.4.\n14.2.1 Mood\nMood markers indicate the speaker’s attitude towards the event or condition\nin their utterance. Kalamang morphologically marks irrealis, volitional, imper-\native, prohibitive, conditional and apprehensive mood by means of enclitics on\nthe predicate and/or suffixes on the subject. Mood markers are found in slot 2\n(on the subject) and slots 6 and 7 (attaching to the predicate).\n14.2.1.1 Irrealis =et ‘irr’\nIrrealis mood is marked by enclitic =et on the predicate. This is a very versatile\nmood, used in all kinds of hypothetical or prospective situations. It has not been\ninvestigated exactly which semantic categories are (not) encoded with irrealis\n=et, and whether irrealis marking is obligatory for any or all of these.\n(7) and (8) are taken from a recording where two women sit with different\nkinds of fishing gear and explain how they (would) use it. In (9), someone asks\nwhat they should do with their newly caught fish. (10) expresses a command and\na possible result or consequence. Irrealis =et comes at the end of a breath group.\n(7)\nSet.\nset\nbait\nEba\neba\nthen\npi\npi\n1pl.incl\ndibararet.\ndi=barat=et\ncaus=descend=irr\nLot\nlot\nsinker\nme\nme\ntop\ntagier\ntagier\nheavy\no.\no\nemph\n‘Bait. Then we lower it down... Wow, this sinker is heavy.’\n[stim15_0:20]\n344\n\n\n14.2 Mood, aspect and modality marking\n(8)\nNika\nnika\nfishing_line\nwa\nwa\nprox\nba\nba\nthen\nmena\nmena\nlater\npi\npi\n1pl.incl\ndiwatko\ndi=watko\ncaus=prox.loc\nkanieret,\nkaniet=et\ntie=irr\nwatko\nwatko\nhere\nkanieret,\nkaniet=et\ntie=irr\neba\neba\nthen\npi\npi\n1pl.incl\nmuet.\nmuk=et\nthrow=irr\n‘This fish line, later we’d tie it here, tie it here, then we’d throw [it].’\n[stim15_2:30]\n(9)\nMa\nma\n3sg\ntoni:\ntoni\nsay\n“Eh,\neh\nhey\nsor\nsor\nfish\nwa\nwa\nprox\nme\nme\ntop\ntamandi,\ntamandi\nhow\npi\npi\n1pl.incl\nparinet\nparin=et\nsell=irr\nye,\nye\nor\npi\npi\n1pl.incl\nparairet,\nparair=et\nsplit=irr\nsiraet.”\nsira=et\nsalt=irr\n‘He said: “Hey, these fish, how [should we treat them]? Do we sell them,\nor do we split and salt them?’\n[narr8_5:34]\n(10)\nKuru\nkuru\nbring\nmasara\nmasara\nmove_landwards\nin\nin\n1pl.excl\njieret!\njiet=et\nbuy=irr\n‘Bring [it] towards land, [so that] we [can] buy!’\n[narr19_4:04]\nIrrealis =et is also common in expository texts, where it is usually alternated\nwith predicates that are not marked for irrealis. Consider (11).\n(11)\na. wa\nprox\nme\ntop\nkulun=at\nskin=obj\nkaware=et\ngrate=irr\nme\ntop\n‘This, [you] grate the skin,’\nb. naramas=i\nsqueeze=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\n‘after squeezing,’\nc. eh\nfil\nnaramas=i\nsqueeze=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nmetko\ndist.loc\ndi=mu\ncaus=3pl\n∅=et\ngive=irr\n‘after squeezing, give [it] to them,’\nd. eba\nthen\ndi=mu\ncaus=3pl\n∅=te\ngive=nfin\nmu\n3pl\nnan=et\nconsume=irr\n‘then, [you] give it to them and they drink [it].’\n[narr34_2:58]\n345\n\n\n14 Clausal modification\nConditional clauses also make use of irrealis =et on the predicate expressing\nthe condition. They are treated in §15.4. Note that volitional =kin, treated in\n§14.2.1.2, combines with irrealis =et if it is used in its conditional sense, as in (12).\nThe volitional marker always precedes the irrealis marker.\n(12)\net=at\ncanoe=obj\nsaor=kin=et\nanchor=vol=irr\nme\ntop\nisetengamati\nbig_effort\n‘[Before], if you wanted to anchor your boat, it was very difficult.’\n[conv9_32:42]\nThe clitic =et is also found on the consequence clause in clauses joined by\nsequential conjunction (e)ba (§15.1.2.1). The use of =et in topic constructions is\ndescribed in §16.1.\n14.2.1.2 Volitional =kin ‘vol’\nVolitional mood enclitic =kin attaches to the predicate. It is mainly used to ex-\npress plans and wishes, as well as events that are about to happen. The different\nuses of =kin are exemplified in (13) to (16). (13) expresses a plan or wish. In (14),\nthe common use of =kin with toni ‘want’ is illustrated.1 The phrase in (15) is used\nto describe the twelfth picture in the Family problems picture task (Carroll et al.\n2009), where a child is falling out of its mother’s arms, and illustrates the prospec-\ntive use of =kin. (16) is the first utterance in a text where a woman explains how\nto make a basket. It can be interpreted as an action that is about to happen (at\nleast in the speaker’s mind) or as a plan.\n(13)\nbal\ndog\nnapikir\nthink\nan\n1sg\nsor=at\nfish=obj\nnat=kin\nconsume=vol\n‘The dog thinks: “I want to eat the fish”.’\n[stim1_0:34]\n(14)\nan\n1sg\nse\niam\ntoni\nwant\nmin=kin\nsleep=vol\n‘I already wanted to sleep.’\n[narr32_0:18]\n(15)\ntumun\nchild\ntur=kin\nfall=vol\n‘The child is about to fall.’\n[stim6_2:35]\n1It is unclear whether toni ‘want’ can be used without volitional =kin. Toni can also mean ‘say;\nthink’ (§13.2.3), so many of the corpus instances of toni followed by a verb that is not marked\nwith =kin are ambiguous between the ‘want’ and the ‘say; think’ reading.\n346\n\n\n14.2 Mood, aspect and modality marking\n(16)\nkiem=at\nbasket=obj\nparuot=kin\nmake=vol\n‘[How to] make a basket.’\n[narr11_0:04]\nVolitional =kin can be followed by progressive aspect marker =teba (§14.2.2.2),\nalso an enclitic on the predicate. The combination expresses that a plan is in\nprogress.2\n(17)\nan\n1sg\ntoni\nthink\nmu\n3pl\nbo\ngo\nos-rep=kin=teba\nsand-get=vol=prog\n‘I thought they went to get sand.’\n[conv9_1:22]\n(An example of volitional =kin and irrealis =et can be found in (12) in §14.2.1.1.)\nIn complex predicates, volitional =kin comes on the last constituent of the\npredicate and has scope over the entire action or event, such as the construction\nkuru masara ‘bring towards land’ in (18).\n(18)\nmu\n3pl\nse\niam\ntaruo\nsay\ntoni\nsay\nmena\nlater\nBotak\nBotak\nkiun=at\nwife.3poss=obj\nkuru\nbring\nmasarat=kin\nmove_landwards=vol\n‘They already said that soon Botak will bring his wife.\n[conv8_22:22]\n14.2.1.3 Imperative =te ‘imp’\nImperative mood, used for commands, is formed by adding =te (singular, though\noccasionally used for plural) or =tar (plural) to the predicate. The subject may\nbe elided. (19) shows the singular imperative cliticised to the verb kome ‘look’,\nand (20) shows it cliticised to the locative demonstrative metko ‘there’, which\nfunctions as the predicate in that clause. Of the locative predicates that are marked\nwith the imperative, it only occurs on those locative predicates that express move-\nment towards a goal, not on locatives that express static location (§6.4.7). The\nplural imperative is illustrated in (21). Imperative =te follows aspectual marker\n=teba, as in (22).\n(19)\nnene\ngrandmother\nmei\ncome.imp\neba\nthen\nkome=te\nlook=imp\n‘Grandmother come and look!’\n[conv12_10:44]\n2In examples like this, I do not know whether the volitional marker refers to the third person\nplural subject or to the subject of the matrix clause.\n347\n\n\n14 Clausal modification\n(20)\nmu\n3sg\ntoni\nsay\nka\n2sg\nmetko=te\ndist.loc=imp\n‘They said: “You go there!”’\n[narr19_16:48]\n(21)\nki\n2pl\nsontum\nperson\nkansuor\nfour\nma=bon\n3sg=com\nbo=tar\ngo=pl.imp\n‘You four people go with him!’\n[narr25_7:45]\n(22)\nka\n2sg\nmarmar=teba=te\nwalk=prog=sg.imp\nka-mun\n2sg-proh\nsara=in\nascend=proh\n‘You just walk, don’t you get up [your bike]!’\n[stim33_1:27]\nDirectional verbs (which end in -a) and transitive verbs ending in -ma, de-\nscribed in §11.1.2.2 and §11.1.2.1, have imperative forms where final -a is replaced\nwith -ei. For example, bara ‘go down’ has the imperative form barei (example 23)\nand potma has the imperative form potmei (example 24). These are also both\nexamples of complex predicates, which show that the imperative is marked on\nthe second verb, and has scope over the whole construction. An exception is the\nimperative of mia, which becomes not miei but mei, as in (19) above.\n(23)\nmena\nthen\nka\n2sg\nnasuat=i\ntuck=plnk\nbarei\ndescend.imp\n‘Then you tuck down.’\n[conv17_40:20]\n(24)\nka\n2sg\nneba=at\nph=obj\nera\nascend\npotmei\ncut.imp\n‘You go up and cut a whatsitsname!’\n[narr19_12:40]\nThe plural imperative form of all -n/-t verbs is likely =r. At this point there\nis evidence from directional verbs like sara ‘go up’, illustrated in (25), and other\n-n/-t verbs such as na ‘consume’ and gocie ‘to stay’, illustrated in (26) and (27),\nrespectively.\n(25)\nmuap\nfood\nse\niam\nkalar\nready\nsara=r\nascend=pl.imp\no\nemph\n‘The food is ready, come up!’\n[narr7_12:10]\n(26)\ncoba\ntry\nki\n2pl\nwat\ncoconut\nyuwat\nprox.obj\nna=r\nconsume=pl.imp\n‘You guys try eat this coconut!’\n[conv11_4:01]\n(27)\nkier\n2du\ntumtum\nchildren\nkaruok=bon\nfour=com\ngocie=r\nstay=pl.imp\n‘You two and the four children stay!’\n[conv7_4.09]\n348\n\n\n14.2 Mood, aspect and modality marking\n14.2.1.4 Prohibitive =in ‘proh’\nProhibitive mood is expressed with a dedicated construction involving suffix\n-mun on the pronominal subject and clitic =in on the predicate. (28) shows a\nclause in prohibitive mood with =in on a verbal predicate, and (29) shows =in\non a locative predicate. There is no distinct plural form of the prohibitive. The\ncombination of -mun and negator =nin is ungrammatical.3\n(28)\nka-mun\n1sg-proh\nse\niam\nreidak-i\nmuch-objqnt\newa=in\nspeak=proh\n‘Don’t you speak much anymore!’\n[stim7_21:00]\n(29)\nan\n1sg\ntoni\nsay\nsor-kang\nfish-bone\nme\ntop\nki-mun\n2pl-proh\ngareor=i\ndump=plnk\npasier=ko=in\nsea=loc=proh\neh\ntag\n‘I said those fish bones, don’t you guys dump [them] in the sea!’\n[conv10_14:05]\n(30)\n* ka-mun\n2sg-proh\ntiri=nin\nrun=proh\n‘Don’t you run!’\n[elic_proh_11]\nOther referents than second-person singular may be the subject of prohibition,\nsuch as ‘smoke’ in (31). Because -mun cannot be attached to nouns, the noun\nis preceded by a pronoun. Like in the imperative mood, prohibitive forms of\ndirectional verbs and transitive verbs in -ma are different: instead of ending in -a\n+ -in, they become -ein. (32) illustrates a prohibitive with a third person plural.\n(31)\nMamun\nma-mun\n3sg-proh\ndugar\ndugar\nsmoke\nsarein!\nsara=in\nascend=proh\n‘The smoke must not rise!’\n[narr40_8:01]\n(32)\nmu-mun\n3pl-proh\nnarabi=in\nmake_noise=proh\n‘They shouldn’t make noise!’\n[narr40_21:42]\nAs illustrated in (33a), -mun cannot be suffixed to nouns. When using some-\none’s title or name, the pronoun with -mun follows the noun in such a vocative\nexample, as exemplified in (33b).\n3Alternatively, one could say that prohibitive =in triggers the use of special prohibitive pronoun\nforms (since the form -mun only occurs on pronouns).\n349\n\n\n14 Clausal modification\n(33)\na. * esa-mun\nfather-proh\nsara=in\nascend=proh\n‘Father, don’t go up!’\nb.\nesa\nfather\nka-mun\n2sg-proh\nsara=in\nascend=proh\n‘Father, don’t (you) go up!’\n[elic_proh_17]\nWhen the pronoun is elided, -mun is elided as well, such as in example (34).\n(34)\nbo\ngo\nkuet=te\nbring=nfin\ntik=in\nbe_long=proh\n‘Don’t [you] bring it for a long time!’\n[narr42_34:19]\nMost clausal modifiers are incompatible with the prohibitive. The aspectual\nparticle se ‘already’ (iamitive) and the aspectual word tok ‘yet; still; first’ (non-\ndum), however, are compatible. The combination of the iamitive se and the pro-\nhibitive results in the meaning ‘not anymore’ (i.e. the iamitive has scope over the\nprohibitive). The nondum tok plus a prohibitive results in the meaning ‘not yet’,\nillustrated in (35). This is parallel to the meanings of the iamitive and nondum\nwith regular verbal negation, as illustrated in Table 14.2 in §14.2.2.1.\n(35)\nki-mun\n2pl-proh\ntok\nyet\nna=in\neat=proh\n‘Don’t you eat yet!’\n[conv11_3:41]\nThe prohibitive may follow a cliticised adverbial such as =sawe(t) ‘too’, as ex-\nemplified in (36).\n(36)\nnasuena\nsugar\nbolon-i\nlittle-objqnt\nbaran\ndescend\npi-mun\n1pl.incl-proh\ntalalu\ntoo\npen=sawet=in\nsweet=too=proh\no\nemph\n‘[We] put in a little sugar, we shouldn’t make it too sweet!’ [conv11_1:55]\nIn complex predicates, it is the last constituent that carries prohibitive =in. It\nhas scope over the whole construction. (37) is a single clause.\n(37)\nka-mun\n2sg-proh\nmelelu\nsit\newa=in\nspeak=proh\n‘Don’t you sit speaking!’\n[elic_neg19_17]\n350\n\n\n14.2 Mood, aspect and modality marking\nOne may combine a prohibitive and an imperative in one message as in (38),\nwhich is biclausal as indicated by square brackets.\n(38)\n[ka-mun\n2sg-proh\newa=in]\nspeak=proh\n[melelu]\nsit.imp\n‘Don’t you speak, sit!’\n[elic_neg19_16]\nGeneral prohibition, not directed at a specific person, is expressed with ka-\nmun or ki-mun, second-person singular or plural, respectively. One could use\nthis, for example, on a prohibition sign. In spoken Kalamang, one may also leave\nout the verb, and just use the second person ka-mun! ‘don’t!’.\n14.2.1.5 Conditional =o/=ero ‘cond’\nConditional mood is made with conditional clitic =o or =ero, which attaches to\nthe predicate with the condition. The condition is followed by a new clause with\nthe consequence. It occurs about ten times in the corpus, and mostly in contexts\nwith several conditions. The two variants of the clitic are given in (39) and (40).\n(40) also shows a negative condition. (41) shows a possible third variant, =ere, but\nit occurs only in that utterance. Note that the consequence is expressed as just\na predicate in all cases in the corpus. There is not enough data to determine for\nwhich types of conditions (e.g. implicative, predictive, indicative, counterfactual)\nthese clitics are used.\n(39)\njadi\nso\ntanaman\nplant\npun\neven\ndemekian\nthus\nwat=o\ncoconut=cond\nbes\ngood\nim=o\nbanana=cond\nbes\ngood\nsayang=o\nnutmeg=cond\nbes\ngood\n‘So whichever plant [we grow], whether it’s coconut, banana or nutmeg,\nit’s good.’\n[narr13_2:50]\n(40)\nka-tain=a\n2sg-alone=foc\ntoni\nsay\nka\n2sg\nTarus-pis=i\nTarus-side=plnk\nbo=ero\ngo=cond\nse\niam\nbot\ngo\nge=ero\nnot=cond\nge\nno\nmu\nint\nbukan\nnot\nin\n1pl.excl\nkat\n2sg.obj\npaksa=nin\nforce=neg\n‘You said yourself if you wanted to go to Tarus, you go, if not, not, we\ndidn’t force you.’\n[conv9_16:35]\n(41)\nter\ntea\nnan=ere\nconsume=cond\nbisa\ncan\nkai\nmedicine\nnan=ere\nconsume=cond\nbisa\ncan\n‘So [you] can drink it like tea and [you] can drink it like medicine.’ [Lit.:\n‘If you drink it like tea, that’s possible, if you take it like medicine, that’s\npossible.’]\n[narr34_0:31]\n351\n\n\n14 Clausal modification\nA variant on the conditional is =taero ‘even if’, which is a concessive that indi-\ncates that the condition in the first clause does not prevent the statement in the\nsecond clause from being true. Like =ero, =taero ‘even if’ attaches to the condition,\ni.e. the predicate of the first clause, which is followed by a predicate-only clause\nwith the consequence. The clitic is frequently combined with Malay loan biar\n‘even if’, which precedes the conditional clause, without a change in meaning.\n(42)\nbes\ngood\nbes\ngood\nwa\nprox\nme\ntop\nanti\nresistant\npasier=tenden\nsea_water=so\nbes\ngood\npasier=at\nsea_water=obj\nma\n3sg\nkosaran=taero\ntouch=even_if\nbes\ngood\n‘It’s okay, it’s okay, this is sea water-resistant, it’s okay, even if he touches\nthe sea water it’s okay.’\n[conv1_2:32]\n(43)\nbiar\neven_if\nkon\none\neir=taero\ntwo=even_if\npanggalat=nin=et\nswollen=neg=irr\n‘Even if [you use] one, two kilos [the rice] doesn’t get swollen.’\n[conv13_2:23]\nThe long form of =taero and the fact that =ero or =o are the regular conditional\nmorphemes suggest that this is a (diachronically) multimorphemic form. One\ncandidate for a source for =taero is =taet ‘more; again’, which is a good semantic\nfit for ‘even if’.\n14.2.1.6 Apprehensive =re ‘appr’\nApprehensive mood, used when the speaker wishes to express fear that some-\nthing bad will happen, is done with an apprehensive clitic =re, which is attached\nto the subject or object NP of the clause. The predicate is marked with irrealis =et\n(§14.2.1.1), and many clauses are preceded by the interjection jaga ‘watch out’ (a\nMalay loan). In contrast to precautionary constructions (§15.3), only the danger\nis expressed and not necessarily the precaution to be taken. This morpheme is\nnot found in the natural speech corpus, but was easily elicited with the help of\npictures designed by Marine Vuillermet (p.c.) depicting dangerous situations, or\nby simply asking speakers what they would say in a specific dangerous situa-\ntion. Examples of pictures were that of a snake under a chair (example 44), or\na crocodile approaching a human being. An example of a dangerous situation\nI described is walking on the beach under palm trees bearing ripe coconuts. In\nthat situation, someone might utter (45). Note that in this example, the suggested\nprecaution to take is also expressed in an imperative clause preceding the appre-\nhensive clause.\n352\n\n\n14.2 Mood, aspect and modality marking\n(44)\njaga\nwatch_out\neh\nint\nkip\nsnake\nkadera\nchair\nelak-un=ko\nbottom-3poss=loc\nma=re\n3sg=appr\nkat\n2sg.obj\nkararuot=et\nbite=irr\n‘Watch out, there is a snake under the chair, it might bite you.’\n[elic_app_5]\n(45)\nka\n2sg\nkolko=te\nmove_out=imp\nwat=re\ncoconut=appr\nkat\n2sg.obj\nkosarat=et\nhit=irr\n‘Move aside, or a coconut might hit you!’ (or: ‘Move aside, lest a coconut\nhit you!’)\n[elic_app_4]\nIn the previous examples, the apprehensive morpheme =re is attached to the\nnoun that refers to the danger. In intransitive clauses, the danger is the addressee\nthemselves, because they are behaving irresponsibly. In (46), the speaker utters\nan imaginary warning to kids jumping from the dock. If they do not jump far\nenough away from a dock, they might hit sharp rocks.\n(46)\njaga\nwatch_out\nki=re\n2pl=appr\ntur=et\nfall=irr\neh\nint\ndalang=i\njump=plnk\nkolko=rar\nmove_out=imp.pl\n‘Watch out or you’ll fall, jump away [from the dock].’\n[elic_app_3]\nIt seems, however, that the apprehensive morpheme may also be attached to\nthe referent in danger in a transitive clause. Consider the following two elicited\nexamples for the same pictured situation.\n(47)\na. paramuang\ncrocodile\nkat=re\n2sg.obj=appr\nkoraruot=et\nbite=irr\n‘[Watch out,] a crocodile might bite you!’\n[elic_app_6]\nb. paramuang=re\ncrocodile=appr\nkat\n2sg.obj\nkoraruot=et\nbite=irr\n‘[Watch out,] a crocodile might bite you!’\n[elic_app_6]\n14.2.2 Aspect\nAspect is the internal temporal constituency of a situation (Comrie 1976: 3). Kala-\nmang has five aspect markers: the iamitive and nondum in post-subject slot 3,\nthe completive (a complex predicate construction) and distributive following the\npredicate in slot 6, and the progressive (an enclitic) in slot 7. Two aspect-like encl-\nitics on the predicate, non-final =te and =ta, are described in §15.1.4. They do not\n353\n\n\n14 Clausal modification\nco-occur with the other aspect markers on the predicate. Of the five aspect mark-\ners discussed here, only the iamitive and nondum can co-occur with progressive\n=teba and completive =i koyet.4\n14.2.2.1 Iamitive se ‘already’ and nondum tok ‘still; yet; first’\nKalamang has one aspectual particle, se ‘already’, and one aspectual word, tok\n‘still; yet; first’. Both follow the subject NP. Se has an allomorph he, which is\nusually used after vowels (see §3.4.1). This is not a watertight rule: one does find\nse after vowels and (less commonly) he after consonants. This suggests that se/he\nis developing into a clitic (which attaches to the subject NP). Because the form\nse or he is not completely predictable from the phonological context, I give both\nvariants as they are found in the corpus examples. I gloss se ‘already’ as iam for\niamitive, which are “more or less grammaticalised markers that have functions\nshared by ‘already’ and the perfect” (Olsson 2013: 4). (48) and (49) illustrate the\nsyntactic position of se and tok, respectively.\n(48)\npas\nwoman\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\ndudan-mur-un\ncousin-kin.pl-3poss\nse\niam\nmat\n3sg.obj\npanok∼panok\norder∼red\n‘That woman, her cousins already ordered him.’\n[narr24_2:04]\n(49)\nsayang-un\nnutmeg-3poss\ntok\nstill\nkalom<lom>un\nyoung<red>\n‘Their nutmeg is still young.’\n[conv12_15:45]\nTok can have one of three meanings. The meaning ‘still’ is illustrated in (49)\nabove. The meaning ‘first’ is demonstrated in (50). When tok is combined with a\nnegated verb, it is translated as ‘yet’. Expressions with the meaning ‘not yet’ are\nalso known as nondums (van der Auwera 1998, Veselinova 2015).\n(50)\nma\n3sg\ntok\nfirst\necien=i\nreturn=plnk\nkewe=ko\nhouse=loc\n‘First he went home.’\n[stim42_2:40]\n(51)\npi\n1pl.incl\ntaruot=et\nspeak=irr\npi\n1pl.incl\ntok\nyet\nsampi=nin\narrive=neg\n‘We are talking, we haven’t finished yet.’\n[conv14_8:47]\n4The iamitive can co-occur with the progressive, the iamitive can co-occur with the comple-\ntive, the nondum can co-occur with the progressive and the nondum can co-occur with the\ncompletive. The iamitive and nondum cannot co-occur with each other. The progressive and\ncompletive cannot co-occur with each other either.\n354\n\n\n14.2 Mood, aspect and modality marking\nTok can also be a free-standing negative answer (an interjection) meaning ei-\nther ‘still’ or ‘not yet’, depending on whether the question contained a negative\nor not. Consider the contrast between (52) and (53).\n(52)\nA: ka\n2sg\ntok\nstill\nsekola\ngo.to.school\n‘Do you still go to school?’\nB: tok\nstill\n‘Yes [I still go to school].’\n[elic_wc19_15]\n(53)\nA: ka\n2sg\ntok\nyet\nsekola=nin\ngo_to_school=neg\n‘Don’t you go to school yet?’\nB: tok\nnot.yet\n‘Not yet.’\n[elic_wc19_16]\n(54) is taken from a story about a black-haired monkey and a white-haired cus-\ncus. The monkey asks the cuscus how to become white-haired. The cuscus then\ntraps the monkey in a narrow cage and puts him in the rising sea, whereupon\nthe monkey sees first his feet, then his belly, and then his entire body become\nlighter. The first tok in utterance B, an interjection, contrasts with se ‘already’ in\nutterance A, and hence takes the negative ‘not yet’ meaning. The second tok in\nanswer B is an instance of the aspectual marker, here meaning ‘still’.\n(54)\nA: an=at\n1sg=obj\nkahetmei\nopen.imp\neren-an\nbody-1sg.poss\nse\niam\niren\nwhite\n‘Release me, my body is white!’\nB: o\nemph\nkusukusu\ncuscus\ntoni\nsay\ntok\nnot_yet\nnakal-ca\nhead-2sg.poss\ntok\nstill\nkuskap=ta\nblack=nfin\nime\ndist\n‘The cuscus says: “Not yet, your head is still black.”’\n[narr19_15:04]\nIamitive se can often be translated with English ‘already’ or a perfect. In (55),\nthe first se acts like a perfect, while the second can be translated as ‘already’.\n(55)\nin\n1pl.excl\nse\niam\nbo\ngo\nwatko\nprox.loc\nmu\n3pl\ntoni\nsay\nwowa\naunt\nkain\n2sg.poss\nse\niam\nbo=et\ngo=irr\n‘We went here, they said your aunt has (already) left.’\n[conv12_28:36]\n355\n\n\n14 Clausal modification\nSe is also used to make reference to (cultural) expectations (as is the case in\nMalay usage/culture, see also Olsson 2013). One cannot ask ‘Are you married?’\nor ‘Do you have children?’ without using se. In Kalamang, since one is expected\nto marry and reproduce at some point, the use of se reflects this expectation.5\nLikewise, the answer to these questions cannot be ‘yes’ or ‘no’, but has to be se\n‘already’ (plus at least a repetition of the predicate and possibly also including a\nsubject) or tok ‘not yet’. An example is given in (56).\n(56)\nA: ka\n2sg\nse\niam\nnamgon\nmarried_female\n‘Are you married?’\nB: tok\nnot_yet\n‘Not yet.’\n[overheard]\nThese (cultural) expectations are also expressed through se for more everyday\nsituations. In Maas, the village of the speaker in (57), lights are automatically\nturned on at 5:30PM. By using se with yuol ‘shine’, the speaker expresses that an\nexpected situation has occurred.\n(57)\ngo\ncondition\nse\niam\nginggir\nlate_afternoon\nlampur\nlamp\nse\niam\nyuol\nshine\n‘It was late afternoon, the lamps were already on.’\n[conv11_5:53]\nThe iamitive can also be used for changes of state, as in (58), where a child has\ngrown up in the course of the story.\n(58)\nan\n1sg\nbo\ngo\nlembaga\ncell\nnerun\ninside\ntumun-an\nchild-1sg.poss\nse\niam\nbo\ngo\ntemun\nbig\n‘I went into prison, my child has grown up.’\n[stim7_29:09]\nFinally, iamitive se occurs in a fixed expression with koyet ‘to be finished’ to\nindicate the end of a state or event, or of an entire story. (59) narrates the building\nof a house. Se koyet is used to indicate that a day’s work is finished. (60) is the\nlast utterance in a story about a feast. The last events are listed (the serving and\nconsuming of tea and food), and then the story is closed off with se koyet ‘the\nend’.\n5Similar to English ‘yet’.\n356\n\n\n14.2 Mood, aspect and modality marking\n(59)\ntoni\nsay\neh\nhey\nma\n3pl\nse\niam\nme\ndist\nse\niam\nkoyet\nfinish\nkasur=et\ntomorrow=irr\neba\nthen\npaku=kin\nnail=vol\n‘[He] said: “Hey, that’s it, [we’re] finished, tomorrow we’ll nail.’\n[narr7_13:01]\n(60)\nmu\n3pl\nter=at\ntea=obj\nmaraouk\nserve\nmuaw=at\nfood=obj\nmaraouk\nserve\nin\n1pl.excl\nter-nan=i\ntea-consume=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nmuap=i\neat=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nse\niam\nkoyet\nfinish\n‘They served the tea, served the food, we finished drinking tea, finished\neating, the end.’\n[conv8_5:23]\nThe two aspectual markers are compatible with negated or inherently negative\nverbs (§12.5.4), but change in meaning. The aspectual markers have scope over\nthe negation. The aspectual word tok ‘still; yet; first’ can be combined with a\nnegated predicate to form the meaning ‘not yet’, as illustrated in (61) (see also 51).\n(61)\na. ma\n3sg\ntok\nstill\nnawanggar\nwait\n‘He still waits.’\n[stim29_1:34]\nb. Nyong\nNyong\nesun\nfather.3poss\ntok\nyet\nbot=nin\ngo=neg\n‘Nyong’s father doesn’t go yet.’\n[conv10_7:16]\nWhen iamitive se is combined with a negative verb or negated predicate, it\nforms the meaning ‘not any more’. This is illustrated in example (62).\n(62)\na. in\n1pl.excl\nse\niam\nmia\ncome\n‘We had already come.’\n[conv8_2:34]\nb. ma\n3sg\nse\niam\nparuot=nin\ndo=neg\n‘He won’t do it any more.’\n[stim7_28:36]\nTable 14.2 shows the meanings associated with se and tok in affirmative and\nnegative clauses.\nThe aspectual markers have scope over quantifiers and predicates. Consider\n(63), where negator =nin has scope over reidak ‘much’ and na ‘eat’, and tok has\nscope over both. For a further description of the behaviour of quantifiers with\nrespect to the NP and the predicate, see §6.3.2.\n357\n\n\n14 Clausal modification\nTable 14.2: Aspectual markers se and tok in affirmative and negative\nclauses\niamitive se\nnondum tok\naffirmative\nperfective; already\nstill; yet; first\nnegative\nnot anymore\nnot yet\n(63)\nma\n3sg\ntok\nyet\n[[reidak-i\nmuch-objqnt\nnat]=nin]\nconsume=neg\n‘He hasn’t eaten much yet.’\n[elic_neg_89]\n14.2.2.2 Progressive =teba ‘prog’\nThe clitic =teba, which attaches to the predicate, expresses progressive or contin-\nuous aspect, indicating that an action is incomplete or in progress. Two examples\nare given in (64) and (65).\n(64)\nki\n2pl\nneba=at=a\nwhat=obj=foc\nparuo\ndo\nin\n1pl.excl\ngarung=teba\nchat=prog\n‘“What are you doing?” “We’re chatting.”’\n[conv16_14:29]\n(65)\nin\n1pl.excl\nbo\ngo\nEsa\nEsa\nTanggiun\nTanggiun\nkai-rep=teba\nfirewood-collect=prog\n‘We went collecting firewood at Esa Tanggiun.’\n[conv11_1:07]\nThe progressive clitic can also be used with future reference, such as in (66).\n(66)\npi\n1pl.incl\nkoi\nthen\nbo\ngo\nKanastangan=ko=teba=et\nKanastangan=loc=prog=irr\nreon\nmaybe\n‘Then we’ll go to Kanastangan maybe?’\n[narr44_18:23]\nThe clitic can be in two different positions in the clause: it can attach directly\nto the predicate, and then it may be followed by, for example, irrealis =et (as in 66\nabove) or imperative =te (example 67); it can also come in position 8 (Table 14.1),\nwhere it follows volitional =kin or negator =nin (examples 68 and 69).\n(67)\nka\n2sg\nmarmar=teba=te\nwalk=prog=imp\nka-mun\n2sg-proh\nsara=in\nsara=proh\n‘You just walk, don’t you get up [your bike]!’\n[stim33_1:27]\n358\n\n\n14.2 Mood, aspect and modality marking\n(68)\nbal\ndog\nse\niam\nkoraru\nbite\nse\niam\nkuet=te\nbring=nfin\nnat=kin=teba\nconsume=vol=prog\n‘The dog has bitten [the fish], has brought [it] and wants to eat [it].’\n[stim2_3:55]\n(69)\nan\n1sg\ntok\nyet\nbo\ngo\nmat\n3sg.obj\nketemu=nin=teba\nmeet.mly=neg=prog\n‘I have never met him.’\n[conv20_13:37]\n14.2.2.3 Completive =i koyet ‘plnk finish’\nThe combination of predicate linker =i and the verb koyet ‘to be finished’ ex-\npresses completive aspect. The construction is part of a complex predicate also\ndescribed in §13.1.1. Completive =i koyet is only used to link one action to another,\nand is therefore often best translated as ‘after’. See also §15.1.3. (70) is taken from a\nnarrative about building a house, and illustrates a typical string of actions linked\nby =i koyet.\n(70)\nLemarat\nlemat=at\nbamboo_string=obj\nparuoni\nparuon=i\nmake=plnk\nkoyet\nkoyet\nfinish\nmetko\nmetko\ndist.loc\nkomangganggowet.\nkomanggangguop=et\nput_on_roof=irr\nSalat\nsal=at\nroof_wood=obj\ndiran,\ndi=ran\ncaus=move\nsal\nsal\nroof_wood\nrani\nran=i\ngo=plnk\nkoyet,\nkoyet\nfinish\neba\neba\nthen\nmetko\nmetko\nthere\nkomangganggowet.\nkomanggangguop=et\nput_on_roof=irr\nKomangganggowi\nkomanggangguop=i\nput_on_roof=plnk\nkoyet,\nkoyet\nfinish\neba\neba\nthen\npi\npi\n1pl.excl\nkoi\nkoi\nagain\nparararunat\npararar-un=at\nfloor-3poss=obj\ndiraret.\ndi=rat=et\ncaus=go=irr\n‘After making string, [we] put on the roof. Installing the roof wood, after\ninstalling the roof wood, then we put on the roof. After putting on the\nroof, then we install the floor again.’\n[narr6_4:24]\nThe construction Verb-i koyet can also be a quantifying expression meaning\n‘all; until finished’, as described in §8. Completive aspect typically expresses that\na totality of referents is affected, which is close in meaning to the quantifying\nuse of -i koyet. However, like other languages in East Indonesia, the completive is\nused also when an actor deliberately ends an event (Unterladstetter 2020). In (70),\nthere are clear agents, but one could argue that a totality of referents is affected\n359\n\n\n14 Clausal modification\n(all the roof wood is installed, the whole roof is closed). In (71), however, the\nreferent is firewood, and not all the firewood is bought, and neither is it probable\nthat all the money was spent.\n(71)\nme\ntop\nma\n3sg\nkai=at\nfirewood=obj\njien=i\nbuy=plnk\nkoyet=ta\nfinish=nfin\nme\ntop\nnewer=i\npay=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nkusukusu\ncuscus\ntoni\nsay\npier\n2du\nkoi\nagain\nbo=et\ngo=irr\n‘After she bought firewood and paid, the cuscus said: “Shall we go?”’\n[narr19_4:44]\n14.2.2.4 Distributive -p ‘distr’\nA suffix -p was attested on reduplicated directional verbs, and is likely a distribu-\ntive or pluractional marker, though there are not currently enough data to deter-\nmine this. Both attested examples are from descriptions of big events: a wedding\nand a funeral.\n(72)\nsontum\nperson\nreidak\nmany\nme\ntop\nmarua-p∼marua-p=te\nmove_seawards-distr∼distr-distr=nfin\n‘Many people came.’\n[conv7_9:06]\n(73)\nsontum\nperson\nse\niam\ntan-kinkin=te\nhand-hold=nfin\necie-p∼cie-p\nreturn-distr∼distr-distr\n‘People shook hands and returned.’\n[narr5_5:32]\n14.2.3 Modal markers\nModal markers are adverbials that express the speaker’s attitude towards a propo-\nsition, such as likelihood, certainty or truthfulness. There are six modal markers,\nlisted in Table 14.3 with their position in the clause.6 Two of them (bisa ‘can’ and\nharus ‘must’) are loans from Malay. The construction suka-poss neg ‘not like’\ncontains the Malay loan suka ‘like’. Modal markers are found in the pre-subject\nslot 1, post-subject slots 3 and 4, and clause-final slot 8.\n6There is not currently enough data to determine whether the position in the clause has an\neffect on the scope of the modal markers. Also, the exact word class of these markers remains\nunclear. Most of them are verb-like (and three of them are borrowed from Malay verbs), but\nagain, data is too scarce to make a coherent proposal, and hence they are just discussed as\n‘modal markers’ here.\n360\n\n\n14.2 Mood, aspect and modality marking\nTable 14.3: Modal markers\nmarker\nexpresses\nposition\nbisa ‘can’\npossibility, ability\npre/post-subject, clause-final\nharus ‘must’\nnecessity\npre/post-subject\nreon ‘maybe’\nuncertainty, possibility\nclause-final\ngen ‘maybe’\nuncertainty, possibility\npost-subject\nsuka-poss neg ‘not like’\ndislike\npost-subject, clause-final\neranun ‘cannot’\nimpossibility\nclause-final\nBisa ‘can’ occurs clause-finally following conditional markers to express gen-\neral possibility (example 74). After the subject, it expresses possibility or ability\n(example 75). In biclausal conditional clauses, as in example (76), bisa precedes\nthe subject. Bisa also precedes the subject in questions, like (76).\n(74)\njadi\nso\nter\ntea\nnan-ere\nconsume-cond\nbisa\ncan\nkai\nmedicine\nnan-ere\ndrink-cond\nbisa\ncan\n‘So if [you] drink it as tea that’s possible or if [you] drink it as medicine\nthat’s possible.’\n[narr34_0:32]\n(75)\nan\n1sg\nmat\n3sg.obj\ngerket\nask\nka\n2sg\nbisa\ncan\nnan\nconsume\nye\nor\nge\nnot\n‘I asked him: “Can you eat or not?”’\n[stim6_14:29]\n(76)\nKalau\nkalau\nif\nwarkin\nwarkin\ntide\nkararaet\nkararak=et\ndry=irr\nbisa.\nbisa\ncan\nWarkin\nwarkin\ntide\nkararaet\nkararak=et\ndry=irr\nbisa\nbisa\ncan\npi\npi\n1pl.incl\nwangga\nwangga\nprox.lat\nmarmar=et.\nmarmar=et\nwalk=irr\n‘If the tide is low, it’s possible. If the tide is low, we can walk from here.’\n[narr38_1:10]\n(77)\nbisa\ncan\nmu\n3pl\nkosom=i\nsmoke=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nye\nor\nge\nnot\n‘Can they smoke it all or not?’\n[narr16_2:21]\nHarus ‘must’ expresses necessity, and usually occurs after the subject as in (78).\nLike bisa ‘can’, it precedes the subject in conditional clauses, see (79). It is also\n361\n\n\n14 Clausal modification\nsometimes used without the predicate it is supposed to modify, presumably when\nthe event to which the main verb refers is clear from the context, as in (80).\n(78)\nwele\nvegetables\nharus\nmust\nsor=bon\nfish=com\nsor=nan\nfish=too\nharus\nmust\nwele=bon\nvegetables=com\n‘Vegetables must be with fish, fish must be with vegetables.’ [conv15_5:42]\n(79)\nkalau\nif\nkabor-un\nstomach-3poss\nnain\nlike\nko<yo>yal=te\ndisturbed<atten>=nfin\nnain=kap=et\nlike=sim=irr\nme\ntop\nharus\nmust\nmu\n3pl\nwat\nprox.obj\njie=ta\nget=nfin\n‘If the stomach is like it’s disturbed, they have to get this.’\n[narr36_2:06]\n(80)\nkariak\nblood\nsara\nascend\nnakal=ko\nhead=loc\nharus\nmust\nkai_modar\nmarungga_tree\n‘[If] blood goes up to the head, [you] must [use] marungga tree.’\n[narr33_3:10]\nReon ‘maybe’ expresses uncertainty or possibility and occurs clause-finally\nwith verbal and non-verbal predicates, and modifies the whole clause. An ex-\nample with a non-verbal predicate is given in (81).\n(81)\nkon\none\nsiun\nedge\nwilak=ko\nsea=loc\nyuwa\nprox\nreon\nmaybe\n‘The one here on the edge on the sea-side maybe?’\n[stim44_0:36]\nGen ‘maybe’ also expresses uncertainty or possibility and follows the subject,\nas in (82). Apart from its position in the clause, there is no difference in meaning.\nGen, like reon, modifies the entire clause. It is unclear whether gen and reon can\nco-occur.\n(82)\nma\n3sg\ngen\nmaybe\nsara\nascend\ntabai-jie\ntobacco-buy\n‘Maybe he came up to buy tobacco?’\n[conv9_22:03]\nThere are not enough data to determine the mutual order of these and aspec-\ntual markers se and tok, which are also post-subject. The corpus contains six\ninstances of different modal markers followed by se (1x bisa se, 5x gen se, no\nexamples with tok), and two instances of se or tok followed by different modal\nmarkers (1x tok bisa, 1x se gen).\n362\n\n\n14.3 Adverbial modifiers\nThe two negative modal markers behave slightly differently. Eranun ‘cannot’\ntriggers nominalisation of the verb it modifies, and follows that nominalised verb.\nIn a few cases, eranun stands in a clause on its own (following comma intonation).\nIn that case, the preceding clause has a normal verbal predicate, as in (84).\n(83)\nan\n1sg\nki=at\n2pl=obj\nrup-un\nhelp-nmlz\neranun\ncannot\n‘I cannot help you.’\n[narr7_6:27]\n(84)\nMu\nmu\n3pl\nkoi\nkoi\nagain\nbo\nbo\ngo\nsiendaet,\nsien=taet\nsharpen=again\neranun.\neranun\nbe_impossible\n‘They went to sharpen [their axes] again. It was impossible.’ [narr27_3:55]\nThe construction suka-poss neg ‘not like; not want’ usually appears as the\nonly verb-like element in the clause, but must refer to a preceding proposition.7\nIf combined with a verb in the same clause, the verb is negated with negator\n=nin, as in (86). The positive counterparts of suka-poss neg ‘not like; not want’\nare irrealis marker =kin, which can also be used to express volition, and lo ‘to\nwant; to consent’. These are described in §12.5.4 and §14.2.1.2.\n(85)\ncanam\nman\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\nmat\n3sg.obj\nnarorar\ndrag\nba\nbut\nlek\ngoat\nsuka-un\nwant-3poss\nge\nnot\n‘That man drags it, but the goat doesn’t want [to be dragged].’\n[stim31_0:57]\n(86)\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nsuka-un\nwant-3poss\nam=at\nbreast=obj\nmu\n3pl\n∅=nin\ngive=neg\n‘She doesn’t want to give them breast [milk] any more.’\n[narr21_1:55]\n14.3 Adverbial modifiers\nAdverbials specify the manner, temporal setting, degree or other characteristics\n(such as repetition or exclusivity) of the state or event expressed by the verb.\nThey were introduced in §5.7. Modal adverbials were treated in §14.2.3. Adverbial\nmodifiers occur at many different slots in the clause: temporal adverbials are\nclause-initial (slot 1), manner adverbials precede the verb (slot 5), adverbials of\n7Suka is likely a nominalised verb or a noun, and hence examples with suka-poss neg could be\nparaphrased as ‘is not of subject’s liking’.\n363\n\n\n14 Clausal modification\ndegree and some other adverbials are clitics on the predicate (slot 6) and weinun\n‘too’ is clause-final (slot 8). Koi ‘again’ has a variable position in between the\nsubject and the verb (slot 4).\n14.3.1 Manner adverbials\nKalamang has three manner adverbials, the meaning of only one of which is\nclear: loi ‘quickly’. Manner adverbials are part of the predicate, scoping over it,\nand come before the verb. They possibly end in predicate linker =i (see §13.1).\nThey cannot, however, be inflected like regular verbs, and with the exception of\nloi, do not occur independently of another verb.\nLoi ‘quickly’ is illustrated in (87) and (88). Though analysed as monomor-\nphemic here, it is likely that the final -i is an instance of predicate linker =i. It\ncan also stand alone as a command (with the imperative clitic: lo=te).\n(87)\nkome=i\nlook=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nloi\nquickly\neti\nreturn\n‘[When you’re] done looking, return quickly.’\n[narr39_8:47]\n(88)\nka\n2sg\nse\niam\nloi\nquickly\ngonggin=et\nknow=irr\n‘You quickly learn.’\n[conv12_8:00]\nThe second manner adverbial, dumuni, only has eight occurrences in the cor-\npus, and its semantics are not entirely clear. It is only used with events that\nexpress movement, and the use of dumuni seems to indicate a change of direc-\ntion. This is illustrated in (89) to (91). The question marks in the translation lines\nindicate that I am not sure whether I used the right verb.\n(89)\nma\n3sg\ntumun\nchild\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\nse\niam\nmengga\ndist.lat\ndumuni\nmanner\nra\ngo\n‘That child already escaped? to there.’\n[conv9_11:51]\n(90)\nsabar\nfront\nse\niam\ndumuni\nmanner\nNyong\nNyong\nemunkongga\nmother.3poss-an.loc\nmengga\ndist.lat\nmara\nmove_landwards\n‘The front [of the canoe] already turned? towards Nyong’s mother on the\nland-side.’\n[conv9_14:08]\n364\n\n\n14.3 Adverbial modifiers\n(91)\nan\n1sg\ntoni\nsay\npasa\nrice\n[...] barsi=ten\nclean.mly=at\nse\niam\nkoyet\nfinish\neh\ntag\neba\nthen\nkoi\nthen\npi\n1pl.incl\ndumuni\nmanner\ngoni-tumun\nsack-small\nkon\none\n‘I said the clean rice is finished, right, then we turn? to the one small\nsack.’\n[conv13_12:04]\nThe third manner adverbial, sororoi, occurs twice in the corpus, in the same\nstory, to modify the verb bara ‘descend’ in the context of climbing down a tree.\nThe utterance in (92) follows an order made by a giant for the protagonist of\nthe story to come down. It is unclear which exact meaning sororoi adds to the\nutterance, but speakers have indicated it has to do with manner.\n(92)\nma\n3sg\nsororoi\nmanner\nbara\ndescend\n‘She climbed down.’\n[narr25_4:37]\nDumuni and sororoi are perhaps better analysed as ideophones. This option is\nentertained in §17.4.\nOtherwise, manner is usually expressed in complex predicates (see Chapter 13,\nespecially §13.1.2). Manner demonstratives wandi ‘like this’ and mindi ‘like that’\ncan be found in Chapter 10.\n14.3.2 Adverbials of degree\nKalamang has two enclitics that I classify as adverbials of degree. These are the\nclitics =sawe(t) ‘too’ and =tun, an intensifier which can also mean ‘too’. Both\nattach to and scope over the predicate.\nThe clitic =sawe(t) usually attaches to predicates in the form of stative verbs,\nas in (93), but can be on any predicate such as the incorporation construction\nhalanganrep ‘to look for trouble’ in (94) or the transitive verb kona ‘to see’ in (95).\n(93)\nma\n3sg\nririn=sawe\ntall=too\n‘It’s too tall.’\n[conv19_34:30]\n(94)\nmu\n3pl\nme\ntop\nhalangan-rep=sawe\ntrouble-get=too\n‘They’re looking for too much trouble.’\n[conv10_1:55]\n365\n\n\n14 Clausal modification\n(95)\nIrul\nIrul\npi\n1pl.excl\nmat\n3sg.obj\nkonan=sawe\nsee=too\n‘Irul, we keep on seeing him.’\n[stim42_7:53]\nThe uses of =tun are illustrated in (96) and (97). As an intensifier, it attaches\nonly to reduplicated roots. These can be verbs, adverbials, nouns (as in exam-\nple 97) or quantifiers.\n(96)\nnika\nfishing_line\nkahen=tun\nlong=too\nge\nno\nnika\nfishing_line\ntaraman-kodak\nfathom-just_one\n‘Not a too long fishing line, just one fathom.’\n[conv9_2:21]\n(97)\nma\n3sg\nsiun∼siun=tun\nedge∼ints-ints\ntimbang-un=ko\nforehead-3sg=loc\n‘It’s at the very edge, at his forehead.’\n[stim25_8:41]\n14.3.3 Temporal adverbials\nTemporal adverbials set the temporal scene for a clause and modify the entire\nclause. Temporal adverbials come in the clause-initial (i.e. pre-subject) slot. Ex-\namples of temporal adverbials are listed in (98) below.\n(98)\nkeitar\nday before yesterday\nwis\nyesterday; past\nopa yuwa\nearlier today\nopa\nearlier; just now\nkasur\ntomorrow\nkeirko\nday after tomorrow\nAn example with wis ‘yesterday’ is given in (99), and opa yuwa ‘(earlier) today’\nand kasur ‘tomorrow’ are shown in (100).\n(99)\nwis\nyesterday\nsekitar\naround\njam\nhour\nsatu\none\nin\n1pl.excl\nwa\nprox\nkaluar\nexit\n‘Yesterday around one o’clock we left from here.’\n[narr1_0:01]\n(100)\nma\n3sg\ntoni\nsay\nopa_yuwa\ntoday\nan\n1sg\ndodon\nclothes\nwaruo=teba\nwash=prog\nkasur\ntomorrow\nmu\n3pl\nkolak=ka\nmountain=lat\nbot=kin\ngo=vol\n‘She said: “Today I was washing clothes.” Tomorrow they want to go to\nthe mountains.’\n[conv11_6:15]\n366\n\n\n14.3 Adverbial modifiers\nThe Kalamang day is divided into four: from the time around sunrise until it\nstarts getting hot (approximately 5 a.m. to 10 a.m.), around the hottest hours of\nthe day (approximately 10 a.m. to 4 p.m.), the late afternoon until sunset (approx-\nimately 4 p.m. to 6 p.m.), and the dark hours (approximately 6 p.m. to 5 a.m.).\nAdverbial phrases referring to the times of the day are formed with go ‘place;\n(weather) condition’. Go and the time of day can be separated by aspectual mark-\ners se ‘already’ and tok ‘still; yet; first’, e.g. go se saun ‘it’s already evening’. The\ntimes of the day are listed below with their translations and their corresponding\nnouns, if available.\n(101)\ngo dung\nin the morning\ngo yuol\nduring the day\nyuol\nday; light\ngo ginggir\nin the (late) afternoon\nginggir\n(late) afternoon\ngo saun\nin the night/evening\nsaun\nnight; dark\nWhen used adverbially, the times of day always occur at the beginning of the\nclause, illustrated in (102). They can be accompanied by bo ‘go’ to create the\nmeaning ‘when it had turned [part of day]’, as in (103).\n(102)\ngo_dung\nmorning\ninier\n1du.ex\nse\niam\nkoi\nagain\nbot\ngo\n‘In the morning we left again.’\n[narr44_7:40]\n(103)\nbo\ngo\ngo.saun\nevening\nmu\n3pl\nse\niam\nmuap=at\nfood=obj\nmaraouk\nput_out\n‘When it turned evening they put out the food.’\n[narr1_3:28]\nTo make the construction ‘last/earlier this + part of day’ opa ‘earlier’ is used.\nOpa cannot be combined with (go) dung ‘(in the) morning’, but can be combined\nwith another temporal adverbial, naupar ‘morning’. The only time of day that\nretains go in combination with opa is go yuol, perhaps because yuol can also\nmean ‘light’. See the overview in (104) and (105).\n(104)\nopa naupar\nearlier this morning\n*opa go dung\nopa go yuol\nearlier today\n*opa yuol\nopa ginggir\nearlier this (late) afternoon\nopa saun\nlast night; earlier tonight; this evening\n(105)\nopa\nlast\nsaun\nnight\njam\no’clock\ntiga\nthree\nan\n1sg\nse\niam\ntoni\nwant\nmin=kin\nsleep=vol\n‘Last night at three o’clock I wanted to go sleep.’\n[narr32_0:14]\n367\n\n\n14 Clausal modification\nThe days of the week are all derived from the Malay terms, which in turn\nare loans from Arabic. They are usually preceded by the Malay loan hari ‘day’.\nThe days are listed in (106). The pronunciation roba for ‘Wednesday’ seems to\nbe rather marginal; most people use Malay rabu. An example with ariemun ‘Fri-\nday’ is given in (107). Ariemun seems to be a contraction of hari ‘day’ and emun\n‘mother; big’ (since Friday is the most important day in Islam) rather than a loan\nfrom Malay/Indonesian jumat, ultimately Arabic aljumʕa.\n(106)\nweekday term\nloan from\nsenen ‘Monday’\n< Malay senin\nselasa ‘Tuesday’\n< Malay selasa\nroba ‘Wednesday\n< Malay rabu\nkamis ‘Thursday’\n< Malay kamis\nariemun ‘Friday’\nsaptu ‘Saturday’\n< Malay sabtu\nahat ‘Sunday’\n< Malay ahad\n(107)\nan\n1sg\ntoni\nsay\nariemun\nFriday\neba\nthen\nin\n1pl.excl\ntok\nfirst\nbo=et\ngo=irr\n‘I said we wait until Friday and then we go.’\n[conv10_6:57]\nThe moon phases are designated pak talawak ‘new moon’ and pak tubak ‘full\nmoon’. Four months from the Arabic calendar with Kalamang names are cur-\nrently in use in a twelve-month system. They are listed in (108), with the cor-\nresponding Malay names and the number of the month in the Arabic calendar.\nThree of the four month names are derived from nouns that are currently in use\nin Kalamang. The reason the month known as ‘safar’ in Arabic is derived from\nKalamang roba ‘Wednesday’ is that people in Malaysia and parts of Indonesia,\nincluding the Karas Islands, celebrate the last bath of the prophet Muhammad\nby bathing in the sea and having a picnic on the beach on the last Wednesday of\nthat month.\n(108)\na. robaherpak, from roba ‘Wednesday’, Malay bulan shafar, 2nd month\nb. dilurpak, from dilur ‘?’, Malay bulan maulud; rabiul akhir, 6th month\nc. tolaspak, from tolas ‘break the fast’, Malay bulan puasa; bulan ramad-\nhan, 9th month\nd. hajiwak, from haji ‘hajj’, Malay bulan haji; dzulhijjah, 12th month\nThe Karas Islands have two main meteorological seasons: kemanurpak, lit.\n‘west month’, the wet season with winds from the west, and tagurpak, lit. ‘east\n368\n\n\n14.3 Adverbial modifiers\nmonth’, the dry season with winds from the east. These are not encountered in\nthe corpus, and it remains unclear which position in the clause they take.\nTo make the construction ‘... ago’, the period of time is put in clause-initial\nposition with a high boundary tone.\n(109)\nminggu\nweek\nkon\nH\none\nin\n1pl.excl\nar=teba\nL\nfish=prog\n‘One week ago we were fishing.’\n[elic_adv_22]\nAll ‘... ago’ constructions were elicited. In practice, people prefer to use wis to\nindicate that the event took place in the past. Like kemarin in Malay, wis can be\nyesterday, but also any other time before today. To indicate a really long time\nago (usually when talking about another generation, or when telling fictional\nstories), one can use wiseme ‘a long time ago’. (110) is the beginning of a story\nabout the Second World War.\n(110)\nwiseme\nlong_time_ago\nJepang=bon\nJapan=com\nAmerika=bon\nAmerica=com\nnau=sair=ten\nrecp=shoot=ten\n‘A long time ago, Japan and America were at war.’\n[narr40_0:03]\n14.3.4 Too/also\nWeinun ‘too; also’ is an adverbial that modifies the clause. It is clause-final. There\nare no examples of weinun with a transitive verb.\n(111)\nkoi\nthen\nmindi\nlike_that\nweinun\ntoo\nba\nbut\nkahaman\nbottom\neirgan\nboth\nkit-pis\nup-side\n‘Then [a picture] like that too, but both bottoms are up.’\n[stim38_7:06]\n(112)\nma\n3sg\ngawar∼gawar\nfragrant∼ints\nweinun\ntoo\n‘It was fragrant too.’\n[conv13_7:47]\nWeinun ‘too; also’ can be combined with the NP enclitic =nan ‘too; also’. It is\nunclear what the (pragmatic) effect is of combining the two.\n(113)\nwa=nan\nprox=too\nim\nbanana\nkaruok\nthree\nweinun\ntoo\n‘[In] this [picture there are] three bananas too.’\n[stim38_11:03]\n369\n\n\n14 Clausal modification\n(114)\nbal-un=nan\ndog-3poss=too\ntiri\nrun\nmia\ncome\nweinun\ntoo\n‘His dog comes running too.’\n[stim21_2:27]\n14.3.5 More, again\nThere are two elements, a clitic and a word, that mark when a proposition is\nrepeated. They can be combined.\nThe clitic =taet ‘more; again’, which is attached to the predicate, indicates that\nthe proposition is repeated, continued or extended. It almost invariably co-occurs\nwith koi ‘again’, which is further illustrated below. (115) and (116) show =taet\ntogether with koi. In the latter, the meaning conveyed is slightly more that of\nrepetition than of continuation.\n(115)\nma\n3sg\nkoi\nthen\nbaran=taet\ndescend=more\n‘Then he goes further down.’\n[narr37_1:57]\n(116)\nibu\nmiss\nnawanggar\nwait\nin\n1pl.excl\nkoi\nagain\nsanggaran=taet\nsearch=again\n‘Miss waits and we search again.’\n[stim27_6:05]\n(117)\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nkamera\ncamera\nnerun=ka\ninside=lat\nkeluar=taet\nexit-again\n‘She already went out of (the view of) the camera again.’\n[conv13_6:35]\nIn a few cases, =taet is also found on pronouns, when the actor is in focus\nrather than the action. In (118), where the speaker and the addressee are taking\nturns describing objects, the speaker encliticises =taet to the pronoun, because\nthe focus is on who is talking. (Cf. English ‘Now YOU again speak’ vs. ‘Now you\nSPEAK again’). Similarly, in (119), which is take from a story about a monkey and\na cuscus who keep switching places in a boat, the focus is on the pronoun an ‘I’.\n(118)\nka=taet\n2sg=again\newa=te\nspeak=imp\n‘You speak again.’\n[stim15_3:27]\n(119)\nka\n2sg\nme\ntop\nor=ko\nstern=loc\nan=taet\n1sg=again\nbo\ngo\nsabar=et\nbow=irr\n‘You are at the stern, I again go to the bow.’\n[narr19_5:10]\n370\n\n\n14.4 Unresolved uses of =ten\nKoi ‘again’ indicates repetition of an event. Its placement is variable. In (120),\nkoi precedes the object and the verb, but in (121) it follows the object and precedes\nthe verb. In clauses without object, such as (122), koi is between the subject and\nthe verb. Koi always follows aspectual markers se and tok.\n(120)\nma\n3sg\nkoi\nagain\nkaluar\nexit\nma\n3sg\nkoi\nagain\nkiun=at\nwife.3poss=obj\ntu\nhit\n‘[If] he goes out again he’ll hit his wife again.’\n[stim12_4:01]\n(121)\nan\n1sg\nse\niam\nmat\n3sg.obj\nkoi\nagain\npouk\ncarry_on_back\n‘I carried him on my back again.’\n[narr40_4:07]\n(122)\ngo_dung\nmorning\ninier\n1du.ex\nse\niam\nkoi\nagain\nbot\ngo\n‘In the morning we left again.’\n[narr44_7:40]\n14.4 Unresolved uses of =ten\nA clitic on the predicate =ten was introduced in §6.3.5 as an attributive marker,\nwhich also functions as a relative clause marker (§6.3.6). Besides these occur-\nrences of =ten, several dozen examples in the natural spoken corpus cannot be\nanalysed as an attributively used predicate or as a relativiser. With the data cur-\nrently available I cannot arrive at a unified analysis for them, which is why the\nclitic remains glossed as ten. I briefly present some data here.\nThe clitic occurs several times on the manner demonstratives wandi ‘like this’\nand mindi ‘like that’ (the latter is illustrated in example 123), following simila-\ntive marker =kap (example 124), and on the question word tamandi ‘how’ (exam-\nple 125). Another example, on the verb pue ‘to hit’, is given in (126). An analysis\nthat might fit for part of the data, represented by these examples, is that of a\nsubordinate clause marker, expressing meanings like ‘since’, ‘as’ or ‘after’. This\npotential reading is indicated in brackets in the translation. If this analysis is\ncorrect, the relativiser use of =ten is a specific example of this more general use.\n(123)\nan\n1sg\nkewe\nhouse\nneko=et\ninside=irr\nme\ntop\nmindi=ten\nlike_that=ten\nme\ntop\neranun\ncannot\n‘If I’m in the house (as it is like that) I can’t do it.\n[conv13_10:40]\n371\n\n\n14 Clausal modification\n(124)\nin\n1pl.excl\nopa\nana\nrombongan\ngroup\nbaran=ten=kap\ndescend=ten=sim\nme\ntop\ntengguen=i\ngather=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nin\n1pl.excl\nse\niam\nmengga\ndist.lat\nkubirar=ka\ngraveyard=lat\nbot\ngo\n‘(When) we, that group, moved down, had all gathered, we went from\nthere to the graveyard.’\n[narr1_1:15]\n(125)\nsayang\nnutmeg\ntamandi=ten\nhow=ten\nma\n3sg\nwandi\nlike_this\npi\n1pl.incl\nnak=komahal\njust=not_know\n‘Why (how come) is the nutmeg like this? We just don’t know.’\n[conv12_16:54]\n(126)\nkaden-un\nbody-3poss\nmetko\ndist.loc\npue=ten\nhit=ten\nme\ntop\nsupaya\nso_that\ntu=te\nhit=nfin\ndi=metko=et\ncaus=dist.loc=irr\nbisa\ncan\nbalama=te\nheat_in_fire=nfin\nmindi\nlike_that\nnaladur=et\nmassage=irr\nbisa\ncan\n‘(When?) [you] hit the body there, so that hitting and putting it there is\npossible, and heating in the fire and massaging is possible.’ [narr34_2:11]\nNot all examples can get a subordinate clause reading, however. The following\nexample shows =ten at the end of an utterance.\n(127)\nA: ka\n2sg\nnan=et\nconsume=irr\nme\ntop\nmesang=ten=kap\ndregs=ten=sim\n‘If you eat, [it tastes] like dregs.’\nB: nain\nlike\nplastik\nplastic\nmindi\nlike_that\n‘Like plastic.’\nA: ema\nmother\n‘Mother!’\n[conv13_5:25]\nA combination of =ten and =saet ‘all; only; exclusively’ is found in indefinite\npronoun constructions. Both emphatic clitics, like ‘only’ and constructions sim-\nilar to non-specific free relative clauses, are cross-linguistically common in the\nexpression of concessive conditionals (Haspelmath 2001, Haspelmath & König\n1998), so it is possible that this is a use of the relative clitic =ten.\n(128)\npi\n1pl.excl\ndon\nthing\nkon\none\nse\niam\njien=ten=saet\nget=ten=only\n‘Whatever thing we obtain...’\n[conv16_12:45]\n372\n\n\n14.4 Unresolved uses of =ten\n(129)\nset\nbait\nme\ntop\nmemang\ntrue\ntebonggan\nall\nbes=ten=saet\ngood=ten=only\n‘The bait, to be honest, they are all good.’\n[stim16_3:12]\n373\n\n\n\n\n15 Multiclausal constructions\nChapter 12 dealt with the structure of the simple Kalamang clause. This chapter\nexplores how such clauses are combined into multiclausal constructions. §15.1\ndescribes different ways to combine main clauses in cooordination-like ways,\nfollowed by subordinate or subordinate-like clause constructions: §15.2 on com-\nplement clauses, §15.3 on apprehensive clauses and §15.4 on conditional clauses.\n15.1 Coordination-like clause combining\nIn this section, the four ways of combining main clauses are described: asyndetic\nconjunction is addressed in §15.1.1, conjunctions in §15.1.2, tail-head linkage in\n§15.1.3 and non-final clauses in §15.1.4.\n15.1.1 Asyndetic conjunction\nAsyndetic conjunction is the juxtaposition of two clauses without an overt coor-\ndination. This is the most common way to conjoin clauses, and is not connected\nto a special function. The relation between asyndetically conjoined clauses is\nrather expressed through intonation. If the first clause ends in a high bound-\nary tone (H%), this indicates that it is a non-final clause (§3.3.3.2), which com-\nbined with asyndetic conjunction indicates a sequential relationship between the\nclauses. This is illustrated in Figure 15.1, where the speaker relates a sequence of\nevents from the day before. While the second and third clause contain words that\nindicate we are dealing with sequential events (koyet ‘finished’, see §14.2.2.3, and\nkoi ‘then; again’, see §15.1.2.1), the first clause is truly asyndetically conjoined to\nthe second. It remains unclear what the difference is between asyndetically con-\njoined clauses and clauses conjoined with sequential conjunctions (§15.1.2.1).\nA low boundary tone on the first clause (L%) indicates a declarative clause. The\nfollowing clause typically starts a new paragraph in a story. There may or may\nnot be a sequential relationship between the clauses. In the narrative section in\nFigure 15.2, which precedes the section in Figure 15.1 in the same narrative, there\nis a sequential relationship between the juxtaposed clauses. A new paragraph in\nthe story is started: the events of a new day are related.\n\n\n15 Multiclausal constructions\nFigure 15.1: Asyndetic conjunction of sequential events with a high\nboundary tone\nFigure 15.2: Asyndetic conjunction of sequential events with a low\nboundary tone\n376\n\n\n15.1 Coordination-like clause combining\n15.1.2 Clause combining with conjunctions\nKalamang conjunctions (introduced in §5.9) can be categorised into four func-\ntional types, described in turn: sequential, alternative, reason and consequence,\nand condition conjunctions. Kalamang makes use of both indigenous forms and\nmore recent borrowings from Indonesian, Papuan Malay or a neighbouring Aus-\ntronesian language (here referred to as “AN borrowings/loans” for the sake of\nsimplicity). While all conjunctions may be and frequently are used on their own,\ncombinations of indigenous and borrowed conjunctions with seemingly the same\nsemantics in the same clause are also common. For most of these combinations,\nthe semantics and pragmatics do not seem to differ with respect to the use of a\nsingle conjunction. Indigenous conjunctions are more frequent than borrowed\nones. In general, when conjunctions are combined, the indigenous conjunctions\nprecede the AN-derived conjunctions.\nIn the following sections, the four different conjunction types are described.\nWithin each section, I first present the indigenous conjunctions, followed by the\nborrowed conjunctions, concluding with combinations of indigenous and bor-\nrowed conjunctions.\n15.1.2.1 Sequential events\nTwo conjunctions mark sequential events. The Kalamang sequential conjunction\nis eba ‘then’, supplemented by AN loan word terus ‘then’.\nEba ‘then’ is placed between the two clauses it links, as in (1). Intonationally,\nit belongs to the second clause. In (2), eba ‘then’ is used to connect three clauses\nin a row. Eba is frequently shortened to ba, illustrated in (3). Eba is also used in\nsome conditional clauses, see §15.4.\n(1)\nan\n1sg\nwatko\nprox.loc\nkomet=et\nlook=irr\neba\nthen\nan\n1sg\njie=te\nget=nfin\nkain=bon\n2sg.poss=com\ncocok=et\nfit=irr\n‘I look here, then I get [one picture] and match with yours.’ [stim43_0:54]\n(2)\nkai-rep=teba\nfirewood-get=prog\nse\niam\nlangsung=i\ndirectly=plnk\ngayam=at\nchestnut=obj\nkajien\npick\neba\nthen\nkuru\nbring\nluk=ta\ncome=nfin\neba\nthen\nse\niam\nparamuan\ncut\nse\niam\ndi=ra\ncaus=go\nkuar=ta\ncook=nfin\nmetko\ndist.loc\n‘[She] went to get firewood and pick chestnuts, then coming back, then\n[she] cut [them], having cooked [them] there...’\n[conv11_0:47]\n377\n\n\n15 Multiclausal constructions\n(3)\nLebai\nlebai\nbetter\nka\nka\n2sg\nmia\nmia\ncome\nba\neba\nthen\npier\npier\n2du\nminum-minumet.\nminum∼minum=et\ndrink∼red=irr\n‘You better come here, then we drink [alcohol].’\n[stim12_1:23]\nOf the borrowed conjunctions the most frequent is terus ‘then’, illustrated\nin (4).\n(4)\nma\n3sg\nterima\nreceive\nterus\nthen\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\necien=i\nreturn=plnk\nkewe=ko\nhouse=loc\n‘He receives [it] and then he returns home.’\n[stim12_5:49]\nAnother borrowed conjunction is lalu ‘then’, which is rather infrequent, per-\nhaps because it is a conjunction associated with Malay varieties further west in\nIndonesia (Donohue 2011: 431).\nOne combination of an indigenous and a borrowed conjunction marks sequen-\ntial events: baru eba ‘then’. In (5), this combination marks a new paragraph with\na change of subject in the story that the speaker is telling, rather than linking\nevents, actions or states sequentially. Data are lacking to confirm that the double\nuse of these conjunctions has a clearly distinct function.\n(5)\nMindiet\nmindi=et\nlike_that=irr\nme\nme\ntop\nka\nka\n2sg\nmarmartebare,\nmarmar=teba=te\nwalk=prog=imp\nkamun\nka-mun\n2sg-proh\nsarain.\nsara=in\nascend=proh\nAh.\nah\nint\nBaru\nbaru\nthen\neba,\neba\nthen\nsepeun\nsepe-un\nhat-3poss\nopa...\nopa\nana\n‘Like that you just walk, don’t you get up [on your bike]. Ah. Then, that\nhat of his...’\n[stim33_1:27]\nSequential events can also be marked with the help of the completive aspec-\ntual construction =i koyet (see §14.2.2.3 and §13.1.1). Simultaneous events are ex-\npressed in complex predicates, see Chapter 13.\n15.1.2.2 Disjunctive\nThe Kalamang disjunctive conjunction is ye ‘or’. In addition, atau ‘or’ is borrowed\nfrom AN.\nYe ‘or’ can be used to coordinate NPs or clauses. An example with ye as clause\ncoordinator is given in (6). Ye typically follows both the items it coordinates, and\nbelongs to the preceding item intonationally.\n378\n\n\n15.1 Coordination-like clause combining\n(6)\nuda=bon=a\nrice_sieve=com=foc\nmelelu\nsit\nye\nor\nneba=bon=a\nwhat=com=foc\nmelelu\nsit\nye\nor\n‘Sitting with a rice sieve or sitting with what?’\n[stim42_6:36]\nThe AN loan atau ‘or’ is used as a disjunctive coordinator for both NPs and\nclauses. An example coordinating clauses is given in (7). It is never used on both\nclauses it connects, unlike ye ‘or’.\n(7)\nsom-kon\nperson-one\n∅-te\ngive-distr\nkon∼kon\none∼distr\natau\nor\nsom-kon\nperson-one\n∅-te\ngive-distr\nnaun-kon\nfruit-one\n‘Gave each person one, or gave each person one fruit.’\n[stim31_2:48]\nA combination of ye ‘or’ and atau ‘or’ is attested eight times in the natural\nspoken corpus. This is exemplified in (8). This double use of the disjunctive co-\nordinator does not seem to have a special function.\n(8)\nma\n3sg\npi=at=a\n1pl.incl=obj=foc\nruat=kin\nkill=vol\nye\nor\natau\nor\npi=at\n1pl.incl=obj\ntamandi=kin\nhow=vol\n‘Does he want to kill us, or what does he want to do with us?’\n[narr29_8:56]\n15.1.2.3 Adversative\nThe Kalamang adversative conjunction is ba ‘but’. It is also used to conjoin nu-\nmerals between 11 and 29, as described in §8.1. A second aversative, tapi ‘but’, is\nborrowed from AN.\nIn (9), ba is used to express opposition between the position of a figurine next\nto a tree in one picture versus another picture. Intonationally, ba belongs to the\nfirst clause.\n(9)\nkon\none\nwa\nprox\nme\ntop\nror\ntree\nkanggirar-un=ko\nface-3poss=loc\nba\nbut\ntanbes-pis=ko\nright-side=loc\n‘This one he’s facing the tree, but on the right side.’\n[stim26_4:09]\n(10)\nma\n3sg\nmu=at\n3pl=obj\nkomet∼komet\nlook∼prog\nba\nbut\nmu\n3pl\nnokidak\nbe_silent\n‘He watches them but they are silent.’\n[stim31_3:16]\nThe combination of ba ‘but’ and tapi ‘but’ is also attested, without a different\nmeaning. It has six corpus occurrences, all by the same speaker. (11) contains yet\na third AN adversative coordinator: sedangkan ‘but; whereas’. This conjunction\nis only found in the speech of this single speaker within the corpus.\n379\n\n\n15 Multiclausal constructions\n(11)\nma\n3sg\nkoi\nthen\nbo\ngo\nror\ntree\nkodaet=ko\none_more=loc\nma\n3sg\nkoi\nthen\npareir=taet\nfollow=again\nba\nbut\ntapi\nbut\ngoras\ncrow\nwa\nprox\nme\ntop\nsedangkan\nbut\nsor-un\nfish-3poss\nma\n3sg\nlapas=nin\ndrop.mly=neg\n‘Then he goes to another tree, he follows again, but the crow doesn’t drop\nits fish.’\n[stim3_0:54]\n15.1.2.4 Consequence and reason\nConsequence is expressed with a construction involving non-final =ta and con-\njunction eba ‘then’, whereas reason clauses are marked with clitic =tauna ‘so’ or\n=tenden ‘so’. In addition, several reason and consequence conjunctions have been\nborrowed from AN. For the use of locative distal demonstrative metko together\nwith eba, see §10.2.2.5.\nSequential conjunction eba ‘then’ can be understood as ‘so that’ when it fol-\nlows non-final marker =ta (§15.1.4.2), indicating consequence. It is then invariably\nused in its short form ba. Consider (12) and (13). A reading where (e)ba means\n‘then’ is possible, but a consequential reading is more suitable, and is also re-\nflected by informants’ translation of these clauses to AN with use of supaya ‘so\nthat’.\n(12)\nan\n1sg\nse\niam\ndodon-an\nclothing-1sg.poss\nmet\ndist.obj\nkuru\nbring\nmarua\nmove_seawards\nmetko=ta\ndist.loc=nfin\neba\nso_that\nkawet∼kawet\nfold∼iter\nsambil\nwhile\ngarung=et\nchat=irr\n‘I brought those clothes of mine to the sea there, so that [I could] fold\nwhile chatting.’\n[conv10_3:28]\n(13)\nkalamang-mang\nKalamang-language\newa=ta\nspeak=nfin\neba\nso_that\nma\n3sg\ntangkap=et\nrecord=irr\n‘Speak Kalamang so that she can record.’\n[conv12_4:38]\nThe clitic =tauna links reason to result. It most commonly attaches to demon-\nstrative forms, and then usually the distal form. However, the clitic also has a\nfew occurrences on transitive and intransitive verbs. (14) illustrates =tauna on\nthe distal demonstrative me, which is also marked with focus marker =ba. The\nexample is from a story about diving for lobsters. =tauna serves to link a rea-\nson (the subject recognises a good diving spot) to a result (the subject quickly\ncatches a lobster). (15) shows =tauna on a stative intransitive verb, indicating the\n380\n\n\n15.1 Coordination-like clause combining\nreason for suggesting another sailing route. In (16), the clitic attaches to a transi-\ntive verb, indicating that the fact that the subject (a crow) ate rotten fish is taken\nnot so much as the reason but as proof that it has degraded itself to eating rotten\nfood. That example also shows the combination of a Kalamang and a borrowed\nconjunction with a slightly different meaning (sehingga ‘until; so that; with the\nresult that’).\n(14)\nMel\nMel\nse\niam\ndalang=i\njump=plnk\nbara\ndescend\nmungkin\nmaybe\nyar-un\nstone-3poss\nnaunin=ten\nrecognise-ten\nme=ba=tauna\ndist=foc=so\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\njie\nget\nkuru\nbring\nsara\nascend\n‘Mel jumped down, maybe he recognised his stone, so he got [a lobster]\nand brought [it] up.’\n[narr44_15:24]\n(15)\nwarkin\ntide\nkararak=tauna\ndry=so\nge=et\nno=irr\npi\nwe\nosa=ka\nup=lat\nterus=i\ngo_further=plnk\nmarat=et\nmove_landwards=irr\n‘The tide is low, so why don’t we continue from up there towards land.’\n[conv25_3:40]\n(16)\nka\n2sg\ndon\nthing\nyuwa=at=a\nprox=obj=foc\nna=tauna\neat=so\nsehingga\nso_that\ndon\nthing\nmun=ten\nrotten=at\nwandi=et\nlike_this=irr\nka\n2sg\nbisa\ncan\nna=ta\neat=nfin\n‘You ate this thing, [how has it come so far] that you can eat rotten things\nlike this?’\n[narr39_7:35]\nA clitic on the predicate, =tende(n) ‘so’, also links reason to result, as illustrated\nin (17) and (18). Although =tende(n) and =tauna attach to different constituents,\nno significant difference in meaning is apparent from the current corpus.1\n(17)\nin\n1pl.excl\nbo\ngo\nwar=tenden\nfish=so\nin=nan\n1pl.excl=too\nkaden-un\nbody-1pl.excl.poss\nkoi\nagain\nkememe\nweak\n‘We went fishing so our bodies are tired.’\n[conv11_5:43]\n(18)\nmier\n3du\nse\niam\nnau=bes=tenden\nrecp=good=so\nma\n3sg\nkiun=at\nwife.3poss=obj\njaga\nwatch\nto\nright\n‘They have made up with each other, so he is taking care of his wife,\nright.’\n[stim7_26:23]\n1Compare Papuan Malay jadi as a sentence-final particle that indicates the reason for the sen-\ntence, according to Donohue (2011).\n381\n\n\n15 Multiclausal constructions\nOtherwise, conjunctions marking reason or consequence are mainly borrowed\nfrom AN: jadi ‘so’, karena ‘because’ and supaya ‘so that’, exemplified in (19) to (21),\nall occur frequently in the natural spoken corpus. Sehingga ‘until; so that; with\nthe result that’ only has a few unclear occurrences besides (16), where it is com-\nbined with a Kalamang conjunction.\n(19)\nkiun\nwife.3poss\nketiga\nthird\ntum∼tum\nchild∼pl\nkaruok\nthree\nweinun\ntoo\njadi\nso\npebis-un\nwoman-3poss\nkaruok-gan\nthree-all\ntum∼tum\nchild∼pl\ntebonggan\nall\nkaninggonie\nnine\n‘His third wife also had three children, so his three women had nine\nchildren in total.’\n[narr26_19:30]\n(20)\nmu\n3pl\nse\niam\nkoi\nthen\nwat\ncoconut\npes=at\npeel=obj\ndi=kahalong\ncaus=spear\nsiun=ko\nedge.3poss=loc\nkarena\nbecause\nkahalong\nspear\nsiun\nedge.3poss\nkang\nsharp\n‘Then they put the coconut skin on the points of the two-pointed spear,\nbecause the two-pointed spear has sharp points.’\n[conv8_3:13]\n(21)\nka\n2sg\nmuap=at\nfood=obj\nkuet=nin\nbring=neg\nka-mun\n2sg=proh\nlangsung=i\ndirectly=plnk\nbo=in\ngo-proh\nsupaya\nso_that\npi\n1pl.incl\ntok\nfirst\nmuap-sanggara\nfood-search\neba\nthen\nmarei\nmove_landwards.imp\n‘You didn’t bring food, don’t you go directly, so that we go\nfood-searching first, then go towards land!’\n[conv10_7:05]\nCombinations of the Kalamang construction =ta nfin + (e)ba ‘so that’ and\nsupaya ‘so that’ are frequently found. The 13 occurrences from natural speech\ndo not indicate a difference between the use of one or two conjunctions.\n(22)\nmu\n3pl\nwat\nprox.obj\ntu=ta\npound=nfin\neba\nso_that\nsupaya\nso_that\nnaramas=te\nsqueeze=nfin\nmu\n3pl\nper-un=at\nliquid-3poss=obj\nnan=et\nconsume=irr\n‘They pound this so that [they can] squeeze [it] and they drink its liquid.’\n[narr34_3:58]\nCombinations of =tauna and borrowed jadi ‘so’ are uncommon but attested.\nAll three occurrences are around pauses and/or repairs, so they seem to be used\nas fillers. Consider (23).\n382\n\n\n15.1 Coordination-like clause combining\n(23)\nMaː\nma\n3sg\nnebai\nneba=i\nph=plnk\nkoyet\nkoyet\nfinish\nmuː\nmu\n3pl\njadi\njadi\nso\nmerauna\nme=tauna\ndist=so\nopa\nopa\nana\nan\nan\n1sg\nsirie\nsirie\nsend\nma\nma\n3sg\nBinkur\nBinkur\nBinkur\nesun\nesun\nfather.3poss\ntemun...\ntemun\nbig\n‘After he did whatsit they, eh, so that, I sent him, Binkur’s father...’\n[conv9_30:30]\n15.1.2.5 Concessive\nConcessive constructions are formed with a dedicated clitic =taero, described in\n§14.2.1.5. In addition to that, a conjunction borrowed from AN is used: biar ‘even\nif’, which precedes the concessive clause.\n(24)\nsayang-saran=i\nnutmeg-ascend=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nbiar\neven_if\nkolak=ko\nmountain=loc\nmu\n3pl\nkaluar\nexit\n‘After harvesting the nutmeg, even if they’re in the mountains, they come\nout.’\n[narr12_7:48]\n(25)\nkalau\nif\nmat\n3sg.obj\nkuru\nbring\nmasarat=nin=et\nmove_landwards=neg=irr\nme\ntop\npi\n1pl.incl\nbarat=nin\ndescend=neg\n‘If they don’t bring him towards land, we don’t go down.’\n[conv7_4:22]\n15.1.2.6 Conditional\nConditional clauses are formed with help of a topicalised clause with =et me (de-\nscribed in §15.4). The AN conjunction kalau ‘if’ (pronounced /kalo/ or /kalu/, but\nI adhere to the Indonesian spelling here) is also used. Kalau precedes the clause\nthat presents the condition. The conjunction kalau and the Kalamang strategy\nwith a topicalised clause may be combined, as in (26).\n(26)\nkalau\nif\nloi∼loi=tun=et\nquick∼ints=ints=irr\nme\ntop\neranun\ncannot\nka\n2sg\nsitak\nslow\nsitak\nslow\nsitak\nslow\n‘If [you do it] too quickly, it’s not possible, you [have to do it] slowly,\nslowly, slowly.’\n[conv13_1:09]\n383\n\n\n15 Multiclausal constructions\n15.1.3 Tail-head linkage\nTail-head linkage is the repetition of the last (part of a) clause in a clause chain at\nthe beginning of the next clause chain (de Vries 2005). This is a common clause-\ncombining device in Kalamang. The amount of material repeated varies from\nthe entire clause to just the predicate, but the latter is the most common. When\ntail-head linkage is not achieved by conjoining, it may be combined with the\nconstruction =i koyet (which expresses completive aspect but is only used to\nlink clauses, and translates as ‘after’; see §14.2.2.3). Another clause-linking de-\nvice, non-final marker =ta (§15.1.4.2), is also seen on the recapitulated predicate,\nconfirming de Vries’ (2005: 372) observation that clause-linking strategies used\nelsewhere in the language are also employed in tail-head linkage. All tail-head\nlinkage in Kalamang is used for sequential events or actions.\nAll examples given in this section contain the last part of a clause chain end-\ning in a low boundary tone (indicated by a full stop), and the entire next clause\nchain from the repeated part to the next low boundary tone. Rising intonation is\nindicated by a comma.\n(27) shows the repetition of the entire clause (in b), consisting of subject and\npredicate.\n(27)\na. Koi\nkoi\nthen\ngo\ngo\ncondition\nyuolet\nyuol=et\nday=irr\nma\nma\n3sg\nkoi\nkoi\nagain\nmaruaret.\nmaruat=et\nmove_seawards=irr\n‘When it was day, he went towards sea again.’\nb. Ma\nma\n3sg\nkoi\nkoi\nagain\nmaruaret,\nmaruat=et\nmove_seawards=irr\nmindi\nmindi\nlike_that\nweinun\nweinun\ntoo\nma\nma\n3sg\nera\nera\nascend\nma\nma\n3sg\npewun\npep-un\npig-3poss\nkaruarten\nkaruar=ten\nsmoke_dry=at\nmet\nmet\ndist.obj\nnani\nnan=i\nconsume=plnk\nkoyet,\nkoyet\nfinish\n‘He went towards sea again, like that too he came up and after he ate\ntheir smoked pig,’\nc. a\na\nhes\nemun\nemun\nmother.3poss\ngounat\ngo-un=at\nplace-3poss=obj\nkoyet\nkoyet\nfinish\nkieri\nkiet=i\ndefecate=plnk\nkoyet\nkoyet\nfinish\nma\nma\n3sg\nhe\nse\niam\necien.\necien\nreturn\n‘after defecating in their mother’s place, he went back.’ [narr28_1:54]\n384\n\n\n15.1 Coordination-like clause combining\n(28) shows the repetition of object and predicate (in b). Note that the object\nand predicate at the end of the first chain are followed by an afterthought balgi to\n‘with dogs, right’. This afterthought is not repeated at the beginning of the next\nclause chain. Repetition of the object is not obligatory, as (31) shows.\n(28)\na. Mier\nmier\n3du\nbore\nbo=te\ngo=nfin\npewat\npep=at\npig=obj\nsanggara,\nsanggara\nsearch\nbalgi\nbal=ki\ndog=ins\nto.\nto\nright\n‘They two went hunting [lit. searching] pigs, with a dog, right.\nb. Pewat\npep=at\npig=obj\nsanggara,\nsanggara\nsearch\nma\nma\n3sg\nera,\nera\nascend\nemnem\nemnem\nmother\nmuawunat\nmuap-un=at\nfood-3poss=obj\nnani\nnan=i\nconsume=plnk\nkoyet,\nkoyet\nfinish\n‘Searching for pigs, he went up, after eating\nthe mother’s food,\nc. ma\nma\n3sg\nhe\nse\niam\nkoi\nkoi\nagain\nkietkieri\nkiet∼kiet=i\ndefecate∼red=plnk\nkoyet,\nkoyet\nfinish\nma\nma\n3sg\nhe\nse\niam\nyecie.\nyecie\nreturn\n‘after defecating again, he returned.’\n[narr28_0:49]\n(29) shows the repetition of just the predicate.\n(29)\na. Mindia\nmindia\nlike_that=foc\nbo\nbo\ngo\nnani\nnan=i\nconsume=plnk\nkoyet\nkoyet\nfinish\nbal\nbal\ndog\nse\nse\niam\ntaouk.\ntaouk\nlie_down\n‘After going eating like that, the dog lies down.’\nb. Taouk,\ntauk\nlie_down\ngoras\ngoras\ncrow\nopa\nopa\nana\nme\nme\ntop\nnaminyasa:\nnaminyasa\nregret\n“Aduh!”\naduh\nint.mly\n‘Lies down, that crow regrets: “Ah!”’\n[stim3_2:33]\nOtherwise, repetition of the predicate is either done by marking the repeated\npart with completive aspect =i koyet (examples 30 and 31), or by marking it with\nnon-final =ta (§15.1.4.2, example 32), creating a link not only between the tail and\nthe head, but also between the head and the following clause.\n(30)\na. Manyori\nmanyor=i\nadjust=plnk\nkoyet\nkoyet\nfinish\nma\nma\n3sg\nyorsik\nyorsik\nstraight\nan\nan\n1sg\nkoi\nkoi\nthen\ndesili\ndesil=i\nplane=plnk\nparuo\nparuo\nmake\nsamsik.\nsamsik\nthin\n‘After adjusting it’s straight and then I plane it to make it thin.’\n385\n\n\n15 Multiclausal constructions\nb. Samsi\nsamsik=i\nthin=plnk\nkoyet\nkoyet\nfinish\nan\nan\n1sg\nkoliepliunat\nkoliep∼liep-un=at\ncheeck∼pl-3poss=obj\ndikolko.\ndi=kolko\ncaus=move_out\n‘After it’s thin, I get rid of its sides [lit. cheeks].’\n[narr42_5:43]\n(31)\na. An\nan\n1sg\nbo\nbo\ngo\nmu\nmu\n3pl\nerunat\net-un=at\ncanoe-3poss=obj\npaning.\npaning\nask\n‘I went to ask them for their canoe.’\nb. Paningi\npaning=i\nask=plnk\nkoyet,\nkoyet\nfinish\nmu\nmu\n3sg\nhe\nse\niam\nlo,\nlo\nconsent\n‘After asking, they consented,’\nc. an\nan\n1sg\nse\nse\niam\nkuru\nkuru\nbring\nmian\nmian\ncome\nbo\nbo\ngo\nseranat\nset-an=at\nbait-1sg.poss\nsanggaran,\nsanggaran\n‘I brought [the canoe to my place] and went searching my bait,’\nd. seranat\nset-an=at\nbait-1sg.poss=obj\nsanggarani\nsanggaran=i\nsearch=plnk\nkoyet,\nkoyet\nfinish\nnikan,\nnika-an\nline-1sg.poss\nyalan,\nyal-an\npaddle-1sg.poss\n‘after searching my bait, my line, my paddle,’\ne. met\nmet\ndist.obj\nkuru\nkuru\nbring\nbaran\nbaran\ndescend\nan\nan\n1sg\nse\nse\niam\nbot.\nbot\ngo\n‘brought that down, I went.’\n[narr8_0:08]\n(32)\na. An\nan\n1sg\nse\nse\niam\nkoi\nkoi\nthen\nma\nma\nmove_landwards\ntebolsuban.\ntebolsuban\nfish_at_reef_edge\n‘Then I moved towards land to fish at the reef edge.’\nb. Ma\nma\nmove_landwards\ntepnerga\ntepner=ka\ndeep_seawater-lat\nmarua,\nmarua\nmove_seawards\ntebolsuban.\ntebolsuban\nfish_at_reef_edge\n‘Moved towards land from the deep seawater, moved towards sea,\nfished at the reef edge.’\n386\n\n\n15.1 Coordination-like clause combining\nc. Tebolsubanda,\ntebolsuban=ta\nfish_at_reef_edge=nfin\nkabaruawan\nkabaruap-an\ngrouper-1sg.poss\nerir\net-eir\nclf_an-two\nkaruok.\nkaruok\nthree\n‘Fishing at the reef edge, I had two or three groupers.’\n[narr8_0:42]\n(33) shows the repetition of just the location in the predicate. This may have a\nscene-setting function, but there are not enough examples in the corpus to make\na conclusive analysis.\n(33)\na. In\nin\n1pl.excl\nlangganat\nlanggan=at\nwood=obj\npararani\npararan=i\nextend=plnk\nkoyet\nkoyet\nfinish\nbo\nbo\ngo\nturusi\nturus=i\nfurther=plnk\nbo\nbo\ngo\noskitko.\nos-keit=ko\nbeach-top=loc\n‘After extending the wood we went further to the beach.’\nb. Oskitko,\nos-keit=ko\nbeach-top=loc\nin\nin\n1pl.excl\nmuat\nmu=at\n3pl=obj\npaning.\npaning\nask\n‘On the beach we asked them.’\n[narr14_4:21]\n15.1.4 Non-final clauses\nTwo clitics on the predicate mark the predicate as non-final across clauses: =te\nand =ta. These are versatile clause combiners that do not specify the exact rela-\ntionship between propositions.\n15.1.4.1 Non-final =te\nThe predicate clitic =te marks a predicate as non-final. It can be found on predi-\ncates followed by a clause with the same arguments, in which case the arguments\nare typically left out and the two predicates directly follow each other. In (34),\ntankinkin ‘to shake hands’ is followed by ecie ‘to return’. The clause following a\npredicate with =te may also have different arguments. In (35) and (36), =te occurs\non the last verb of a clause, which is followed by a clause with another subject,\nbut which expresses an event that is related to the event in the first clause. The\nrelation is typically temporal (sequential) and slightly causal, but note that =te is\nnever obligatory, and that sequentiality and causality may be expressed in other\nways (as touched upon earlier in § 15.1). =te is a versatile way of tying states\n387\n\n\n15 Multiclausal constructions\nand events together, without forcing a particular reading of the exact relation\nbetween the propositions.\n(34)\nsontum\nperson\nse\niam\ntankinkin=te\nshake_hands=nfin\necie-p∼cie-p\nreturn-distr∼distr-distr\n‘People shook hands and returned.’\n[narr5_5:32]\n(35)\nka\n2sg\nmu\n3pl\n∅=te\ngive=nfin\nmu\n3pl\nna\nconsume\n‘You give [the food] to them, they eat.\n[conv11_5:18]\n(36)\nkiun=at\nwife.3poss=obj\nme\ntop\nma\n3sg\ngonggung=te\ncall=nfin\nma\n3sg\nkirarun=ko\nside=loc\n‘His wife he calls, she [comes and sits] beside him.’\n[stim7_28:27]\nNon-final =te is very common on bo ‘to go’ when it has the meaning ‘to turn’,\n‘to become’, or ‘until’. The predicates that follow bo=te in (37) and (38) are nomi-\nnal. Bo is also used with non-final =te in its original sense, ‘to go’, when combined\nwith a location predicate, as in (39).\n(37)\nse\niam\nbo=te\ngo=nfin\nnain\nlike\npanggala\ncassava\nnaun=kap\nfruit=sim\n‘[It’s] already becoming as big as a cassava.’\n[conv12_6:51]\n(38)\nbo=te\ngo=nfin\nyuol\nday\nme\ndist\neba\nthen\nmetko\ndist.loc\nnene\ngrandmother\ntoni\nsay\no\nsurpr\nan\n1sg\nkona\nsee\n‘Until that day, only then grandmother said: “Oh, I see.”’\n[conv7_10:41]\n(39)\nsikan\ncat\nbo=te\ngo=nfin\ntepeles\njar\nnerun=ko\ninside=loc\n‘The cat goes inside the jar.’\n[stim20_1:21]\nThe difference between non-final =te and eba ‘then’ (§15.1.2.1) or tail-head link-\ning with =i koyet (§15.1.3) is that the latter two strategies are clause-chaining\nstrategies, and non-final =te only links one event or action to another.\nThe difference between predicate linker =i (§13.1) and non-final =te is that =i is\nexclusively used within the clause, which means that the verbs linked by =i must\nhave the same arguments, whereas =te relates states and events across clauses.\nMoreover, verb linker =i is used in complex predicates with certain semantics\nsuch as those expressing complex motion, while =te is not associated with spe-\ncific verb semantics.\n388\n\n\n15.1 Coordination-like clause combining\n15.1.4.2 Non-final =ta\nThe predicate clitic =ta apparently has a roughly similar function to non-final =te:\nit relates two states or events. Therefore, I tentatively analyse it as a non-final\nmarker, but distinguish it from =te, because it occurs in a few contexts in which\nnon-final =te is infrequent. Since I do not yet have a conclusive analysis of it, I\nmake do with describing the distribution in detail.\nNon-final =ta is certainly not a phonological variant of non-final =te, as it may\nbe found in the same environments. Compare tankinkin=te ‘shake hands’ (from\ntan ‘arm and hand’ and kinkin ‘hold’) in (34) above with kinkin=ta ‘hold’ here:\n(40)\nma\n3sg\nkinkin=ta\nhold=nfin\nmetko\ndist.loc\n‘He holds [it] there.’\n[stim42_8:06]\nNon-final =ta occurs in same-subject environments, as illustrated in (41), but\nmuch less so than non-final =te.\n(41)\nan\n1sg\nyie=ta\nswim=nfin\nkajie\npick\nba\nbut\nkat\nlake\nkan\nright\nnasesak\nhigh_tide\n‘I was swimming picking [chestnuts] but the water in the lake was high,\nright.’\n[conv11_1:10]\nNon-final =ta frequently occurs in combinaion with ba ‘but’, as in (42), and the\n(distinct) sequential marker (e)ba ‘then’, as in (43) and (44). This combination is\nvery rare for non-final =te.\n(42)\nan\n1sg\ngerket=ta\nask=nfin\nba\nbut\nmu\n3pl\ntoni\nsay\nmu=a\n3pl=foc\nkoluk=ta\nfind=nfin\nTami\nTami\nmu\n3pl\nsabarak-un=ko\nunder_house-3poss=loc\n‘I asked but they said they just found it under Tami’s house.’ [conv4_6:13]\n(43)\nan\n1sg\ntoni\nsay\nkalau\nif\nki=konggo=a\n2pl=an.loc=foc\ngarung=et\nchat=irr\nan\n1sg\nse\niam\ndodon-an\nclothing-1sg.poss\nmet\ndist.obj\nkuru\nbring\nmarua\nmove_seawards\nmetko=ta\ndist.loc=nfin\n(e)ba\nthen\nkawet∼kawet\nfold∼iter\nsambil\nsimultaneously\ngarung=et\nchat=irr\n‘I said if you are chatting at yours, I bring my clothing down there, then\nfold while chatting.’\n[conv10_3:25]\n389\n\n\n15 Multiclausal constructions\n(44)\npi\n1pl.incl\npakut=et\nnail=irr\ntahan=ta\nendure=nfin\n(e)ba\nthen\nbisa\ncan\nyorsik=ta\nstraight=nfin\nba\nthen\nbisa\ncan\nkit-kadok\ntop-side\ndi=rat=et\ncaus=move=irr\n‘If we nail steadily then [we] can make it straight, then [we] can install\nthe top.’\n[narr7_3:58]\nNon-final =ta is also very frequently followed by a variant of distal demon-\nstrative me (§10.2.2) or topic marker me (§16.1). Again, this is hardly found with\nnon-final =te.\n(45)\nyuol\nday\nme\ndist\nSek=a\nSek=foc\nin\n1pl.excl\nbara\ndescend\nos\nsand\npayiem=ta\nfill=nfin\nme\ntop\nan\n1sg\ntang\nseed\ntama-n=i\nq-n=plnk\nkajie\npick\n‘That day [at] Sek, we went down to fill sand, I picked\nI-don’t-know-how-many seeds.’\n[conv11_4:36]\n(46)\nmindi\nlike_that\nbo=te\ngo=nfin\ntete\ngrandfather\nse\niam\nsomin=ta\ndie=nfin\nmet\ndist.obj\nse\niam\necien=i\nreturn=plnk\nmasarat=kin\nmove_landwards=vol\n‘Like that until grandfather had died, then [we] wanted to go back\ntowards land.’\n[conv7_10:14]\n(47)\no\nemph\nkusukusu\ncuscus\ntoni\nsay\ntok\nnot_yet\nnakal-ca\nhead-2sg.poss\ntok\nstill\nkuskap=ta\nblack=nfin\nime\ndist\ntok\nnot_yet\ntok\nnot_yet\n‘The cuscus says: “Not yet, your head is still black, not yet.”’\n[narr19_15:04]\n=ta is not found on numbers, and not with locations except for metko ‘there’\n(example 40), whereas non-final =te is frequently found followed by predicative\nlocatives.\nIn contrast to non-final =te, non-final =ta is often seen following the lative\nclitic =ka, as in (48). Non-final =ta surfaces as ra after vowels, making it easily\nconfused with the directional verb ra ‘to move (away)’. (49) shows parallel clauses\nwhich help distinguish the allomorph =ra from the verb ra ‘move away’. Ra is\nfollowed by other directional verbs with which it shouldn’t be compatible (e.g.\n390\n\n\n15.2 Complement clauses\nsara ‘to ascend’). Moreover, the morpheme does not carry stress when following\n=ka, whereas ra ‘to go; to move away’ does.\n(48)\nma=bon\n3sg=com\nkiun=bon\nwife.3poss=com\npasar=ka=ta\nmarket=lat=nfin\nbo\ngo\ndon-jiet=kin\nthing-buy=vol\n‘He and\nhis wife want to go to the market to buy stuff.’\n[stim7_27:15]\n(49)\na. Abdula\nAbdula\nemun\nmother.3poss\nse\niam\nmasara\nmove_landwards\n[...] ma\n3sg\nse\niam\ngen\nmaybe\nkoi\nthen\nmengga\ndist.lat\nsara\nascend\n‘Abdula’s mother had gone inland, maybe she had gone up from there\nalready.’\n[conv10_6:25]\nb. Unyil\nUnyil\nemun\nmother.3poss\nkoi\nthen\netuat-mang\ncry-voice\nmengga=ra\ndist.lat-?\nsara\nascend\n‘Then Unyil’s mother came up crying.’\n[conv7_0:23]\nThe combination lative + bo ‘to go’ (given in 48), without adding non-final =ta\nin between, seems to be ungrammatical. Lative + =ta + another verb expressing\nmovement is also attested, but there, the omission of =ta is grammatical, as illus-\ntrated in (50) and (51) with bara ‘to descend’. Complex lative constructions are\nfurther described in §13.3.\n(50)\nmasikit\nmosque\nmul=ka=ta\nside=lat=nfin\nbara\ndescend\n‘[They] go down from the side of the mosque.’\n[stim42_0:12]\n(51)\nki\n2pl\nwangga\nprox.lat\nbarat=et\ndescend=irr\n‘You go down here.’\n[narr2_2:37]\n15.2 Complement clauses\nComplement clauses are subordinate clauses that function as an argument of the\nmain clause. All Kalamang complement clauses are direct and reported speech\nthat function as the object of the main clause, introduced by various speech and\nperception verbs, iamitive se, demonstrative wandi ‘like this’ and quotative eh.\nComplement clauses containing speech or thought may be introduced by the\nverb toni ‘say; think’, certain speech or perception verbs, iamitive se, demonstra-\ntive wandi ‘like this’ or interjection eh, all of which follow the subject and precede\n391\n\n\n15 Multiclausal constructions\nthe quoted or reported speech. Some of these may be combined. Direct speech\nmay be also given without introduction by linguistic material.\nToni always introduces complement clauses and is a dependent verb: it cannot\nbe inflected and it cannot be the predicate of a simple clause. Toni can introduce\ndirect speech, as in (52), as well as reported speech, as in (53). The distinction can\nbe deduced from the use of pronouns in context. In (52), we know that both third-\nperson plural mu and first-person plural exclusive in refer to the same group of\npeople. The interjection o is a further clue that this is a direct speech report. (53)\nmust be reported speech, because it is clear from the context that the third-person\nsingular ma is someone else than the third-person plural mu.\n(52)\nmu\n3pl\ntoni\nsay\no\nint\nin\n1pl.excl\nhukat=at\nnet=obj\nkon-i\none-objqnt\nkoluk\nfind\n‘They said: “O, we found a net.”’\n[conv4_5:22]\n(53)\nma\n3sg\ntoni\nsay\nmu\n3pl\nparuak\nthrow_away\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nkomet∼komet\nlook∼prog\nhukat\nnet\nyuwa\nprox\nme\ntop\ntok\nstill\ngiar=ten\nnew=at\n‘She said that they threw [it] away, she had been looking, this net was\nstill new.’\n[conv4_5:51]\nIn many cases, like (54), it remains underspecified whether direct or reported\nspeech is intended, unless the speech is set apart with the use of a different voice,\nimitating the source.\n(54)\nma\n3sg\ntoni\nsay\nkaman=nan\ngrass=too\nmambon\nexist\n‘He said: “There is grass, too.”’\n[narr3_3:26]\nThe speech verb taruo ‘to say’ can only be used in combination with toni to\nintroduce speech.\n(55)\nkiun=a\nwife-3poss=foc\ntaruo\nsay\ntoni\nsay\nmu=nan\n3pl=too\nse\niam\nma\nmove_seawards\ngo-un=at\nplace-3poss=obj\nruon\ndig\n‘His wife said that that they also wanted to go down to dig out their\nplace.’\n[conv10_20:41]\n392\n\n\n15.2 Complement clauses\nOther speech and perception verbs, like gonggin ‘to know’, gerket ‘to ask’, kon-\nawaruo ‘to forget’ and narasa ‘to feel’, may introduce speech, thought or senti-\nment independently or in complex predicates (§13.2.3) together with toni. Exam-\nples of gerket ‘to ask’ with and without toni are given below.\n(56)\nmu\n3pl\nse\niam\nnau=gerket\nrecp=ask\nnau=gerket\nrecp=ask\ntoni\nsay\ndeh\nint.pej\nma\n3sg\nwatko=nin\nprox.loc=neg\n‘They asked each other (saying): “Ah, he isn’t here.”’\n[narr28_12:29]\n(57)\nin\n1sg.ex\nse\niam\ngerket\nask\nmu\n3pl\nse\niam\nmaruan\nmove_seawards\nye\nor\n‘We asked: “Have they come down yet?”\n[narr2_1:06]\nThese verbs specify what kind of speech, thought or sentiment is introduced\nby toni ‘say; think; want’. Without a speech or perception verb, the standard\nreading of toni is ‘say’, or sometimes ‘think’, as illustrated in (59) below.\nThe intransitive verb nafikir ‘to think’ may introduce thought without help of\ntoni. The few natural speech corpus examples all introduce direct speech, illus-\ntrated in (58). There are no combinations of nafikir and toni. Reported thought\nis introduced with toni, as in (59).\n(58)\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nnafikir\nthink\neh\nquot\ntamandi=ten=a\nhow=ten=foc\nbo\ngo\nleng\nvillage\nkon=ko=et\none=loc=irr\n‘He thought: “How do [I] go to that one village?”’\n[narr19_6:06]\n(59)\nma\n3sg\ntoni\nthink\nin\n1pl.excl\nse\niam\nlalat\ndead\nto\nright\n‘She thought we were dead, you know.’\n[narr40_3:51]\nAnother use of toni is in combination with irrealis marker =kin, where toni\nmeans ‘want’ or marks future tense, described in §14.2.1.2 and §13.2.3.\nA shorter way of introducing speech or thought is with iamitive se (which was\nseen in combination with verbs in 56, 57 and 58).\n(60)\neba\nthen\nan\n1sg\nse\niam\ninye\nint.pej\nma\n3sg\nOnco=ba\nOnco=foc\n‘Then I’m like: “Aaah, it’s Onco!”’\n[conv9_14:39]\nA variant is with the addition of demonstrative wandi ‘like this’, as in (61).\n(61)\nan\n1sg\nse\niam\nwandi\nlike_this\neh\nhey\nema\naunt\n‘I went like this: “Hey aunt!”’\n[narr40_4:56]\n393\n\n\n15 Multiclausal constructions\nThese can both be combined with a speech verb, as in (62).\n(62)\nmu\n3pl\nse\niam\nwandi\nlike_this\ngerket\nask\nan\n1sg\n∅=te\ngive=imp\n‘They asked like this: “Give me!”’\n[narr28_12:22]\nThe interjection eh can be used on its own to introduce speech, but may also\nbe used with other devices, as in (58). In the majority of the corpus instances,\nit follows toni. It is not always clear whether eh introduces quoted speech or is\npart of it. In (61) above, eh is translated as ‘hey’ and is part of the quoted speech,\nbecause that was more likely in that particular context. In (63), it is more likely\nthat eh introduces speech, as it is used in an exchange between two people who\nalready have each other’s attention.\n(63)\neh\nquot\nmama\nmother\nse\niam\nruon\ncooked\neh\nquot\nruon\ncooked\nba\nbut\nki-mun\n2pl-proh\ntok\nyet\nna=in\neat=proh\n‘“Mom, it’s cooked.” “Yes, but don’t you guys eat [it] yet!”’\n[conv11_3:41]\nDirect speech that is referred to without being introduced by linguistic ma-\nterial is common in narratives or short narratives within conversation. This re-\nquires some empathy from the speaker and some shared background knowledge\nfor the addressee to understand what is going on. It is often used when there is\na change of whose speech is reported. The first quote is then usually introduced,\nbut the speaker switch is not. In (64), the addressee can recognise the speaker\nswitch, for example, by the word yo ‘yes’. (Of course, intonation and pitch also\nplay a role in marking quoted speech or a change of speaker. This domain re-\nmains a fruitful area for further description.)\n(64)\nMas\nMas\ntoni\nsay\neh\nquot\npi\n1pl.incl\ntiri\nsail\nra\nmove_path\nkomet=et\nlook=irr\nyo\nyes\nin\n1pl.excl\nse\niam\ntiri\nsail\nra\nmove_path\n‘Mas said: “We sail that way to look.” “Yes.” We sailed that way.’\n[narr17_0:51]\nComplement clauses are negated in the same way as main clauses, by adding\nnegator =nin to the predicate. Consider the examples with toni ‘say’ and kona\n‘think’ in examples (65) and (66), respectively.\n(65)\nma\n3sg\ntoni\nsay\nsor\nfish\nnat=nin\nconsume=neg\n‘She said the fish didn’t bite.\n[conv16_15:45]\n394\n\n\n15.3 Apprehensive constructions\n(66)\nan\n1sg\nkona\nthink\nin\n1pl.excl\nbarat=nin\ndescend=neg\n‘I thought we didn’t go down.’\n[conv16_28:32]\n15.3 Apprehensive constructions\nApprehensive constructions are complex clause constructions expressing fear\nor apprehension, “a judgement of undesirable possibility” (Verstraete 2005: 224).\nKalamang has two types of apprehensive constructions: precautionary construc-\ntions and apprehensive constructions with a dedicated morpheme.\nPrecautionary constructions are a way to express a warning against an unde-\nsirable event. They consist of a clause expressing a precaution taken (the pre-\ncautionary situation in Lichtenberk 1995: 298) and a clause describing an ex-\npected undesirable situation (the apprehension-causing situation in Lichtenberk\n1995: 298). Precautionary constructions are made with clause linker mena ‘oth-\nerwise; in case’ (homonymous to a temporal adverb meaning ‘later’).2 There are\nno data to clearly demonstrate that mena introduces a subordinate clause, but\nthere is a clear pragmatic dependency between the two clauses it links (see Faller\n& Schultze-Berndt 2018 for a discussion of pragmatic dependency in sentences\nlinked with apprehensive markers cross-linguistically).\nMost precautionary constructions are combined with a prohibition, such as\nin (67), where the precaution taken is not asking a Malay-speaking woman about\nsomething, and the undesirable outcome is that she comes to the house using\nIndonesian (while the speaker and addressee are trying to have a conversation\nin Kalamang).\n(67)\nma-mun\n3sg-proh\nse\niam\nkoi\nagain\ngerket=in\nask=proh\nmena\notherwise\nma\n3sg\nkoi\nagain\nbara\ndescend\nmalaimang=taet\nMalay=more\nmu\n3pl\nme\ntop\npep\npig\nmangun\nlanguage-3poss\nmet=a\ndist.obj=foc\n‘Don’t ask again, otherwise she will come down again speaking more\nMalay, their pig’s language.’\n[conv9_12:31]\nA prohibition does not need to be explicitly uttered in order for a precaution-\nary construction to be made. (68) is uttered in the context of a discussion about\n2Faller & Schultze-Berndt (2018) suggest that temporal-anaphoric adverbs are often diachronic\nsources of apprehensive markers. This also seems to be the case for Kalamang mena ‘later;\notherwise; in case’, which corresponds to local Malay nanti ‘later’, also used in precautionary\nconstructions (Sneddon et al. 2012: 352).\n395\n\n\n15 Multiclausal constructions\nclosing the door during a video recording. The person who is against closing\nthe door uses mena to indicate that leaving the door open is the precaution to be\ntaken against the undesirable outcome of having very dark faces in the recording.\nThere is no special meaning associated with the repetition of mena.\n(68)\ngo\ncondition\nsausaun=et\ndark=irr\nme\ntop\nmena\notherwise\nkanggirar-pe\neye-1pl.incl.poss\nmena\notherwise\nkuskap\nblack\n‘[It’s not good] if it is dark, otherwise our faces are black.’\n[conv9_17:16]\nPrecautionary constructions can also be of the in-case type (Lichtenberk 1995).\nIn this type, the speaker warns against a possible but not necessarily expected\nundesirable outcome.\n(69)\nkawir-ca=at\nhat-2sg.poss=obj\nkuet=te\nbring=imp\nmena\nin_case\nyuon\nsun\nlalang\nhot\n‘Bring your hat, in case the sun is hot!’\n[elic]\n(70)\npain=at\numbrella=obj\nkuet=te\nbring=imp\nmena\nin_case\nkalis\nrain\nurun\nfall\n‘Bring an umbrella in case it rains!’\n[elic]\nKalamang also has a dedicated apprehensive mood clitic =re, which is attached\nto the subject of a clause which expresses some kind of danger. Apprehensive\nmood is described in §14.2.1.6.\n(71)\nka\n2sg\nkolko=te\nmove_out=imp\nwat=re\ncoconut=appr\nkat\n2sg.obj\nkosarat=et\nhit=irr\n‘Move aside, or a coconut might hit you!’\n[elic_app_4]\n15.4 Conditional clauses\nThere are two strategies for forming conditional clauses. The first is with a dedi-\ncated conditional clitic =o/=ero ‘if’ or concessive =taero ‘even if’ on the condition,\ndescribed in §14.2.1.5. The enclitic =o is exemplified in (72). The Malay loan kalau\n‘if’ was discussed in §15.1.2.6.\n(72)\njadi\nso\ntanaman\nplant\npun\neven\ndemekian\nthus\nwat=o\ncoconut=cond\nbes\ngood\nim=o\nbanana=cond\nbes\ngood\nsayang=o\nnutmeg=cond\nbes\ngood\n‘So whichever plant [we grow], whether it’s coconut, banana or nutmeg,\nit’s good.’\n[narr13_2:50]\n396\n\n\n15.4 Conditional clauses\nThe second strategy for conditionals makes use of a clause-initial scene-setting\ntopic, typically with a time adverbial, as in (73)3. It may be marked with topic\nmarker me and/or irrealis =et (§14.2.1.1). The scene-setter is prosodically separate\nfrom the main clause. It ends on a high pitch and is optionally followed by a\npause. The scene-setter kasuret me in (74), translated as ‘tomorrow’, can be more\nliterally translated as ‘when it is tomorrow’. The conditional clause may also\nbe followed by sequential conjunction eba ‘then’, as in (75). An example with\nnegative condition ge=et me ‘if not’ is given in (76).\n(73)\nNene\nnene\ngrandmother\nopa\nopa\nana\nme,\nme\ntop\ngo_saunet,\ngo_saun=et\nevening=irr\nma\nma\n3sg\nwar.\nwar\nfish\n‘That grandmother, when it was evening, she went fishing.’ [narr27_0:09]\n(74)\nKasuret\nkasur=et\ntomorrow=irr\nme\nme\ntop\nkabon,\nka=bon\n2sg=com\nAmbunbon,\nAmbun=bon\nAmbun=com\nSerambon,\nSeram=bon\nSeram=com\ntok\ntok\nfirst\nbo\nbo\ngo\nrorpotma.\nror-potma\nwood-cut\n‘Tomorrow, you, Ambun and Seram first go wood-cutting.’\n[narr7_4:09]\n(75)\nIn\nin\n1pl.excl\ntok\ntok\nfirst\nmara\nmara\nmove_landwards\nmengga\nmengga\ndist.lat\nhari\nhari\nday\nsabtuet\nsabtu=et\nSaturday=irr\neba\neba\nthen\nin\nin\n1pl.excl\nmaruaret.\nmaruat=et\nmove_seawards=irr\n‘We go towards land first, when it’s Saturday, then we come towards sea.’\n[narr2_12:55]\n(76)\nal-un\nstring-3poss\nkinkinun\nsmall\nge=et\nno=irr\nme\ntop\nse\niam\nrasa\nlike\n‘It has small strings, if not, it would have been good already.’\n[conv19_17:36]\nBelow are three examples of conditional clauses with irrealis =et that are not\ntime adverbials. (77) is taken from a recording where the speaker teaches the ad-\ndressee how to weave a pandanus leaf envelope. (78) again contains conjunction\neba ‘then’. The combination of =et and eba does not necessarily imply a condi-\ntional reading; it must be deduced from the context. Conditional clauses with\nirrealis =et can be translated with either ‘if’ or ‘when’. In some contexts, such as\nin (79), either reading seems appropriate.\n3for the similarities between conditionals and topics see Haiman (1978).\n397\n\n\n15 Multiclausal constructions\n(77)\nkomahal=et\nnot_understand=irr\nme\ntop\nukir=te\nmeasure=imp\n‘If [you] don’t understand, measure.’\n[conv17_8:52]\n(78)\nma\n3sg\nrap=et\nlaugh=irr\neba\nthen\ngier-un\ntooth-3poss\niriskap\nwhite\n‘When he laughs, his teeth are white.’\n[narr19_8:02]\n(79)\nan\n1sg\nor=et\nback=irr\nmu\n3pl\ntoni\nsay\nsabar-kadok=a\nfront-side=foc\niren,\nwhite\nan\n1sg\nsabar=ko=et\nfront=loc=irr\nmu\n3pl\ntoni\nsay\nor-kadok=a\nback-side=foc\niren\nwhite\n‘If/when I’m in the back they say the one in the front is white, if/when\nI’m in the front they say the one in the back is white.’\n[narr19_6:10]\nConditional constructions with =et and eba may be expanded with distal loca-\ntive metko ‘there’. These are described in §10.2.2.5.\n398\n\n\n16 Information structure\nIn this chapter, I describe grammatical markers relating to information struc-\nture. Kalamang has three elements that deal with structuring information: topic\nmarker me, and focus markers =a and =ba, introduced in §12.6.2. The topic marker\nfollows the postpositional phrase (PP). It does not co-occur with object marker\n=at and follows the other postpositions. Alternatively, it follows the predicate.\nThe focus markers attach to the PP.\nAlthough the definition and study of both topic and focus has been problema-\ntised (Matić & Wedgwood 2013, Ozerov 2018), the analytic appeal of these la-\nbels is that they are broad categories that can subsume many interactional and\ndiscourse-structuring aspects of communication (Ozerov 2018). It is as such that\nI use them: broad labels for a word and two enclitics that deal with the manage-\nment of information in discourse. Precisely because me and =a (and to a lesser\nextent =ba) are so versatile, I refrain from attempting a more precise analysis\nhere. For that, a better understanding of other parts of the Kalamang grammar,\nas well as a bigger corpus, are needed.\nIn this chapter, only the topic and focus markers are treated. Constituents may\nalso be topicalised through fronting, see §12.6.2. The intonation of focused con-\nstituents is discussed in §3.3.3.6.\n16.1 Topic marker me\nMe is a topic marker that follows either the NP/PP or the predicate. A topic\nmarker is an “entity that the speaker identifies, about which information (...) is\nthen given” (Krifka & Musan 2012: 27). It is the starting point of an utterance with\npresupposed information that is then commented on (Foley 2007). When me fol-\nlows a NP or PP, the NP or PP is topicalised. When me follows the predicate, the\nwhole clause is topicalised, for example by making it conditional. Anti-topics\n(specified or reactivated topics) are not marked morphologically, but by placing\nthe anti-topic at the right edge of the clause, as described in §12.6.2. In the exam-\nples in this section, the topicalised constituents are given within square brackets.\n\n\n16 Information structure\nMe can be used after a NP or PP to mark it as the topic in clauses with a verbal\n(see 1, 2 and 3), nominal (see 4), quantifier (see 5) or locative (see 6) predicate, but\nis not obligatory in any of these contexts.\n(1)\n[enem\nwoman\nbeladar-pas]\nNetherlands-woman\nme\ntop\nbuok=at\nbetel=obj\nkuru\nbring\nbara\ndescend\npier=ki\n1du.in=ben\nbes\ngood\nto\nright\n‘The Dutchwoman brought down betel for us, good, right?’ (Context:\nsubject is given but not recently mentioned.)\n[conv12_7:02]\n(2)\n[ka]\n2sg\nme\ntop\nan\n1sg\nse\niam\nkat\n2sg.obj\npercai=nin\nbelieve=neg\n‘As for you, I don’t believe you any more.’\n[stim2_8:47]\n(3)\nki\n2pl\nTanggor=ka=ta\nTanggor=lat=nfin\nrar\ngo.pl.imp\n[Tanggor]\nTanggor\nme\ntop\nmambon\nexist\n‘You go to Tanggor, at Tanggor there are [fish].’ (Context: Tanggor is\ngiven, in this very example.)\n[conv3_1:33]\n(4)\n[pas\nwoman\nme]\ndist\nme\nme\nmungkin\nmaybe\nberupa\nbe_a_form_of\njim\njinn\n‘That woman is maybe a kind of jinn.’ (Context: description of a video.\nThe woman has been mentioned; this is a comment about her identity.)\n[stim24_0:37]\n(5)\n[wa]\nprox\nme\ntop\neir\ntwo\neh\ntag\n‘These are two, right?’ (Context: learning to weave a basket, pointing at\nstrips of material in the teacher’s hand.)\n[conv17_15:39]\n(6)\n[tumtum\nchildren\neir]\ntwo\nme\nme\nkewe-un=ko\nhouse-3poss=loc\n‘Two children are in their house.’ (Context: frog story. Children have been\nmentioned; description of a new page in the book.)\n[stim20_0:54]\nThe topic marker follows postpositions, as in (7) and (8). Topicalised objects\nlack object postposition =at (example 9). The topic marker is typically used fol-\nlowing NPs or PPs that refer to given referents. It can also topicalise a time ad-\nverbial (example 10). Another way to mark topics, which may be combined with\ntopic marker me, is fronting of the topicalised constituent (§12.6.2).\n400\n\n\n16.1 Topic marker me\n(7)\n[Arifin=bon\nArifin=com\nMei=bon]\nMei=com\nme\ntop\nnat=nin\nconsum=neg\n‘Arifin and Mei don’t eat.’\n[conv9_6:12]\n(8)\n[watko]\nprox.loc\nme\ntop\nlempuang-tumun\nisland-child\nwilak=ko\nsea=loc\nme\ntop\nneko\ninside\n‘Here, the small island inside the sea.’\n[stim43_1:33]\n(9)\n[tumtum\nchildren\ntaukon]Obj\nfew\nme\ntop\nBobi\nBobi\nemun=a\nmother=foc\nkona\nsee\n‘A few children, Bobi’s mother saw [them].’\n[conv4_5:09]\n(10)\nkier\n2du\nLuis=bon\nLuis=com\n[kasur]\ntomorrow\nme\ntop\nbo\ngo\nsor-sanggara\nfish-search\n‘(As for) tomorrow, you and Luis go fishing.’\n[narr3_2:26]\nMore seldomly, new participants are introduced with me. This is limited to\nunimportant participants. In (11), the cat is introduced; it is not mentioned there-\nafter, and is only used in the story as a prop to create a slightly threatening\natmosphere. In examples of the type in (12), where properties of referents are\ndescribed out of context, me is also used, often combined with a demonstrative.\n(11)\n[sikan\ncat\nkon]\none\nme\ntop\nin=at\n1pl.excl=obj\ntiri\nrun\npareir\nfollow\n‘A cat ran after us.’ (Context: a story about going to someone’s house, first\nmention of the cat.)\n[conv9_25:05]\n(12)\n[ror\ntree\nwa]\nprox\nme\ntop\ntabusik\nshort\n‘This tree is short.’ (Context: no context, elicitation, transl. of Malay\npohon ini pendek ‘this tree is short’.)\n[elic_adj_4]\nIn a few instances, me marks two referents in the same clause. In (13), the sec-\nond instance of me could alternately be analysed as a distal demonstrative (but\nwould still be topicalised because it is fronted), but in (14) the analysis seems unt-\nlikely to fit, as there is already a demonstrative modifying each noun. Analysing\nme as a definite marker also does not fit, as it does not appear consistently on\nanaphoric definites (referents that have been mentioned in the text).\n(13)\n[an]\n1sg\nme\ntop\n[don]\nthing\nme\ntop\nka\n2sg\nan\n1sg\n∅=nin\ngive=neg\n‘As for me, and as for that thing, you didn’t give [it] to me.’ [conv12_17:57]\n401\n\n\n16 Information structure\n(14)\n[lek\ngoat\nopa]\nana\nme\ntop\n[afokat\navocado\nopa]\nana\nme\ntop\nkona\nsee\n‘That goat sees those avocados.’\n[stim31_0:51]\nMe is also very common after the predicate, topicalising the entire clause. In\nmost cases, this predicate carries irrealis =et (§14.2.1.1) or non-final =ta (§15.1.4.2).\n(15)\nMustafa\nMustafa\nesun\nfather.3poss\ntoni\nsay\n[ka\n2sg\nruot=et]\ndig=irr\nme\ntop\nkamun\n2sg-proh\nnaun=saet=in\nearth=only=proh\n‘Mustafa’s father said if you go digging, don’t [bring] earth only.’\n[conv10_4:55]\n(16)\npulor\nbetel_leaf\nopa\nana\n[ka\n2sg\ntu=ta]\npound=nfin\nme\ntop\ntama-ba-kadok\nwhere-foc-side\nos-kadok\nbeach-side\n‘That betel leaf [that] you were pounding, on which side is it, on the\nbeach-side?’\n[conv12_8:51]\n(17)\nnewer=i\npay=plnk\nkoyet,\nfinish\n[mindi=ta]\nlike_that=nfin\nme\ntop\nmier\n3du\nse\niam\nmarua\nmove_seawards\n‘After paying, they went seawards.’\n[narr19_8:12]\nThe combination of irrealis =et followed by me is also seen in pre-posed topic\nconstructions as in (18). This is an unusual way to present a topic: it is much\nmore common to do so without =et.\n(18)\n[siada\nkind_of_fish\neir=et]\ntwo=irr\nme\ntop\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\ntaraouk\nstore\n‘As for those two siadas, he had already stored [them].’\n[conv10_10:55]\nTopic marker me is homophonous with distal demonstrative me, and has likely\ndeveloped from it. Demonstratives are known to develop into topic markers (de\nVries 1995).1 They have also been shown to have clause-combining (Diessel & Bre-\nunesse 2020) and discourse-structuring functions (François 2005, Næss & Hov-\ndhaugen 2011). The Kalamang process of grammaticalisation is likely ongoing,\njudging by the various uses of me sketched in this section, and moving away from\na demonstrative use, judging by its few occurrences as an ordinary exophoric\ndemonstrative.\nThere are also a considerable number of occurrences of me at the beginning of\na clause, whose function cannot be determined based on the currently available\n1As well as into copulas and definite markers (Diessel 1999).\n402\n\n\n16.1 Topic marker me\ndata. There are various possible analyses: it can be short for mera ‘then, so’, mena\n‘later, otherwise’, it can be a filler,2 or it can be a specific use of topic marker\nor distal demonstrative me. The following four examples show two subsequent\nutterances each, where the second utterance starts with me.\n(19)\na. mu\n3pl\ntoni\nwant\nkasur\ntomorrow\nyuwa=ba\nprox=foc\nseng\nroof\npaku=et\nnail=irr\n‘They want to nail the roof tomorow.’\nb. me\nme\nsobas=ta\ndawn=nfin\nme\ntop\ndi=saran\ncaus=ascend\n‘? in the morning, put [carry it] up.’\n[narr3_11:20]\n(20)\na. mier\n3du\nse\niam\nbara\ndescend\nsabua\ntent\nnerunggo\ninside\n‘They go down into the tent.’\nb. me\nme\nmu\n3pl\nmu=at\n3pl=obj\nbon\nbring\ntaluk\nexit\n‘? they bring them out.’\n[narr5_4:24]\n(21)\na. mu\n3pl\nkor\nleg\nopa\nana\nse\niam\nduk\nbump_into\n‘They already bumped that leg into something.’\nb. me\nme\nmera\nthen\nkasian\nanyway\nRani\nRani\nemun\nmother.3poss\ntoni\nsay\n[...]\n‘? then anyway, Rani’s mother said...’\n[conv7_7:46]\n(22)\na. an\n1sg\nse\niam\nmara\nmove_seawards\nki\n2pl\nperusahan=ka\ncompany=lat\nbot=kin=ta\ngo=vol=nfin\nme\ntop\n‘I went to sea: “Are you going to the mainland [lit. to the company]?”’\nb. me\nme\nan\n1sg\nse\niam\nmara\nmove_seawards\nme\ntop\neh\nint.quot\nsuol-ca\nback-2sg.poss\nse\niam\nbes\ngood\no\nemph\nbes\ngood\nmera\nint\n‘? I went to sea like: “How is your back?” “Oh fine, of course.”’\n[conv10_0:22]\n2Hayashi & Yoon (2010) mention demonstratives as sources for fillers to deal with word-\nformation trouble, but I have only observed me functioning as a filler between clauses (see\nalso §17.5 for placeholder neba).\n403\n\n\n16 Information structure\nMuch remains to be investigated regarding the exact functions of Kalamang\nme. For example, a more thorough analysis is needed to understand what guides\nthe use vs. non-use of me with new and given referents, with non-verbal pred-\nicates, and when combining clauses. Although me is one of the most frequent\nwords in the corpus, which means there is a relative wealth of data available, the\nmechanisms that regulate its use seem quite refined, and a more sophisticated\nanalysis is therefore outside the scope of this grammar.\n16.2 Focus\nFocused constituents are those which the speaker tries to introduce into the dis-\ncourse (Foley 2007), or “essential piece[s] of new information” (Comrie 1989: 63).\nKalamang has two focus markers: the enclitics =a and =ba.\nThe enclitic =a is a focus marker that typically attaches to the NP or PP. Ques-\ntion words often carry this enclitic and are naturally focused. See (23) and (24).\n(23)\nnaman=a\nwho=foc\nkiem-an\nbasket-1sg.poss\nyuwa=at\nprox=obj\nkuet\nbring\n‘Who took my basket?’\n[stim31_3:08]\n(24)\nmu\n3pl\ntamatko=a\nwhere=foc\nkajie\npick\n‘Where did they pick [chestnuts]?’\n[conv11_2:49]\nIt is also common for =a to occur on the object in a question-answer pair\nlike (25), where obviously the piece of new information is that which the in-\nterlocutor is asking about, kapurui, the name of a dish.\n(25)\n“Ki\nki\n2pl\nnebara\nneba=at=a\nwhat=obj=foc\nparuotkin?”\nparuot=kin\nmake=vol\nMu\nmu\n3pl\nhe\nse\niam\ntoni\ntoni\nsay\nmu\nmu\n3pl\nkapurui\nkapurui\nkapurui\nmera\nmet=a\ndist.obj=foc\nparuotkin.\nparuot=kin\nmake=vol\n‘“What do you want to make?” They said they wanted to make that kapu-\nrui.’\n[conv16_14:11]\nWe also encounter =a on manner adverbial demonstratives (Chapter 10), where\nthere is a natural focus on the part translating as ‘like this’. Consider (26), where\nthe demonstrative is also an answer to a question.\n404\n\n\n16.2 Focus\n(26)\n“Tamandi\ntamandi\nhow\nnina?”\nnina\ngrandmother\n“Wandi,\nwandi\nlike_this\nwandia\nwandi=a\nlike_this=foc\nparu!”\nparu\ndo.imp\n‘“How, grandmother?” “Like this, do like this.”’\n[conv19_2:38]\n(27) and (28), together with (25) above, show that focus marker =a comes after\npostpositions.\n(27)\nemun\nmother.3poss\nse\niam\nsap=ki=a\nstick=ins=foc\nmara∼mara\nmove_landwards∼prog\n‘His mother came walking with a stick.’\n[conv10_22:07]\n(28)\nmier\n3du\npas\nwoman\nkahen\ntall\nkon=bon=a\none=com=foc\nmin\nsleep\n‘She and a tall woman are sleeping.’\n[narr24_5:13]\nThe clitic =ba is a secondary focus marker found only on demonstratives (ex-\nample 29), proper names (example 30), question word naman ‘who’ and question\nword root tama (example 31). It is much rarer than =a. =ba is often, but not ex-\nclusively, used with questions.\n(29)\nmungkin\nmaybe\ndodon-un\nclothes-3poss\nyuwa=ba\nprox=foc\nneba=ko\nph=loc\npue\nhit\nto\nright\nsemen=ko\nconcrete=loc\n‘Maybe these clothes of his hit the whatsit, right, the concrete.’\n[conv7_3:16]\n(30)\nwat\ncoconut\nna=ten\nconsume=at\nyuwa\nprox\nnaman=a\nwho=foc\nyuwa\nprox\n[...] Tomi=ba\nTomi=foc\nye\nor\n‘[Someone] who is drinking coconut here, who is this, Tomi?’\n[stim42_14:22]\n(31)\npulor\nbetel_leaf\nopa\ndem\nka\n2sg\ntu=ta\npound-ta\nme\ntop\ntama=ba-kadok\nwhere=foc-side\nos-kadok\nbeach-side\n‘That betel leaf that you were pounding, on which side is it, on the\nbeach-side?’\n[conv12_8:51]\nThe meaning of =ba as opposed to =a remains unclear. One also finds mixing\nof the two focus markers, as in (32).\n(32)\n“Namana\nnaman=a\nwho=foc\nsomin?”\nsomin\ndie\n“Ge\nge\nno\no,\no\nemph\nTete\ntete\ngrandfather\nMantanba,\nMantan=ba\nMantan=foc\nTete\ntete\ngrandfather\nLoklomin.”\nLoklomin\nLoklomin\n‘“Who died?” “Oh, grandfather Mantan, grandfather Loklomin.”’\n[conv7_0:47]\n405\n\n\n16 Information structure\n=ba is also used in a filler construction consisting of proximal demonstrative\nwa, =ba and progressive =teba.\n(33)\nma\n3sg\ntok\nstill\nwa=ba=teba\nprox=foc=prog\n‘He still, eh...’\n[narr7_9:33]\n(34)\nneba\nwhat\nkaman-un,\ngrass-3poss\nkaman\ngrass\nwa=ba=teba\nprox=foc=prog\n‘What kind of grass, grass eh...’\n[conv20_32:44]\n406\n\n\n17 Other topics\nThis chapter contains topics in Kalamang grammar that could not be treated\nelsewhere, but which I have deemed worthy of treatment in this work because\nthey have received some level of analysis and would otherwise remain “hidden”\nin the Kalamang archive.\nIn §17.1, the structuring of one specific genre of discourse, the narrative, is\nanalysed. Formulaic expressions that are involved in the initiating and termi-\nnating of everyday conversations are given in §17.2. §17.3 treats the use of the\nmost common interjections, and §17.4 describes possible ideophones. Placehold-\ners and lexical fillers are described in §17.5. The chapter concludes with a section\non swearing and cursing in §17.6.\n17.1 The structure of narratives\nHere, I present a brief analysis of the structure of Kalamang narratives, focusing\non traditional fictional narratives, but drawing some parallels with non-fictional\nand stimulus-based narratives.1\nThis section is based on the analysis of 18 narratives, of which 14 are traditional\nfictional narratives (mythological or fable-like stories about ancestors or places,\nknown to many people in the Kalamang community), two are non-fictional narra-\ntives (stories about things that happened during the lifetime of the speaker), and\ntwo are stimulus-based fictional narratives: Jackal & crow (Carroll et al. 2011) and\nFrog, where are you? (Mayer 1969). The stories are told by six different Kalamang\nspeakers. For each narrative (following Grimes 2018), the following character-\nistics were analysed: the opening, supplying of background, presenting of the\nprotagonist(s), participant tracking, devices for structuring, songs and formula,\nand the closing.\nTitles, corpus tags, a summary and the name of the storyteller of the narratives\ntreated in this section are presented in Table 17.1. The 14 traditional fictional nar-\nratives are presented first, followed by the two non-fictional narratives and the\ntwo stimulus-based fictional narratives.\n1An adapted version of this section, with focus on the structure of The money-defecating cow,\nwill appear in Visser (2023).\n\n\n17 Other topics\nTable 17.1: Narratives analysed in this section\ntitle\ntag\nsummary\nstoryteller\nTraditional narratives\nMakuteli:\nbirds\non a boat\nnarr18\nBirds set off on a boat trip while singing\nsongs together. A cassowary also joins\nbut gets angry when he finds out he is\nrunning out of food, and the others live\noff fish from the sea.\nKamarudin\nGusek\nLinglong: a mon-\nkey and a cuscus\nsell firewood\nnarr19\nA monkey and a cuscus sell firewood\nin villages, where women comment they\nlike the white cuscus, but not the black\nmonkey. The monkey gets fed up and\nasks the cuscus how to be white. The cus-\ncus puts the monkey in a cage in the wa-\nter, and waits until the tide is high. The\nmonkey drowns.\nHair Yorkuran\nCassowary\nand\nDog\nnarr20\nHow Lempuang Emun (Pulau Kasuari,\nCassowary Island) and Lempuang Tu-\nmun (Pulau Anjing, Dog Island), south of\nKaras, came into existence.\nHapsa Yarkuran\nCrab\nnarr21\nAfter the youngest of two children eat a\nlittle bit from a crab that mother caught,\nmother disappears into the sea. Her chil-\ndren go to look for her with help from\nfish. Mother does not want to return to\nthe land.\nHapsa Yarkuran\nKuawi\nnarr22\nHow ancestors learned about clouds and\nthe tides.\nKamarudin\nGusek\nThe woman who\nturned into a lime\nnarr23\nA sorceress turns a woman into a lime.\nThe lime is found by an old couple, who\npeel it so that the woman comes out. Be-\ncause the couple doesn’t have children,\nthe woman stays with them.\nHapsa Yarkuran\nKelengkeleng\nwoman\nnarr24\nA woman kills her cross-cousin by acci-\ndent. His canoe turns into a stone.\nHapsa Yarkuran\nThe\nmoney-\ndefecating cow\nnarr25\nA girl is sent by her mother to sell food at\nthe market but eats it herself. Later, she\nobtains, loses and gets back three magical\nitems: a cloth that serves food, a money-\ndefecating cow and a club that hits peo-\nple on its own.\nHapsa Yarkuran\n408\n\n\n17.1 The structure of narratives\nTable 17.1: Narratives (continued from previous page)\ntitle\ntag\nsummary\nstoryteller\nMarried to a mer-\nmaid\nnarr26\nHow the ancestor of the storyteller had a\nwife who lived in the sea. The story tells\nhow they met, how the man disappeared\ninto the sea for a week or so at a time, and\nhow the two had children. This ancestry\nis the reason why the speaker claims to\nhave special knowledge about and power\nover the weather at sea.\nKamarudin\nGusek\nThe\nproviding\ntree\nnarr27\nAn old woman finds a shell, out of which\na tree grows that provides her family\nwith clothing and food. Then, a sultan ar-\nrives and cuts the tree down. The tree re-\ngrows, but doesn’t give any more goods.\nHapsa Yarkuran\nSuagibaba\nnarr28\nOne of two brothers kills the pestering gi-\nant Suagibaba, whose family then comes\nto abduct the younger brother. The older\nbrother carves seven wooden giants and\nwith them tricks the real giants into giv-\ning back his brother.\nHapsa Yarkuran\nFinding water at\nSui\nnarr29\nHow the Kalamang ancestors found wa-\nter at Sui.\nKamarudin\nGusek\nThe talking co-\nconut\nnarr30\nA woman cuts a talking coconut to pieces,\nwhich gives the name to that stone: Yar\nDakdak.\nHapsa Yarkuran\nTenggelele\nnarr8\nWhy the tenggelele ritual is performed\nwhen a new wife arrives at the island.\nKamarudin\nGusek\nNon-fictional narratives\nExchanging\ntobacco\nnarr16\nMalik secretly exchanges the new to-\nbacco with last year’s, and tests whether\nhis friends can taste the difference.\nMalik Yarkuran\nThe naked tourist\nnarr17\nMalik meets a naked tourist on his boat.\nMalik Yarkuran\nStimulus-based narratives\nJackal & crow\nstim1\nCrow steals a fish, and Jackal tricks him\ninto dropping it.\nFajaria Yarkuran\nFrog, where are\nyou?\nstim21\nA frog escapes from a boy’s house. The\nboy and his dog follow him into the for-\nest.\nAmir Yarkuran\nSome reflections on the content of the traditional narratives are given in §17.1.7.\n409\n\n\n17 Other topics\n17.1.1 Opening\nThe opening of narratives is often lacking –many speakers jump straight to the\nbody of the story, sometimes even without introducing the protagonists. This\nmight be ascribed to the fact that all narratives were planned recordings, and a\ndiscussion of what the speaker was about to tell often preceded the recording. A\nfew recordings (Exchanging tobacco, Kuawi) start with the Malay loan sekarang\n‘now’, which is also encountered in recordings not included in the analysis here,\nboth fictional and non-fictional. Other opening words are ini begini ‘this is like\nthis’ or ini-lah ‘this-emph’, both from Malay.\nTwo speakers fairly consistently start their story with a hortatory speech,\nwhere they introduce themselves, thank the linguist for the opportunity to tell\nthe story, and introduce the kind of story. This “preamble” is done in Malay. (1)\nis the preamble of Linglong. After this, the speaker opens the story in Kalamang,\nwith the words in 2.\n(1)\nIni saya mau ceritra atau ceritra dulu-dulu atau dongeng, satu dongeng, jadi\norang tua kita yang ceritra pada kami jadi kami ingat mau cerita lagi. Jadi\nini atas nama saya guru dua yang membawa satu cerita untuk ibu. Namanya\nHairuddin Yorkuran yang membawa cerita ini. Ini dengan bahasa sudah eh?\n‘I want to tell (tell from a long time ago, or a fable), a fable, (so) our parents\ntold us, so we remembered and want to tell it again. So this is in my name,\nthe second teacher, who brings this story for Mrs. His name is Hairuddin\nYorkuran, he who brings this story. So this I do in [Kalamang] language,\nright?’\n[narr19_0:04]\n(2)\nmindi=ta\nlike_that=nfin\nme\ntop\nleki=bon\nmonkey=com\n‘Like that, a monkey and...’\n[narr19_0:40]\nSometimes the preamble also contains a temporal setting, such as ceritra dulu-\ndulu ‘story from a long time ago’ above, ceritra awal ‘origin story’ (narr29), or za-\nman purba (in narr15 (not included here), the Papuan Malay re-telling of Kuawi).\nOne story starts with a reference to zaman ‘time’ (or era), without specifying\nwhich time.\n(3)\nAh\nah\nfil\nini\nini\nthis\nbegini.\nbegini\nlike_this\nAh\nah\nfil\npertama...\npertama\nfirst\nkarena\nkarena\nbecause\npada\npada\nat\nzaman,\nzaman\ntime\nwaktu\nwaktu\nwhen\nzaman\nzaman\ntime\n410\n\n\n17.1 The structure of narratives\nmetko...\nmetko\ndist.loc\nMa\nma\n3sg\nbo.\nbo\ngo\n‘So it goes like this. First, because at that time, when that time there... he\nwent.’\n[conv8_0:11]\n17.1.2 Supplying background\nAfter the preamble and/or the opening words, if there are any, speakers some-\ntimes provide some background to the story. This may come before or after the\npresentation of the first protagonist(s). Background may consist of details about\nthe protagonist(s) or about the scene (often including place names). In about\nhalf the analysed narratives, background information is omitted and the speaker\njumps straight to the story, giving details when they are absolutely necessary.\nThis may be because the listeners already know the stories and do not need the\nbackground information, or because the storytellers have not told the stories\nin a while and have forgotten to properly introduce them, remembering details\nwhile telling the story.2 (4) gives the first utterance of The providing tree, a nar-\nrative where no preamble or opening is provided. The protagonist is presented\nstraight away and a minimal amount of background information is provided be-\nfore the story starts: the protagonists’ living place is described. The background\ninformation provided in 5 is more elaborate. After Suagibaba, the protagonist, is\nintroduced by his name, Suagibaba’s vessel is described, as well as how he sails it.\nThe formula that will be repeated throughout the story is also introduced here,\nalong with two important place names. (6) gives background information about\nthe age of the protagonists, but omits information about time or place.\n(4)\nnene\nold_woman\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\nmier\n3du\ntete=bon\nold_man.mly=com\nleng\nvillage\nkon=ko\none=loc\ntua\nlive\ngo_saerak=ko\nplace-neg_exist=loc\n‘That old woman, she and the old man lived in a village, in an empty\nplace.’\n[narr27_0:00]\n2There are more indications the latter is the case, e.g. speakers asking others for names of pro-\ntagonists (narr20), giving their names at the end of the story (narr28) or supplying background\ninformation (switching to Malay) after the start of the story (narr18). The only story that was\nrecorded twice, once in Kalamang for the camera and an audience of one (besides the linguist)\nand once in Papuan Malay before a class of school children, has more background information\nin the second version. This may be due to practice, but it may also be an adaptation to the\naudience. Alternatively, names and other details I consider to be ‘background information’ are\nnot deemed important by the Kalamang storytellers whose narratives were analysed here.\n411\n\n\n17 Other topics\n(5)\na. Suagibaba\nSuagibaba\nme\ndist\nme\ntop\n‘That Suagibaba,’\nb. ma\n3sg\nWerpati=ka\nWerpati=lat\nmarua\nmove_seawards\n‘He went seawards from Werpati.’\nc. kalau\nif\nma\n3sg\nbara\ndescend\nma\n3sg\nbara\ndescend\noskeit=ko=et\nbeach=loc=irr\nme\ntop\nma\n3sg\nse\ncanoe-3poss\net-un\nint.mly\nkan\nclam-skin\nkanyuotpes\n‘If he goes down to the beach... his canoe is made of clam shell.’\nd. kan\nint.mly\nkelkam-un\near-3poss\nkan\nint.mly\nkier\nsail\n‘His ears are the sails.’\ne. ma\n3sg\nkelkam-un=at\near-3poss=obj\nramie=ta\npull=nfin\nme\ntop\n‘He drags his ears,’\nf. ma\n3sg\nur=at\nwind=obj\ngonggung\ncall\n‘and calls the wind.’\ng. ur\nwind\ntagur\neast_wind\nmei\ncome.imp\neba\nso_that\nan\n1sg\nkinggir=et\nsail=irr\n‘“East wind come, so that I can sail.”’\nh. kemanur\nwest_wind\nmei\ncome.imp\neba\nso_that\nan\n1sg\nkinggir=et\nsail=irr\n‘“West wind come, so that I can sail!”’\ni. ma\n3sg\nmengga\ndist_lat\nkinggir=ta\nsail=nfin\nme\ntop\nbo\ngo\nSilak\nSilak\narep\nbay\nneko\ninside\n‘He sailed from there into Silak bay.’\nj. Silak\nSilak\narep\nbay\nnengga\nin.lat\nmara\nmove_landwards\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nkelak=ka\nmountain=lat\nera\nascend\n‘He went towards the shore from Silak bay and went up the\nmountain.’\n[narr28_0:08]\n(6)\na. nene\nold_woman\nkon=bon\none=com\ntumtum-un\nchildren-3poss\neir=bon\ntwo=com\n‘An old woman with her two children.’\n412\n\n\n17.1 The structure of narratives\nb. [...] kon\none\nRehan=bon\nRehan=com\nmia-rip\ndist-qnt\nkon\none\nse\niam\ntemun\nbig\nkon\none\nmungkin\nmaybe\n‘One as big as Rehan, one already big, one maybe...’\nc. Randa\nRanda\nmia-rip\ndist-qnt\nye\nor\n‘...maybe as big as Randa.’\n[narr21_0:01]\n17.1.3 Presenting the protagonist(s) and participant tracking\nThere are three recurrent ways of presenting the protagonist(s) of a narrative. In\ncontrast to conversations, where the use of pronouns, demonstratives and per-\nsonal names is common, for the first mention of a new subject, the protagonists\nof a narrative need to be introduced to the audience.\nFirst, the protagonist(s) may be introduced by a generic category (e.g. tumun\n‘child’), sometimes together with a numeral (typically kon ‘one’, see for 6). (7)\nillustrates the introduction of a person that the protagonist had spotted from\nafar. The person is introduced as ‘a tourist’. The names of protagonists may or\nmay not be given later in the narrative. In Crab, the names of the protagonists\nare given at the end of the story. In Married to a mermaid, they are given straight\nafter introducing them (as part of the background information), and in The naked\ntourist the name of the tourist is never given.\n(7)\nan\n1sg\ntiri\nsail\nmara\nmove_landwards\no\nemph\npadahal\nactually\nturis-sontum\ntourist-person\n‘I sailed landwards, oh, in fact it was a tourist.’\n[narr17_0:14]\nSecond, the protagonist(s) are introduced by a generic category and anaphoric\ndemonstrative opa (§10.2.4), as was illustrated in 4. A similar example is (8). The\nuse of opa reveals that the audience has or is supposed to have knowledge of the\nreferent, either because it has been mentioned before (off-camera) or because it is\nassumed to be shared knowledge. The use of opa is also common in other genres,\nand can be combined with generic categories as well as with personal names.\n(8)\nsekarang\nnow\nkahamin\nbird\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\nmu\n3pl\nse\niam\n‘Now, those birds, they...’\n[narr18_1:40]\nThird, the narrator may “fail” to introduce the protagonist(s) and refer to them\nwith a pronoun. This happens in two stories that are about the Kalamang forefa-\nthers (Kuawi and Finding water at Sui), who are referred to with the third-person\n413\n\n\n17 Other topics\nplural pronoun mu, and in Kelengkeleng woman. The speaker starts the story with\na third-person singular pronoun (example 9), which refers to the murderer which\ndominates the first half of the story. It is unclear whether this is the consequence\nof some kind of introduction that was done off-camera.\n(9)\nwaktu\nwhen\nma\n3sg\nkewe-un\nhouse-3poss\nyawetko\ndown.loc\nma\n3sg\ntua=ta\nlive=nfin\nme\ntop\n‘When she lived in her house down there...’\n[narr24_0:18]\nAfter the first introduction, the protagonists are as much as possible referred\nto with pronouns, or with names or their generic terms when they need to be\ndifferentiated, for example, because of switch-reference. This is no different from\nother genres in Kalamang. Either subject or object may be elided if they stay the\nsame across clauses. See also §12.6.\nThe switch from generic term to pronoun is illustrated in 10a. After the presen-\ntation of the protagonists (a mother and her two children) and some background\ninformation in Crab (example 6), the narrator sets the subject as emun ‘their\nmother’, and refers to the children as mier ‘they two’. She repeats ‘their mother’\ntwo times while setting the scene, and then switches to the pronoun. The pro-\nnoun use is maintained for three clauses, when there is a change of subject to\none of the children.\n(10)\na. emun\nmother.3poss\nse\niam\nbo\ngo\nmasu\nnight_fish\n‘Mother went night fishing.’\nb. mier\n3du\nkewe=ko\nhouse=loc\nemun\nmother.3poss\nse\niam\nbo\ngo\nmasu\nnight_fish\nemun\nmother.3poss\nbo\ngo\nmasu\nnight_fish\nmasu\nnight_fish\n‘They two stayed in the house, their mother went fishing. Mother\nwent fishing and fishing,’\nc. sor\nfish\nsaerak\nneg_exist\nkeluer-un\ncrab-3poss\net-kon\nclf_an-one\n‘[but] there was no fish, she had one crab.’\nd. keluer-un\ncrab-3poss\net-kon=a\nclf_an-one=foc\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nkuru\nbring\nmasara\nmove_landwards\nkiem\nbasket\nneko\ninside\nmangang∼gang\nhang∼prog\n‘She had one crab, she brought it landwards hanging in her basket.’\n414\n\n\n17.1 The structure of narratives\ne. bo\ngo\ngo_dung\nmorning\nma\n3sg\ntoni\nsay\nkeluer=at\ncrab=obj\nsair=tar\nbake=pl.imp\neh\ntag\nan\n1sg\namdir=ka\ngarden=lat\nbo=et\ngo=irr\n‘In the morning she said: “Bake the crab, I’ll go to the garden.”’\nf. ma\n3sg\namdir=ka\ngarden=lat\nbo\ngo\nmuap-ruo\nfood-dig\n[...] sair\nbake\nba\nbut\nki-mun\n2pl-proh\nna=in\neat=proh\neh\ntag\nkeluer-an=a\ncrab-1sg.poss=foc\n‘She went to the garden to dig up food. “Bake, but don’t you eat [it],\neh, my crab!”’\ng. keluer\ncrab\nopa\nana\nsair=i\nbake=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nadik-un\nyounger_sibling.mly-3poss\ncicaun\nsmall\nse\niam\nminta\nbeg\n‘After baking that crab, the younger brother already begs.’\nh. ma\n3sg\nse\niam\npaning\nbeg\n‘He already begs.’\n[narr21_0:26]\nThe use of pronouns is less common in Linglong, where there is a constant\nswitch between the monkey and the cuscus. However, when they are referred to\nas a pair, the narrator always uses a third person dual or plural pronoun. Only\nwhen they are introduced are they referred to as ‘cuscus and monkey’. (11) shows\na switch in reference from the monkey to the cuscus, followed by a pronominal\nreference to both of them.\n(11)\na. leki\nmonkey\ntoni\nsay\nyo\nyes\npi\n1pl.incl\nse\niam\nbo\ngo\nparin=te\nsell=nfin\n‘Monkey says: “Yes, let’s go sell.”’\nb. kusukusu\ncuscus\ntoni\nsay\nyo\nyes\n‘Cuscus says: “Yes.”’\nc. mu\n3pl\nse\niam\net=at\ncanoe=obj\ndi=marua\ncaus=move_seawards\n‘They moved the canoe towards sea [launched the canoe].’\n[narr19_1:18]\n415\n\n\n17 Other topics\n17.1.4 Devices for structuring\nI identify four devices for structuring narratives. The first is tail-head linkage,\ndescribed in §15.1.3. The second is repetition of verbs to indicate iteration or du-\nration, discussed in §11.3. The third is the use of conjunctions, see §15.1.2. The\nfourth is repetition of the structure of a story to create chapters and paragraphs.\nBecause the first three devices are also used in other speech genres in Kalamang\nand are treated elsewhere, I focus here on the repetition of events.\nSeveral of the stories have some kind of repeated event within chapters of\nthe story. Linglong, for example, has two chapters, each with an event that is\nrepeated six times, creating six paragraphs per chapter. In the first chapter, the\nprotagonists, the monkey and the cuscus, visit several villages by canoe to sell\nfirewood. In each village they sing their sales song, women come to the shore to\nbuy their firewood, they comment on the ugliness of ‘him in the back’ or ‘him\nin the front’ (depending on where the monkey is seated), and after concluding\nthe sales they paddle to the next village and switch places. This scene is repeated\nsix times. In the second part of the story, the cuscus (who is tired of switching\nplaces and of the monkey) puts the monkey in a cage in the water, saying he\nknows a trick to make the monkey white. As the tide rises and the monkey sees\nhis body in the water, it indeed looks lighter. At several stages there is a recurring\nconversation between the monkey and the cuscus, where the monkey indicates\nthat he is white now, so the cuscus can let him out, and the cuscus tries to reassure\nthe monkey that he’s not quite there yet. This is also repeated six times, after\nwhich the monkey drowns.\nThe money-defecating cow is also highly structured through repetition of\nevents. The narrative can be divided into five chapters, which can be divided into\nthree paragraphs each in which more or less the same events happen. About 70%\nof all the linguistic material in the narrative is repeated. This is illustrated by the\nthree sentences given in 12 to 14, from chapter 1. Each sentence is from a different\nparagraph, but is a near copy of the others.\n(12)\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nkanggeit=i\nplay=plnk\nkanggeit=i\nplay=plnk\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nyecie\nreturn\n‘She played and played, she returned...’\n[narr25_0:36]\n(13)\nma\n3sg\nkanggeit=i\nplay=plnk\nkanggeit=i\nplay=plnk\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nyecie\nreturn\nme\ntop\n‘She played and played, she returned...’\n[narr25_1:22]\n416\n\n\n17.1 The structure of narratives\n(14)\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nyecie\nreturn\nkanggeit=i\nplay=plnk\nkanggeit=i\nplay=plnk\nma\n3sg\nse\niam\nyecie\nreturn\n‘She returned, she played and played, she returned...’\n[narr25_2:13]\nChapter 1 describes how a mother sends her daughter to sell food at the mar-\nket. The daughter, instead of selling the food, eats it, plays, then goes home and\ntells her mother that a man chased her away and ate her food. In chapter 2, the\ndaughter, who is sent away from home, encounters three giants, one after an-\nother. With each giant she meets, the girl obtains a magic item: first a cloth that\nwhen you spread it out on the floor is filled with food, then a money-defecating\ncow, and lastly a club that hits by itself. The way in which she meets the giants\nand obtains the magic items is described with roughly the same phrases each\ntime. Chapters 3 to 5 describe more events involving the girl and her three items.\nEach chapter describes first the events with the cloth, then with the cow, and\nlastly with the club, again using very similar phrases. Similar phrases are also\nused across chapters, not only across paragraphs, to describe the three magic\nitems. For example, the trick performed by the cow is described in chapters 2, 4\nand 5 as follows. Note that the command for the cow to do its trick is always in\nMalay, and the descriptive parts are partly in Malay, partly in Kalamang.\n(15)\na. sapi\ncow\nme\ntop\nconto-un\ntrick-3poss\ntamandi\nhow\n‘“The cow, what’s his trick?”’\nb. sapi\ncow\nberak\ndefecate\nuang\nmoney\n‘“Cow, defecate money!”’\nc. sapi\ncow\nse\niam\nkietkiet=ta\ndefecate=nfin\nme\ntop\npitis=at\nmoney=obj\nkietkiet\ndefecate\no\nemph\n‘The cow already defecates, defecates money.’\n[narr25_4:40]\n(16)\na. sapi\ncow\nberak\ndefecate\nuang\nmoney\n‘“Cow, defecate money!”’\nb. sapi\ncow\nberak=nin\ndefecate=neg\n‘The cow doesn’t defecate.’\n[narr25_7:07]\n(17)\nsapi\ncow\nberak\ndefecate\nuang\nmoney\no\nemph\nsapi\ncow\nme\ntop\nse\niam\nkietkiet\ndefecate\n‘“Cow, defecate money!” The cow already defecates.’\n[narr25_8:35]\n417\n\n\n17 Other topics\nThe structure of The money-defecating cow is visualised in Table 17.2. It shows\nthat in all chapters, there is repetition across paragraphs. In chapters 2–5, there\nis also repetition across chapters.\nTable 17.2: Structure of The money-defecating cow (narr25)\n§1\n§2\n§3\nCh 1\nselling food\nselling food\nselling food\nCh 2\nobtaining cloth\nobtaining cow\nobtaining club\nCh 3\nlosing cloth\nlosing cow\nlosing club\nCh 4\ncloth doesn’t work\ncow doesn’t work\nclub doesn’t work\nCh 5\ngetting back cloth\ngetting back cow\ngetting back club\nA third story that displays paragraphing through repetition is Crab. After the\nintroduction (chapter 1), where Mother catches a crab, tells her children to bake\nit but not eat it, and then disappears, the children go to search for her in the\nsea. In that chapter, they ask four fish for help: a parrotfish, a kanas, a mackerel\nand a shark. Each fish conversation goes along the same lines and constitutes\na paragraph: ‘They paddle to [fish]. “[Fish], have you seen our mother?” “No, I\nhaven’t seen your mother. Try and ask [other fish].” They paddle to [other fish].’\nThe shark is able to retrieve their mother from the sea, which is described in the\nthird and final chapter.\nOther stories that structure through repetition of events, at varying degrees,\nare Makuteli, Kuawi, Kelengkeleng woman, Married to a mermaid, The providing\ntree, Suagibaba, The talking coconut and Tenggelele. Of the traditional narratives,\nonly Finding water at Sui has no repetition. One of the personal narratives (Ex-\nchanging tobacco) also has some degree of repetition. The stimuli-based stories\ndo not. Repetition often revolves around formulae, which are discussed in the\nnext section.\n17.1.5 Formulae\nMany narratives have a repeated song, spell or other formula that helps to struc-\nture the narrative. These are not formulaic expressions found elsewhere in the\nlanguage or in other narratives, but are unique to the narrative. Many of these\nformulae are not in Kalamang, but in Malay, Goromese or Seramese.\nIn Linglong, for example, the cuscus and the monkey sing a song in each village\nthey come to in chapter one. In each of the six paragraphs, the narrator sings the\n418\n\n\n17.1 The structure of narratives\nsong, and follows up with a short exchange in Malay. The song and formula are\nembedded in Kalamang phrases. While the Kalamang phrases vary a little, the\nformulaic expressions remain the same across the paragraphs.\n(18)\na. mu\n3pl\nse\niam\nmasara\nmove_landwards\nnyanyi-un=at\nsong-3poss=obj\nparuo\ndo\n‘They sail towards the coast, doing their song.’\nb. linglonglinglonglinglong\n‘“Linglonglinglonglinglong.”’\nc. bo\nuntil\nleng\nvillage\nkodaet=a\none_more=foc\nme\ntop\n‘Until another village.’\nd. mu\n3pl\ntoni\nsay\nhei\nhey\nyaki dari mana\n‘They say: “Hey, Yaki from where?”’\ne. o yaki dari banda jual kayu satu ikat sepulu sen\n‘“O, Yaki from Banda, selling firewood, one bind for ten cents.”’\nf. o\nemph\nkuru\nbring\nmasara\nmove_landwards\n‘“Bring it here!”’\n[narr19_3:42]\nThe returning formula in Suagibaba is the giant’s Kalamang spell to make the\nwind blow.\n(19)\na. tagur\neast_wind\nmei\ncome.imp\neba\nso_that\nan\n1sg\nkinggir=et\nsail=irr\n‘East wind come so that I can sail!’\nb. kemanur\nwest_wind\nmei\ncome.imp\neba\nso_that\nan\n1sg\nkinggir=et\nsail=irr\n‘West wind come so that I can sail!’\n[narr25_1:43]\nMakuteli contains a song that, according to the narrator, is in Seramese or\nGeser-Gorom. He gives a rough translation as given in 20.\n(20)\ndalumai makuteli o bung, katabon na laulau sontura loka, o mbauduk o, o\ndiudoya o malabewa, o sukambaimbailo, o ninitawatawa\n‘I’m about to get there, face the sea already, the heron also knows, fly and\npull the canoe, we’re about to get there, search and search already, there’s\nno gong.’\n419\n\n\n17 Other topics\nOther traditional narratives that contain formulae are Tenggelele (a song), The\nproviding tree (a command), The money-defecating cow (a spell or command) and\nKelengkeleng woman (a lament). Finding water at Sui doesn’t contain formulae but\nis related to a song that can be found in the archive as song_loflof_kamarudin.\nFormulae are not found in narratives elicited with help of stimuli. They are\nrare in personal narratives, although Exchanging tobacco features a phrase that\nis repeated five times, which is something akin to the punchline of the story.\nThe narrator, after having secretly exchanged new tobacco for old, watches his\nfriends (who have always maintained they can taste the difference between old\nand new tobacco, and who do not like old tobacco) smoke the old tobacco. The\nnarrator impersonates his friend, pretending to take a drag from a cigarette, and\nsays with a sigh of delight:\n(21)\nah\nah\nwanet\nprox.obj\nme\ntop\n‘Ah, now this...’\n[narr16_1:39]\nSometimes as the variant:\n(22)\nya\nyes\nwanet\nprox\nme\ntop\nrasa\nlike\n‘Yes, now this [is what I] like.’\n[narr16_5:45]\nThis punchline is repeated five times throughout the story.\n17.1.6 Closing\nThere are a maximum of three parts of the closing of a narrative: a closing for-\nmula, a summary and/or a declaration of authority. The only part found across\nall narratives is a closing formula, which varies and may be in Malay or in Kala-\nmang. Narratives are sometimes closed with a short summary of the resulting life\nstatus of the protagonist(s). Only one speaker makes a declaration of authority\nat the end of his narratives.\nDifferent closing formulae are used, either making use of the Malay or Kala-\nmang verb for ‘to be finished’ or referring to the length of the story with a demon-\nstrative. Some speakers also add a ‘thank you’. Examples 23 to 26 show some\nvariants.\n(23)\nselesai\nfinish\n‘The end.’\n[narr19_16:50]\n420\n\n\n17.1 The structure of narratives\n(24)\njadi\nso\nse\niam\nkoyet\nfinish\nge\nno\n‘So the end, no?’\n[narr24_6:17]\n(25)\nmera\nso\nan\n1sg\newa=i\nspeak=plnk\nsampi\nuntil\nmia-sen-tak\ndist-qnt-just\nterima_kasi\nthanks\n‘So I just speak until here, thank you.’\n[narr22_8:39]\n(26)\noke\nokay\nsampe\nuntil\nmetko\ndist.loc\n‘Okay, until there.’\n[narr17_2:33]\nAlthough about half the narratives looked at here were ended with just a clos-\ning formula, the other half featured some kind of summary of the resulting life\nstatus of the protagonist(s). In most stories, this is just one or two clauses. The\nrecordings with Hapsa Yarkuran were made with a small audience of three peo-\nple, who chimed in during some of these summaries. (27) is the most elaborate\nin the corpus. N stands for narrator, A for audience member.\n(27)\nN jadi\nso\ndong\nthey\nsu\nalready\nkaya\nrich\n‘So they were already rich.’\nA1 se\niam\nkoyet\nfinish\n‘The end.’\nA2 mu\n3pl\nse\niam\nkaya\nrich\n‘They were already rich.’\nN mu\n3pl\nse\niam\nkaya\nrich\nse\niam\nkoyet\nfinish\n‘They were already rich, the end.’\nA3 kaya\nrich\nse\niam\nkoyet\nfinish\n‘Rich, the end.’\nA2 se\niam\nkoyet\nfinish\n‘The end.’\n421\n\n\n17 Other topics\nN pitis-un\nmoney-3poss\nreidak\nmuch\n‘They had a lot of money.’\nA3 pitis-un\nmoney-3poss\nreidak\nmuch\nmuap-un\nfood-3poss\nreidak\nmuch\n‘They had a lot of money, they had a lot of food.’\nN muap-un\nfood-3poss\nreidak\nmuch\n‘They had a lot of food.’\nA2+3 handuk\ntowel\ncontot-un=at\ntrick=3poss=obj\nparuo\ndo\npi\n1pl.incl\ntan=ki\nhand=ins\nmuap=at\nfood=obj\nparuot=nin\nmake=neg\nhahaha\n(laughter)\n[...]\n[...]\nse\niam\npi\n1pl.incl\nse\niam\npanci=ko\npan=loc\nkuar=nin\ncook=neg\nwele=at\nvegetable=obj\nkuar=nin\ncook=neg\nhanduk\ntowel\nbikin\ndo\nconto\ntrick\nhanduk\ntowel\nse\niam\nkuar\ncook\nmakanan\nfood\nsu\nalready\nbanyak\nmuch\nhahaha\n(laughter)\nsapi\ncow\n‘The cloth does its trick, we don’t make food with our hands, hahaha!\n[...] We don’t have to cook food in the pan any more, don’t have to\ncook vegetables, the cloth does its trick, the cloth cooks, already a lot\nof food, hahaha, the cow...’\n[narr25_9:58]\nThe narratives told by Kamarudin Gusek are typically closed with a declara-\ntion of authority, where he also states the kind of story (using Malay loan words\nlike kisa ‘story’, dongeng ‘fable’ and cerita pendek ‘short story’). These are often\na mirror of his hortatory openings (see §17.1.1. (28) gives the declaration of au-\nthority at the end of Kuawi. It is followed by the closing given in (25) above, a\nformula in Arabic to which the audience (one man) responds wa aleikum salam.\n(28)\nIbu sama bapak, cerita pendek dari saya untuk menyampaikan satu ceritra\nawal daripada kisa-kisa dari moyang atau tete kita yang berbuat seperti itu.\n‘Mr. and Mrs., [this was] a short story from me to convey an origin story\nfrom the stories from our ancestor or grandfather, who did like that.’\n[narr22_8:23]\n17.1.7 The content of traditional narratives\nThere are several observations to make about the content of the 14 traditional\nnarratives that have been considered in this section.\n422\n\n\n17.1 The structure of narratives\nIn nearly all traditional narratives, the sea, or sea-related things like the beach,\nshells, fish and/or canoes, play an important role. There are stories that feature\nmagical shells, talking fish, a dangerous sea, the tides, and canoes turning into\nstone. Only Tenggelele and The money-defecating cow make no mention of the\nsea. The talking coconut is set at the beach, but in contrast to the other stories,\nthe sea or sea-related things do not play an important role. This important role\nfor the sea in traditional Kalamang stories reflects the importance of the sea in\nthe lifeworld of the Kalamang, as a resource, a danger, and a backdrop to life (see\nalso Boomgaard (2007) about the role of water in Southeast Asian histories).\nSeveral of the stories are linked to place names. The talking coconut explains\nthe origin of the name of a stone, Yar Dakdak, that is seen as an important stone\ntoday. Finding water at Sui (a shoal visible today) is related to the capes at Loflof,\nwhich are considered a dangerous place. Other stories explain why the land-\nscape looks the way it does today. Kelengkeleng woman tells the story of a killed\nman, whose flipped canoe turns into a rock: Kandarer.3 The story Cassowary and\nDog explains the formation of Lempuang Emun and Lempuang Tumun, two rock\nformations south of the big Karas island. Other stories (Suagibaba, Kuawi) also\nmention place names, but it is unclear whether these have significance for the\nKalamang today. The place names mentioned in the traditional narratives are\ndisplayed on the map on page 517.\nSeveral stories give indications that they have their origin elsewhere. A similar\nversion to Crab is found as Batu badaun, a story from Ambon Lease, in Jensen\n& Niggemeyer (1939). Using paddle blades the wrong way (parallel to the boat)\nand the right way (perpendicular), as in Finding water at Sui, is reminiscent of De\ndomme voorouders [The stupid ancestors], a story from Halmahera in Lilipaly-\nde Voogt (1993: 62). The money-defecating cow shows stark resemblance to the\nBrothers Grimm story The wishing-table, the gold-ass, and the cudgel in the sack\n(no. 36). Makuteli uses a Seramese or Geser-Gorom song, and Crab uses quotes in\nGeser-Gorom. The monkey and the cuscus in Linglong sing that they come from\nBanda. Hapsa Yarkuran said she learned The providing tree and Crab from her\nfather, a Goromese man (see also De boom vol schatten [The tree full of treasures]\nin Lilipaly-de Voogt 1993).\n3There are more rock formations that are thought to be boat or ship wrecks, sometimes from as\nrecently as the Second World War. Similar explanations for geographical features in other soci-\neties in eastern Indonesia are given in Pannell (2007). Pannell writes that one of her informants\nnoted that “all places which have a name, have a person and a history associated with them”.\nThis is the case for Kalamang as well, judging from some descriptive coastal place names on\nthe big Karas island, such as Grandmother’s Cape, Women’s Foothill, Buton Fish House Cape.\n423\n\n\n17 Other topics\n17.2 Formulaic expressions\nHere, I present a handful of formulaic expressions or standardised phrases, par-\nticularly those relating to initiating and terminating a conversation.\nThere are no indigenous daytime-related greetings, such as ‘good morning’,\nalthough calques from Malay can be heard (e.g. selamat go dung ‘good morning’,\ncf. Malay selamat pagi ‘good morning’).4 Instead, it is common to ask nebara\nparuo ‘what are you doing?’ or tamanggara bot/yecie ‘where are you going/re-\nturning from?’ upon meeting someone. In the following example, the speaker\nacts out an imagined conversation between herself, sitting in front of her house\nhulling rice, and a passer-by. She asks the imaginary passer-by where they are\ngoing. The appropriate response can be an actual destination, but it is equally\nacceptable to say ge mera ‘nothing’, in this context ‘nowhere’, which indicates\none doesn’t deem their destination worth mentioning. The imaginary passer-by\nthen asks her what she’s doing. She responds with ge mera ‘nothing’, followed\nby a specification of what she is actually doing: picking the husks out of rice. See\n§12.4.1.1 for more examples.\n(29)\na. ka\n2sg\ntamangga=ta\nwhere.lat=nfin\nbot\ngo\n‘Where are you going?’\nb. ge_mera\nnothing\nka\n2sg\nneba=at=a\nwhat=obj=foc\nparuo\ndo\n‘Nowhere. What are you doing?’\nc. ge_mera\nnothing\nin\n1pl.excl\npasa-kajie=teba\nrice-pick=prog\n‘Nothing, we’re rice-picking.’\n[conv13_10:43]\nPermission to leave the conversation proceeds as follows:\n(30)\nA: an\n1sg\nse\niam\nbot\ngo\ne\ntag\n‘I’ll leave, okay?’\n(31)\nB: bot\ngo\ne\nint.e\n/\n/\nnabestai\nwell\nbot\ngo\n‘Go ahead / Go carefully.’\n[overheard]\n4I have the impression that this is more used towards outsiders with passive knowledge of\nKalamang (such as frequent visitors to the island, or myself) than between Kalamang speakers\nthemselves. There are no examples of it in the corpus.\n424\n\n\n17.3 Interjections\nThanking may be done with terima kasi(h). This Malay loan, like daytime\ngreetings, is not very common.\n17.3 Interjections\nInterjections were introduced in §3.5 (phonology) and §5.10 (as a word class).\nThis section aims at illustrating the use of the most frequent and versatile ones,\nstarting with yor ‘true’ and ge ‘no(t)’.\nYor ‘true’ is used as an affirmative response.5 It can stand on its own as a\nresponse to the other speaker’s statement. See the question-answer pair in (32).\nYor is about four times less frequent than ge ‘no’. Another positive interjection is\nesie ‘true’. It is very uncommon, with only one example in the corpus. It remains\nunclear how it differs from yor.\n(32)\n[comparing numbers written on the back of pictures]\nA: putkansuortalinggaruok\nforty-three\n‘Forty-three?’\nB: yor\ntrue\nyor\ntrue\nyor\ntrue\n‘Correct.’\n[stim27_13:15]\n‘No(t)’ is ge, which can stand on its own as a response or be tagged to a clause\nto elicit a confirming response from the listener. The exchange in (33) illustrates\nboth. The tag function is also treated in §12.4.1.2. See also the description of non-\nverbal negation in §12.5.3.\n(33)\nA: mu\n3pl\nkat\n2sg.obj\ngonggung\ncall\nter-nan\ntea-consume\nye\nor\nge\nnot\n‘Have they called you for drinking tea or not?’\nB: ge\nno\nma\n3sg\ngonggung\ncall\nba\nbut\n‘No, she called but...’\n[conv12_20:16]\n5There are three reasons yor is not analysed as meaning ‘yes’. First, an affirmative answer to\na yes/no question is not typically given with yor but with a repetition of the subject and the\nverb. Second, Kalamang speakers translate it into Papuan Malay as betul ‘true’, not as (i)ya ‘yes’.\nThird, diachronically yor also seems to mean ‘true’ or ‘right’. It is used in words and expressions\nlike kabor se yor-tayun ‘pregnant’ (lit. ‘stomach already yor-side’) and yorsik ‘straight’.\n425\n\n\n17 Other topics\nEmphasising o is the most common interjection. Typically clause-final, it em-\nphasises what has been said before. It is typically uttered at a low pitch, and may\nbe lengthened, vaguely reminiscent of the long and high e used for excessivity\nin some other eastern Indonesian languages (Arnold & Gil 2016). By adding o to\nthe clause in (34), the speaker emphasises that the subject did not catch any fish.\nIn (35), o stresses that it was very early. It is also typically added to reinforce\ncurses (§17.6). Clause-initial o is illustrated in (49) below.\n(34)\nma\n3sg\nsor\nfish\nramiet=nin\npull=neg\no\nemph\n‘He didn’t catch any fish.’\n[conv9_16:26]\n(35)\ngo_dung\nmorning\no\nemph\n‘In the early morning...’\n[conv9_25:55]\nThe vowel e has several uses as an interjection. It is commonly used to intro-\nduce quotes, as in (36) with speech verb toni ‘say’ and (37) without speech verb\n(see also §15.2). Some other less frequent uses of e are subsumed under the gloss\nint.e and include emphasis, as in (38), or contempt, as in (39). Encouragement\nwas exemplified in §(5.10).\n(36)\nMuji\nMuji\nesun=a\nfather.3poss=foc\ntoni\nsay\neh\nquot\nIla\nIla\nPak\nPak\ngosomin\ndisappear\n‘Muji’s father said: “Ila Pak has disappeared.”’\n[conv9_25:57]\n(37)\nSanti\nSanti\neh\nquot\nan\n1sg\nma\nmove_seawards\nema_caun=bon\naunt=com\ntaruo\nsay\n‘Santi said: “I went to tell aunt...”’\n[conv10_5:27]\n(38)\nnokin-tar\nbe_silent-pl.imp\ne\nint.e\nin\n1pl.excl\nsikola=teba\nschool=prog\n‘Be silent! We’re schooling.’\n[conv17_32:36]\n(39)\nkon∼kon\none∼red\nmindi=ten\nlike_that=ten\nme\ntop\ne\nint.e\nkuar=kin=et\ncook=vol=irr\neba\nthen\nmetko\ndist.loc\npadi-un=at\nrice_hull-3poss=obj\nkajiet=et\npick=irr\n‘[If we have] one [sack of rice] at a time like that, who cares, if you’re\nabout to cook then you pick out the rice hulls.’\n[conv13_10:29]\nThe confirmation-seeking or response-seeking tag eh and the encouraging in-\nterjection e are exemplified in (40) and (41).\n426\n\n\n17.3 Interjections\n(40)\nA: an\n1sg\nse\niam\nbot\ngo\neh\ntag\n‘I’ll leave, okay?’\n(41)\nB: bot\ngo\neː\nint.e\n/\n/\nnabestai\nwell\nbot\ngo\n‘Go ahead / Go carefully.’\n[overheard]\nThe confirmation-seeking or response-seeking tag can express more insecu-\nrity than Malay loan to(h) ‘right’ (which can only be used for confirmation-\nseeking), and leaves room for the addressee to either answer the question or\ndisagree with the statement, as illustrated in (42).\n(42)\nwa\nprox\nme\ntop\nneba-sor\nph-fish\neh\ntag\n‘What kind of fish is this, huh?’\n[stim15_2:12]\nA clause-initial open vowel a [a] ‘int’ is used as indicator of a clause that\nintroduces a new stage in the narrative. In (43), I have attempted to show the\nintonation pattern of a clause with ah. There is a rise (and lengthening) at the end\nof the first clause, a pause, and then the start of a new clause with low intonation\non the interjection and a low boundary tone.\n(43)\nTebonggan\nall\nkoi\nagain\necien=i\nreturn=plnk\nmia\ncome\nkewe=ko,\nH\nhouse=loc\n∣\nah\nL\nint\nter-na.\nHL\ntea-consume\n‘Everyone returned to the house, ah, [then we] drank tea.’\n[narr1_2:52]\nTwo interjections are likely derived from the Malay interjection aduh, an in-\nterjection of pain or disappointed surprise. These are adi(h) pain, an expression\nof pain or discomfort, also in use in the local Malay, and (a)dih or (a)deh int.pej,\nan interjection of contempt or dissatisfaction.\n(44)\nma\n3sg\ntoni\nsay\nadih\npain\nmang=sawe\nbitter=too\n‘He said: “Yuck, too bitter!”’\n[narr44_4:58]\n(45)\nma\n3sg\nka=kongga=ta\n2sg=an.lat=nfin\nmia\ncome\nreon\nmaybe\nadeh\nint.pej\nalangan-rep\ntrouble-get\nweinun\ntoo\n‘He came to you maybe, oh god, looking for trouble too.’\n[conv9_21:17]\n427\n\n\n17 Other topics\nIn (46), the speaker turns adeh int.pej into a verb while scolding their child\nfor not wanting to eat their food.\n(46)\nma\n3sg\ntoni\nsay\nadeh\nint.pej\neh\nquot\nka-mun\n2sg-proh\nadeh=in\nint.pej=proh\nna\nconsume\nna\nconsume\nna\nconsume\nna\nconsume\n‘She said: “Oh no.” [I’m like:] “Don’t you “oh no” me, eat, eat, eat, eat!”’\n[conv13_3:50]\nSome is used for encouragement, often in a slightly annoyed fashion, when\nstating or confirming something that should have been obvious to the addressee.\nIt is translated into local Malay as ‘sudah mu’. Two examples are given below.\n(47)\nhari_minggu\nSunday\nseng-paku\nroof-nail\nsome\nenc\nkarajang\nwork\nreidak=ten\nmuch-ten\nme\ntop\n‘Of course we nail the roof on Sunday, there’s a lot of work.’ [narr3_1:04]\n(48)\ntabai\ntobacco\nmet\ndist.obj\nkosom=ta\nsmoke=nfin\nnarasaun\ntaste\ntamandi\nhow\npen\ngood\nye\nor\npen\ngood\nsome\nenc\n2014\n2014\n“That tobacco [you’re] smoking, how does it taste, good, or what?” “Of\ncourse it’s good, it’s from 2014!”\n[narr16_3:11]\nAnother interjection with a similar function to some is mera, which is used\nto downplay the importance of a reply to a question, or to mark that you are\nstating the obvious. It is also translated into Malay as ‘sudah mu’. Consider the\nfollowing examples. The speaker in (49) uses mera to indicate that what she says\nis obvious. (50) follows (44) in the narrative, and is used to encourage the speaker,\ndownplaying the fact that the food is bitter. Mera is also used in standard answers\nto the question ‘what are you doing?’, as discussed in §17.2.\n(49)\nA: o\nemph\nmu=a\n3pl=foc\nruo\ndig\nreon\nmaybe\n‘Oh maybe they dug.’\nB: o\nemph\nge\nno\nmera\nint\nsontum\nperson\nruot=nin\ndig=neg\n‘Of course not, people didn’t dig.’\n[conv1_3:39]\n428\n\n\n17.4 Ideophones\n(50)\nan\n1sg\ntoni\nsay\nbes\ngood\nmera\nint\nna\nconsume\n‘I said: “It’s fine, eat.”’\n[narr44_5:00]\nThe vocative or calling sound for human beings is uei (§3.5). I am not sure what\nthe appropriate response is, but at least women, when inside the house when\nsomeone outside is calling, may answer with a rising u or hu at a high pitch.\nAnother observation made in the field which is not recorded in the corpus is that\nrepeated dental clicks are made to express amazement or incredulity (identified\nas a common trait in mainland and parts of insular South East Asia in Gil 2015).\n17.4 Ideophones\nIdeophones are an “open lexical class of marked words that depict sensory im-\nagery” (Dingemanse 2019: 16). Several words in the Kalamang lexicon could qual-\nify as such. They stand out structurally by being repetitive and containing several\n[r]’s or nasals, there is a resemblance between form and meaning, and their mean-\nings are related to sensory imagery. Because it is not clear which words actually\nbelong to this class, it was not introduced as a separate word class in Chapter 5.\nHere, I provide suggestions of which words might be analysed as ideophones.\nTwo words discussed as possible manner adverbials in §14.3.1 could be exam-\nples of ideophones. These are sororo and dumuni. Though translational equiva-\nlents could not be offered, they seem related to the way certain quick movements\nlook. Sororoi is used twice in the corpus, in the same story, to modify the verb\nbara ‘descend’ in the context of climbing down a tree. The utterance in (51) fol-\nlows an order made by a giant for the protagonist of the story to come down. It\nis unclear which meaning sororoi adds to the utterance. Dumuni (variant dimuni)\nhas eight occurrences in the corpus, and it seems to indicate a change of direc-\ntion in movement. This is illustrated by the examples in (52). In (52c), the main\nverb (‘to use’ or ‘to eat’) is elided. A third word puru(ru) is also a candidate. In\ncontrast to sororoi and dumuni, puru(ru) is found in different syntactic slots than\nas a verb modifier. Its three corpus examples are given in (53). Puru(ru) seems to\nexpress an unruly manner of falling or collapsing. What the three words have in\ncommon is that they are related to manner of movement.\n(51)\nma\n3sg\nsororoi\nmanner\nbara\ndescend\n‘She climbed down.’\n[narr25_4:37]\n429\n\n\n17 Other topics\n(52)\na. ma\n3sg\ntumun\nchild\nopa\nana\nme\ntop\nse\niam\nmengga\ndist.lat\ndumuni\nmanner\nra\ngo\n‘That child already escaped? to there.’\n[conv9_11:51]\nb. sabar\nfront\nse\niam\ndumuni\nmanner\nNyong\nNyong\nemun=kongga\nmother.3poss=an.loc\nmengga\ndist.lat\nmara\nmove_landwards\n‘The front [of the canoe] already turned? towards Nyong’s mother on\nthe land-side.’\n[conv9_14:08]\nc. an\n1sg\ntoni\nsay\npasa\nrice\n[...] barsi=ten\nclean.mly=at\nse\niam\nkoyet\nfinish\neh\ntag\neba\nthen\nkoi\nthen\npi\n1pl.excl\ndumuni\nmanner\ngoni-tumun\nsack-small\nkon\none\n‘I said the clean rice is finished, right, then we turn? to the one small\nsack.’\n[conv13_12:04]\n(53)\na. ma\n3sg\nse\niam\npururu∼pururu\npururu∼red\n‘It is ramshackle.’\n[conv9_1:37]\nb. lolok\nleaf\nkawat∼kawat\nbranch∼pl\npururu=i\npururu=plnk\nbarat=et\ndescend=irr\n‘Leaves and branches fell down.’\n[narr40_3:39]\nc. ma\n3sg\nkeit\ntop\nosangga\nup.lat\npuru=ten=kap=te\npururu=ten=sim=nfin\nbara\ndescend\n‘He fell from that top up there.’\n[narr22_2:39]\nOther words that might classify as ideophones are bameoma, nainain and ar-\nerara, but have only one occurrence each in the corpus. Bameoma in (54) seems to\nexpress grumbling or mumbling dissatisfied under one’s breath. Nainain in (55),\nused twice by the same speaker in the same text, could express talking or ram-\nbling on. Alternatively, this is a repeated nain ‘like’, but the fact that this speaker\ndoes not repeat nain elsewhere in the recording and says nainain twice in re-\nlation to speaking suggests that this is an ideophone. Arerara could be derived\nfrom the negative interjection ade(h), sometimes pronounced are(h), expressing\ncontempt or dissatisfaction. In (56), the speaker expresses dissatisfaction or an-\nnoyance with a naughty child.\n430\n\n\n17.5 Placeholders and lexical fillers\n(54)\nesnem\nman\nnak-nokidak\njust-be_silent\nbameoma\nbameoma\n‘The man was just silent: “Bameoma.”’\n[stim12_6:16]\n(55)\na. an\n1sg\nnainain\nnainain\nan\n1sg\newa=et\nspeak=irr\nme\ntop\nka\n2sg\ntok∼tok=ta\nstill∼red=nfin\n‘I “nainain”, when I speak, you wait.’\n[stim15_0:36]\nb. an\n1sg\nnainain\nnainain\newa=i\nspeak=plnk\nkoyet=te\nfinish=nfin\neba\nthen\nka=taet\n2sg=again\nkoi\nthen\newat=et\nspeak=irr\n‘After I “nainain” finish speaking then you speak again.’ [stim15_2:46]\n(56)\nma\n3sg\ntoni\nsay\nya_aula\nmy_god\nkier\n2du\narerara\narerara\ntumun\nchild\nyuwane\nprox\ntamandi=a\nhow=foc\n‘She says: “My god, you two and this child, what should we do about\nyou?”’\n[conv11_5:34]\n17.5 Placeholders and lexical fillers\nPlaceholders “serve as a preparatory constituent for a delayed constituent” (Pod-\nlesskaya 2010: 11). They replace the constituent that the speaker cannot retrieve,\nor, in some cases, does not want or bother to retrieve. Fillers are devices used to\nkeep the floor while thinking of what to say next. Fillers can be phonological de-\nvices, such as lengthening a sound, or non-lexical conventionalised sounds (the\nhesitation interjections in §5.10), or lexical, which is the category described here.\nFillers, in contrast to placeholders, do not take the place of another constituent.\nKalamang has three placeholders and one lexical filler.\nThe most common Kalamang placeholder is neba ‘ph’. It is homonymous with\nthe nominal question word neba ‘what’ (§5.8), which is likely to be its source,\nas placeholders commonly develop from question words (Podlesskaya 2010: 12).\nOther Kalamang question words cannot be used as placeholders. Placeholder\nneba occurs at a frequency of around six per 1000 words in the natural spoken\nKalamang corpus. It can replace only nouns and verbs. Although placeholder\nneba is nominal in origin, both NP and predicate morphology can attach directly\nto the root. Most NP and predicate morphology is attested on placeholder neba in\nthe current corpus, and all morphology attested on placeholder neba is found on\nnouns and verbs. Neba always carries all morphology that the replaced verb or\n431\n\n\n17 Other topics\nnoun would have carried. Neba does not have another distribution than the verbs\nand nouns it replaces: it occurs in the same slot. The following examples show\nsome of the uses of this placeholder. In (57), neba stands in for a possessed object,\nand is inflected with the third-person possessive marker -un and object marker\n=at. In (58), neba replaces a noun and is inflected with comitative postposition\n=bon. (59) shows a reduplicated verbal placeholder. (60) shows the placeholder\nstanding in for a reciprocal verb, and is inflected with reciprocal nau= and non-\nfinal =ta. (61, finally, shows neba standing in for an attributively used verb.\n(57)\nan\n1sg\nkona\nsee\nneba-un=at\nph-3poss=obj\nparuak=i\nthrow_away=plnk\npasier=ko\nsea=loc\n‘I saw he threw its whatsit in the sea.’\n[conv10_14:47]\n(58)\nparuo\nmake\nlalang\nhot\ntorim=nan\naubergine=too\ntorim\naubergine\neba\nthen\nkacang\nbeans\nneba=bon=et\nph=com=irr\n‘Make [the dish] hot, aubergine too, aubergine, then beans, and with\nwhatsit.’\n[conv15_0:51]\n(59)\nnasuena\nsugar\nbolon\nlittle\nbaran\ndescend\npi-mun\n1pl.incl-proh\ntalalu\ntoo\npen=sawet=in\nsweet=too=proh\no\nemph\npen\ntasty\nkoi\nthen\nneba∼neba\nph∼atten\ngosomin∼gosomin\ndisappear∼atten\n‘Put in a little sugar, we shouldn’t make it too sweet, the tastiness [could]\nwhatsit, disappear a little.’\n[conv11_1:55]\n(60)\nhukat\nnet\neir\ntwo\nnau=neba=ta\nrecp=ph=nfin\n‘Two nets are whatsiting each other.’\n[conv5_4:00]\n(61)\nan\n1sg\ntoni\nsay\npasa\nrice\nneba=ten\nph=at\nse\niam\nkoyet\nfinish\neh\ntag\nbarsi=ten\nclean=at\nse\niam\nkoyet\nfinish\n‘I said whatsit-rice is finished, right, clean [rice] is finished.’\n[conv13_12:04]\nThese examples show that sometimes, the speaker retrieves the target and ut-\nters it after the placeholder (this happens for example after the utterance in 58).\nWhen the speaker does not do so, this is either because they fail to retrieve the\ntarget or because the target is not deemed important enough to be retrieved.\nThere are no recorded uses of placeholder neba that deliberately obscure the tar-\nget because it is taboo or inappropriate. Neba may be used as a generic expres-\nsion. In (62), the speaker describes a wooden toy construction. The speaker has\nnever seen this toy (Tinkertoy) before, so there is no convention as to what to\n432\n\n\n17.5 Placeholders and lexical fillers\ncall the different construction parts. He describes some of the parts with neba,\nand leaves it to the addressee to identify the correct referent. In this context, it is\nnot necessary to find a specific noun to describe all parts of the toy construction,\nbecause the addressee can deduce from other information (such as the location\nand numeral in 62) which parts the speaker intends.\n(62)\nneba-un\nph-3poss\nkit-kadok\ntop-side\neir\ntwo\n‘It has two thingies on the top.’\n[stim39_0:34]\nThe question word puraman ‘how many’ is used as a placeholder for quanti-\nfiers and as a generic quantifier. As a generic quantifier, it refers to a large-ish\nnumber, the exact amount of which the speaker does not know or does not feel\nthe need to convey. In (63), puraman is used to convey that there were many\ncoconuts, so many that the speaker doesn’t know the exact amount. In (64), it is\nused to indicate that several days had passed, but that the speaker doesn’t know\nexactly how many. (65) is a genuine placeholder, which is used to fill the slot of\nthe quantifier until the target (‘three’) is found. When puraman ‘how many’ is\nused as a placeholder, it carries the same inflection as the quantifier it replaces,\nand occurs in the same slot. Note, however, that although the numeral in (65) is\nsuffixed to the pronoun mu, puraman is not.\n(63)\nwat\ncoconut\nnak-puraman-i\nclf_fruit1-how_many-objqnt\nmindi\nlike_that\nkajie\npick\n‘We picked up I-don’t-know-how-many coconuts like that.’ [conv11_4:50]\n(64)\ntorpes-un=at\ntop_shell-1pl.excl.poss=obj\nparin=i\nsell=plnk\nkoyet\nfinish\nbo\ngo\nyuol\nday\npuraman\nhow_many\nmungkin\nmaybe\nminggu\nweek\nkon\none\nye\nor\neba\nthen\ninier\n1du.ex\nkoi\nagain\nbo=et\ngo=irr\n‘After selling our top shells, several days, maybe a week [passed], then we\nwent again.’\n[narr44_23:06]\n(65)\nAfukarun\nafukat-un\navocado-3poss\nnasuarik,\nnasuarik\nscatter\nmu\nmu\n3pl\npuraman?\npuraman\nhow_many\nMunggaruok.\nmu-karuok\n3pl-three\nMunggaruok\nmu-karuok\n3pl-three\nmat\nmat\n3sg.obj\nrupte\nrup=te\nhelp=nfin\nkajie.\nkajie\npick\n‘His avocados scatter, they how many? They three. They three help him\npick [them up].’\n[stim29_0:50]\n433\n\n\n17 Other topics\nDon ‘thing’ is a generic noun that is used as a nominal placeholder that delib-\nerately obscures the target. This is done for one of three reasons: to make a polite\nversion of a word, to express disdain or to make generic reference. Don ‘thing’ is\nthus not, in contrast to placeholder neba, used when the speaker has trouble re-\ntrieving the target. Examples of polite versions of words are given in (66). These\nare used when the regular version is inappropriate: for example, when begging\nsomeone else for these goods (which may be scarce), or when communicating\nwith someone in your household about the lack of these items in front of a guest.6\nIn (67), instead of saying sor ‘fish’, the narrator uses derogatory don to express\nhis disdain towards the fact that a crow has eaten rotten fish. (68) illustrates the\ngeneric use of don; it is incorporated in the verb nabaca ‘to read’. Don ‘thing’ is\nthe only object noun that always incorporates (§11.2.1). Don ‘thing’ can be used\nin combination with kon ‘one’ as an indefinite pronoun (for examples, see §8.3).\n(66)\na. don\nthing\npen∼pen\nsweet∼sweet\n‘sugar’\nb. don\nthing\niriskap\nwhite\n‘rice, sugar’\nc. don\nthing\nyuolyuol\nshine\n‘lamp’\n(67)\no\nemph\nka\n2sg\ndon\nthing\nyuwa=at=a\nprox=obj=foc\nna=tauna\nconsume=so\nsehingga\nso_that\ndon\nthing\nmun=ten\nrotten=at\nwandi=et\nlike_this=irr\nka\n2sg\nbisa\ncan\nna=ta\neat=nfin\n‘Oh, you eat this stuff, so that [this means] you can eat rotten stuff like\nthis.’\n[narr39_7:35]\n(68)\nmu\n3pl\ndon-nabaca=teba\nthing-read=prog\n‘They are reading stuff.’\n[stim6_4:20]\n6Such obscured or polite forms may also be made in other ways. Another obscured/polite word\nfor sugar or rice is muap iriskap, lit. ‘white food’, and another obscured/polite word for pitis\n‘money’ is lolok ‘leaf’.\n434\n\n\n17.6 Swearing and cursing\nFinally, the word nain ‘like’ is used as a lexical filler. In (69), despite the fact that\nthe speaker used the filler, he later chooses the wrong word and has to correct\nhimself.\n(69)\nBo\nbo\ngo\nmetko\nmetko\ndist.loc\nnain\nnain\nlike\ntok\ntok\nstill\nka-\nka-\nrai-\nur.\nur\nwind\n‘[We] want to go there, eh, still rai- windy.’\n[conv14_7:27]\n17.6 Swearing and cursing\nThe corpus contains a handful of curses which, although they sound severe, are\nused in a rather light-hearted way. They are, for example, frequently hurled at\nnaughty children, or used when people are joking with each other. They vary\naround the themes of supernatural beings or natural phenomena eating or cut-\nting the person or their Adam’s apple or liver (min). Two templates are given\nin (70) and (71). It is unclear what -kon in (70) means. These templates can be\nused with five different subjects, given in (72). Of these, only sileng does not\noccur in the natural spoken corpus.\n(70)\nSubj (=ba)\n=foc\nObj nan=et-kon\nconsume=irr-?\n/\n/\nmin-tolmat=et-kon\nliver-cut=irr-?\n‘May Subj eat you / cut out your liver.’\n(71)\nSubj -tumun\n-child\n‘Damned child.’\n(72)\na. malaikat ‘angel’ (Malay loan)\nb. penyakit ‘illness’ (Malay loan)\nc. damir ‘taboo’ (Malay: symbol in Arabic script to indicate closed\nsyllable)\nd. yuon ‘sun’\ne. sileng ‘a cursed fish’\nThe following examples illustrate the use of these curses. In (73), two friends\nare gossiping about people outside the house. In (74), someone is mad at oth-\ners diving for shells in a certain place. (75) is from a story where the narrator\nswapped new tobacco with last year’s tobacco, tricking his friend into believing\nhe is smoking the new tobacco.\n435\n\n\n17 Other topics\n(73)\nmier\n3du\nmalaikat-tumun=bon\nangel-child=com\nme=bon\ndist=com\nreon\nmaybe\n‘[Is it] her and that damned child, maybe?’\n[conv9_12:40]\n(74)\nin\n1pl.excl\nneba\nph\nkanyuot\nclam\nko=ar=teba\nappl=dive=prog\no\nemph\npenyakit=ba\nillness=foc\nkier=at\n2du=obj\nnan=et-kon\nconsume=irr-?\n‘“We’re diving for clams.” “May an illness eat you!”’\n[conv9_14:20]\n(75)\nma\n3sg\ntoni\nsay\n2014\n2014\nto\nright\nan\n1sg\ntoni\nsay\nadeh\nint.pej\n2013\n2013\nadeh\nint.pej\nyuon=ba\nsun=foc\nkat\n2sg.obj\nmin-tolmat=et-kon\nliver-cut=irr-?\n‘He said: “2014, right?” I said: “No way, 2013.” “What?! May the sun cut\nout your liver!”’\n[narr16_3:21]\nSwear words related to genitalia and sexual reproduction are used between\npeople of the same sex, between friends, or in general in a relaxed atmosphere.\nI have not overheard the use of these, but speakers report using kar-ca ‘vagina-\n2sg.poss’ to women, us-ca ‘penis-2sg.poss’ to men, and ki bo yam=teba ‘2pl go\nhave.sex=prog’ to curse at others.\n436\n\n\nAppendix A: Text\nThis is a story1 told by Malik Yarkuran (M) on the 1st of April 2019. It tells about\na time when he spotted a small vessel, went towards it and discovered there was\na naked tourist on board. The story was recorded in the kitchen of Sebi Yarkuran\n(S), who also was present during the recording. The storyteller had told this story\nbefore, and retold it on tape at the researcher’s (E) request.\nFree translation\nMalik: ‘I went fishing. I looked like this, “Hey, a ship at the shore up there!” Then\nI sailed landwards. I sailed landwards, oh, it was a tourist.’ Eline: ‘What kind of\nship?’ Malik: ‘A tourist ship, it was at Tanggor.’ Sebi: ‘A small ship.’ Malik: ‘He\ncame from Pulo Pisang, I asked, from Pulo Pisang. Then we watched. He went to\nthrow the anchor. Then, a man. Is he wearing trousers or not? We were curious,\nright. So we went. Mas said: “Let’s sail that way to look.” “Yes,” we sailed that\nway. We sailed that way until we stranded. Stranded, we looked, Mas said: “Hey,\nhe isn’t wearing trousers!” He wasn’t wearing trousers, Mas said: “Hey, put on\ntrousers!” He said: “Yes, yes, yes!” After getting a towel, he threw it over his legs.\nHis penis dangled.’ Sebi: ‘His bottom was very white.’ Malik: ‘His penis dangled,\nthen we sat chatting. Chatting, he said: “Do you want to drink?” We said: “No.”\nHe said: “I just give that to you guys, okay.” He gave us two bottles. Then he said:\n“If it’s possible, can I exchange the alcohol for lobster?” “Oh, yes, yes, yes.” Then\nwe sailed back, got two lobsters, brought them back and gave them to him.’\n1Archived at http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BC6-C. This text serves as an ex-\nample. Five other glossed and translated texts are published as Visser (2021). ELAN and XML\nfiles with glosses and translations are available for all texts in the corpus at http://hdl.handle.\nnet/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1B9D-6.\n\n\nA Text\nGlossed text\n(1)\nM: An\nan\n1sg\nbo\nbo\ngo\nwar.\nwar\nfish\n‘I went fishing.’\n(2)\nM: An\nan\n1sg\nwandi\nwandi\nlike_this\nkomera:\nkomet=ta\nlook=nfin\n“Eh\neh\nquot\nkapal\nkapal\nship\nkona\nkon=a\none=foc\nkabisko\nkibis=ko\nshore=loc\nosa.”\nosa\nup\n‘I looked like this, “Hey, a ship at the shore up there!”’\n(3)\nM: Terus\nterus\nthen\nan\nan\n1sg\nse\nse\niam\ntiri\ntiri\nsail\nmara.\nmara\nmove_landwards\n‘Then I sailed landwards.’\n(4)\nM: An\nan\n1sg\ntiri\ntiri\nsail\nmara\nmara\nmove_landwards\no\no\nemph\npadahal\npadahal\nhowever\nturisontum.\nturis-sontum\ntourist-person\n‘I sailed landwards, oh, it was a tourist.’\n(5)\nE: Nebakapal?\nneba-kapal\nwhat-ship\n‘What kind of ship?’\n(6)\nM: Kapal\nkapal\nship\nturis,\nturis\ntourist\nma\nma\n3sg\nTanggorko.\nTanggor=ko\nTanggor=loc\n‘A tourist ship, it was at Tanggor.’\n(7)\nS: Kapal\nkapal\nship\ncicauna\ncicaun=a\nsmall=foc\nkon.\nkon\none\n‘A small ship.’\n(8)\nM: Ma\nma\n3sg\nPulo\nPulo\nPulo\nPisanggata,\nPisang=ka=ta\nPisang=lat=nfin\nan\nan\n1sg\ngerket,\ngerket\nask\nPulo\nPulo\nPulo\nPisanggata.\nPisang=ka=ta\nPisang=lat=nfin\n‘He came from Pulo Pisang, I asked, from Pulo Pisang.’\nPulo Pisang (Pulau Pisang, Banana Island) is an island close to Fakfak.\n438\n\n\n(9)\nM: Terus\nterus\nthen\nin\nin\n1pl.excl\nse\nse\niam\nkometkomet.\nkomet∼komet\nlook∼prog\n‘Then we were watching.’\nThe speaker is together with a Javanese man he refers to as Mas.\n(10)\nM: Ma\nma\n3sg\nhe\nse\niam\nra\nra\nanchor=obj\nsaorat\nsaor=at\nthrow\nparuak.\nparuak\n‘He went to throw the anchor.’\n(11)\nM: Terus\nterus\nthen\nesnema\nesnem=a\nman=foc\nkon.\nkon\none\n‘Then, a man.’\n(12)\nM: Ma\nma\n3sg\nsungsungat\nsungsung=at\ntrousers=obj\nnapaki\nnapaki\nwear\nye\nye\nor\nge?\nge\nnot\n‘Is he wearing trousers or not?’\n(13)\nM: In\nin\n1pl.excl\npenasaran\npenasaran\ncurious\nto.\nto\nright\n‘We were curious, right.’\n(14)\nM: Me\nme\ntop\nin\nin\n1pl.excl\nse\nse\niam\nra.\nra\nmove_path\n‘So we went.’\n(15)\nM: Mas\nMas\nMas\ntoni:\ntoni\nsay\n“Eh,\neh\nquot\npi\npi\nsail\ntiri\ntiri\nmove_path\nra\nra\nlook=irr\nkomeret.”\nkomet=et\n‘Mas said: “Let’s sail that way to look.”’\n(16)\nM: “Yo,”\nyo\nyes\nin\nin\n1pl.excl\nse\nse\niam\ntiri\ntiri\nsail\nra.\nra\nmove_path\n‘“Yes,” we sailed that way.’\n439\n\n\nA Text\n(17)\nM: Tiri\ntiri\nsail\nra\nra\nmove_path\nsampe\nsampe\nuntil\nnasandar.\nnasandar\nstrand\n‘[We] sailed that way until we stranded.’\n(18)\nM: Nasandarte\nnasandar=te\nstrand=nfin\nme,\nme\ntop\nin\nin\n1pl.excl\nkomera\nkome=ta\nlook=nfin\nme,\nme\ntop\nma\nma\n3sg\ntoni:\ntoni\nsay\n“Eh\neh\nquot\nma\nma\n3sg\nsungsung\nsungsung\ntrousers\nnapakinin!”\nnapaki=nin\nwear=neg\n‘Stranded, we looked, he [Mas] said: “Hey, he isn’t wearing trousers!”’\n(19)\nM: Sungsung\nsungsung\ntrousers\nnapakinin,\nnapaki=nin\nwear=neg\nma\nma\n3sg\ntoni:\ntoni\nsay\n“Eh\neh\nquot\nsungsunga\nsungsung=a\ntrousers=foc\nnapakire!”\nnapaki=re\nwear=imp\n‘[He] wasn’t wearing trousers, he [Mas] said: “Hey, put on trousers!”’\n(20)\nM: Ma\nma\n3sg\ntoni:\ntoni\nsay\n“Yo,\nyo\nyes\nyo,\nyo\nyes\nyo!”\nyo\nyes\n‘He said: “Yes, yes, yes!”’\n(21)\nM: Ma\nma\n3sg\nhanduat\nhanduk=at\ntowel=obj\njieni\njien=i\nget=plnk\nkoyet\nkoyet\nfinish\nparuai\nparuak=i\nthrow=plnk\nkor\nkor\nleg\nkerunggo.\nkeit-un=ko\ntop-3poss=loc\n‘After getting a towel, he threw it over his legs.’\n(22)\nM: Us\nus\npenis\nnaunggang.\nnau=gang\nrec=hang\n‘[His] penis dangled.’\n(23)\nS: Kasamanun\nkasaman-un\nbottom-3poss\nmindi\nmindi\nlike_that\nbo\nbo\ngo\nirisaet.\niris=saet\nwhite=very\n‘His bottom was very white.’\n(24)\nM: Us\nus\npenis\nnaunggang\nnau=gang\nrec=hang\nterus\nterus\nthen\nin\nin\n1pl.excl\nse\nse\niam\nmelelu\nmelelu\nsit\ngarung.\ngarung\nchat\n‘[His] penis dangled, then we sat chatting.’\n440\n\n\n(25)\nM: Garung,\ngarung\nchat\nma\nma\n3sg\ntoni:\ntoni\nsay\n“Ki\nki\n2pl\nminumkin?”\nminum=kin\ndrink=vol\n‘Chatting, he said: “Do you want to drink?”’\nBy ‘drink’ is meant ‘alcoholic drink’.\n(26)\nM: In\nin\n1pl.excl\ntoni:\ntoni\nsay\n“Ge.”\nge\nno\n‘We said: “No.”’\n(27)\nM: Ma\nma\n3sg\ntoni:\ntoni\nsay\n“Met\nmet\ndist.obj\nme\nme\ntop\ndiki\ndi=ki\ncaus=2pl\nrebaet\n∅=teba=et\ngive=prog=irr\neh.”\neh\ntag\n‘He said: “[I] just give that to you guys, okay.”’\n(28)\nM: Ma\nma\n3sg\nbotal\nbotal\nbottle\neiri\neir-i\ntwo-objqnt\ndin.\ndi=in\ncaus=1pl.excl\n∅\ngive\n‘He gave us two bottles.’\n(29)\nM: Terus\nterus\nthen\nma\nma\n3sg\ntoni:\ntoni\nsay\n“Kalo\nkalo\nif\nbisaet\nbisa=et\ncan=irr\nbisa\nbisa\ncan\nnatukar\nnatukar\nexchange\nudangbon?”\nudang=bon\nlobster=com\n‘Then he said: “If it’s possible, can [I] exchange [the alcohol] for lob-\nster?”\n(30)\nM: “O\no\noh\nyo\nyo\nyes\nyo\nyo\nyes\nyo.”\nyo\nyes\n‘”Oh, yes, yes, yes.”’\n(31)\nM: In\nin\n1pl.excl\nse\nse\niam\nkoi\nkoi\nthen\ntiri\ntiri\nsail\nran\nran\nmove_path\nudangat\nudang=at\nlobster=obj\neiri\neir-i\ntwo-objqnt\njie\njie\nget\nkuru\nkuru\nbring\nmia\nmia\ncome\nma.\nma\n3sg\n∅\ngive\n‘Then we sailed back, got two lobsters, brought [them] back and gave\n[them] to him.’\nThe speaker and his friend sailed to the live-fish storage place where Mas\nworked.\n441\n\n\n\n\nAppendix B: List of bound morphemes\nMorphophonological rules applying to these bound morphemes (affixes and clit-\nics) include lenition, voicing, velarisation and elision. See §3.4 for description and\nexemplification of all rules, and Chapter 4 for morphological processes.\nTable B.1: Affixes\nform\nallomorphs\nfunction\nreference\n-ahutak\n–\nrestricting pronoun\n§7.1.4\n-an\n–\n1sg.poss\nCh 9\n-bes\n–\nquantity demonstrative\n§10.1.3\n-ca\n-ja, -ya\n2sg.poss\nCh 9\n-ce\n-je, -ye\n2pl.poss\nCh 9\n-et\n–\nagentive nominaliser\n§6.2.2\n-gan\n-nggan\n‘all’\n§§7.1.5, 8.3\n-i\n–\nobjqnt\n§6.3.2\n-mahap\n–\n‘all’\n§8.2\n-mun\n–\nproh\n§14.2.1.4\n-mur\n–\nkin.pl\n§7.2.1\n-naninggan\n–\nencompassing pronoun\n§7.1.5\n-ndi\n–\n‘like’\n§10.1.3, 5.8\n-pe\n-we, -be\n1pl.incl.poss\nCh 9\n-re\n–\napprehensive\n§14.2.1.6\n-rip\n–\ndegree demonstrative\n§10.1.3\n-sen\n–\nquantity demonstrative\n§10.1.3\n-te\n-re, -de\ndistributive\n§8.3\n-un\n–\n3poss, 1pl.excl.poss\nCh 9\n-un\n–\nnmlz\n§6.2.1\nal-\n–\nclf_strip\n§8.1.1\nar-\n–\nclf_stem\n§8.1.1\nep-\new-\nclf_group\n§8.1.1\net-\ner-\nclf_an\n§8.1.1\n\n\nB List of bound morphemes\nform\nallomorphs\nfunction\nreference\nkis-\n–\nclf_long\n§8.1.1\nmir-\n–\nclf_canoe\n§8.1.1\nnak-\nna-\nclf_fruit1\n§8.1.1\nnar-\n–\nclf_round\n§8.1.1\npel-\n–\nclf_comb\n§8.1.1\npoup-\npouw-\nclf_bundle\n§8.1.1\npur-\n–\nclf_piece\n§8.1.1\nrur-\n–\nclf_skewer\n§8.1.1\ntabak-\ntaba-\nclf_half\n§8.1.1\ntak-\nta-\nclf_leaf\n§8.1.1\ntang-\n–\nclf_seed\n§8.1.1\ntep-\ntew-\nclf_fruit2\n§8.1.1\nTable B.2: Clitics\nform\nallomorphs\nfunction\nreference\n=a\n–\nfocus\n§16.2\n=at\n–\nobject\n§6.4.2\n=bon\n–\ncomitative\n§6.4.3\n=ero\n–\nconditional\n§14.2.1.5\n=et\n–\nirrealis\n§14.2.1.1\n=i\n–\npredicate linker\n§13.1\n=in\n–\nprohibitive\n§14.2.1.4\n=ka\n=ngga\nlative\n§6.4.8\n=kap\n=nggap\nsimilative\n§6.4.6\n=ki\n=nggi\nbenefactive\n§6.4.5\n=ki\n=nggi\ninstrumental\n§6.4.4\n=kin\n=in\nvolitional\n§14.2.1.2\n=ko\n=o, =nggo\nlocative\n§6.4.7\n=kongga\n=ongga, =nggongga\nanimate lative\n§6.4.9\n=konggo\n=onggo, =nggonggo\nanimate locative\n§6.4.9\n=nan\n–\n‘also’\n§14.3.4\n=nin\n–\nnegation\n§12.5\n=saet\n–\n‘exclusively’\n§14.4\n=sawe(t)\n–\nexcessive\n§14.3.2\n444\n\n\nform\nallomorphs\nfunction\nreference\n=ta\n=ra, =da\nnonfinal\n§15.1.4\n=taero\n=raero, =daero\n‘even if’\n§14.2.1.5\n=taet\n=raet, =daet\n‘more; again’\n§14.3.5\n=tak\n=rak, =dak\n‘just; only’\n§§7.1.4, 8.2, 10.2.2.4, 13.1.4\n=tar\n=rar, =dar\nplural imperative\n§14.2.1.3\n=te\n=re, =de\nimperative\n§14.2.1.3\n=te\n=re, =de\nnonfinal\n§15.1.4\n=teba\n=reba, =deba\nprogressive\n§14.2.2.2\n=ten\n=ren, =den\nattributive\n§6.3.5\n=tenden\n=renden, =denden\n‘so’\n§15.1.2.4\n=tun\n–\nintensifier\n§§6.2.4.3, 8.3, 11.3, 14.3.2\ndi=\n–\ncausative\n§11.4.4.1\nko=\n–\napplicative\n§11.4.3\nnak=\n–\n‘just’\ndictionary\nnau=\n–\nreciprocal\n§11.4.2\nma=\n–\ncausative\n§11.4.4\n445\n\n\n\n\nAppendix C: Corpus\nThis section provides an overview of the transcribed recordings and elicited data\nin the corpus, with their corpus tags, titles, length and number of words.\nTable C.1: Naturalistic recordings\nmm:ss\nwords\nStimulus-based recordings\nstim 1\nJackal and crow narrated by Binkur mama\n1:15\n84\nstim 2\nJackal and crow narrated by Mohtar pu bapak\n4:35\n247\nstim 3\nJackal and crow retold by Mohtar pu bapak\n2:58\n341\nstim4\nFamily problems part 1: Erna pu bapak and Bilal pu ba-\npak\n5:41\n382\nstim6\nFamily problems part 2: Erna pu bapak and Bilal pu ba-\npak\n19:32\n788\nstim7\nFamily problems part 2: Mohtar pu bapak and Om Nos\n10:40\n1468\nstim12\nFamily problems part 3: Mohtar pu bapak and Om Nos\n7:29\n706\nstim13\nFarm animals: Erna pu bapak and Bilal pu bapak\n3:48\n283\nstim14\nFarm animals: Binkur pu mama and Mohtar pu bapak\n2:55\n113\nstim15\nDiscussing fishing gear 1\n5:45\n272\nstim16\nDiscussing fishing gear 2\n6:24\n193\nstim20\nFrog, where are you narrated by Mohtar’s father\n6:46\n394\nstim21\nFrog, where are you narrated by Om Nos for Yeni\n4:30\n502\nstim24\nJapanese mute video narration by Mohtar’s father\n3:37\n294\nstim25\nMan and tree picture matching 1\n9:41\n293\nstim26\nMan and tree picture matching 2\n9:08\n522\nstim27\nMan and tree picture matching 3\n17:28\n454\nstim29\nPear movie narrated by Om Nos and Bilal’s father\n2:30\n296\nstim30\nPear movie narrated by Djusman\n2:25\n241\nstim31\nPear movie narrated by Binkur’s mother\n3:24\n338\nstim33\nPear movie narrated by Mohtar’s father\n2:00\n160\nstim34\nPear movie narrated by Ruslan’s grandmother\n1:24\n105\nstim35\nRoute description from Arepner to the harbour\n2:25\n118\nstim36\nRoute description from the school to Arepner\n1:49\n106\nstim37\nRoute description from Tat to the school\n1:28\n108\nstim38\nSpace games\n12:22\n547\nstim39\nTinker toy picture matching 1\n2:05\n170\nstim40\nTinker toy picture matching 2\n2:55\n84\n\n\nC Corpus\nstim42\nVillage pictures picture matching 2\n17:15\n1248\nstim43\nVillage pictures picture matching 3\n23:32\n862\nstim44\nWooden man picture matching\n2:40\n190\nstim45\nWooden man picture matching\n2:02\n89\nsubtotal\n3:22:28\n11998\nNarratives\nnarr1\nRemembering the dead\n8:24\n489\nnarr2\nMarriage negotiations\n14:09\n1296\nnarr3\nThe rituals for putting the roof on a house\n13:55\n1338\nnarr4\nA wedding\n8:05\n712\nnarr5\nWedding rituals\n5:04\n449\nnarr6\nHow to build a bamboo house\n6:38\n319\nnarr7\nHow to build a house\n14:48\n1357\nnarr8\nWhen me and my husband went fishing\n7:20\n600\nnarr9\nMaking fried cookies part 1\n7:01\n98\nnarr10\nMaking fried cookies part 2\n5:02\n30\nnarr11\nHow to weave mats and baskets\n3:20\n238\nnarr12\nNutmegs\n9:20\n716\nnarr13\nOfferings in the nutmeg plantations\n5:42\n541\nnarr14\nHow to make a wooden canoe\n6:22\n725\nnarr16\nMalik’s funny story about cigarettes\n5:53\n467\nnarr17\nMalik’s funny story about the naked tourist\n2:40\n273\nnarr18\nMakuteli: birds on a boat\n21:04\n1180\nnarr19\nLinglong: Monkey and Cuscus sell firewood\n16:59\n1502\nnarr20\nCassowary and Dog\n4:24\n363\nnarr21\nCrab\n5:34\n527\nnarr22\nKuawi\n8:53\n943\nnarr23\nThe woman who turned into a lime\n6:53\n755\nnarr24\nKelengkeleng woman\n6:23\n535\nnarr25\nThe money-defecating cow\n10:23\n1181\nnarr26\nMarried to a mermaid\n22:10\n1787\nnarr27\nThe providing tree\n4:38\n542\nnarr28\nSuagibaba\n13:14\n1378\nnarr29\nFinding water at Sui\n8:00\n820\nnarr30\nThe talking coconut\n2:08\n228\nnarr31\nTraditional medicines that grow on Tat\n6:39\n505\nnarr32\nWhen I went to cure someone\n2:28\n158\nnarr33\nLeaf medicines part 1\n6:16\n253\nnarr34\nLeaf medicines part 2\n5:30\n367\nnarr35\nLeaf medicines part 3\n6:23\n426\nnarr36\nLeaf medicines part 4\n2:22\n102\nnarr37\nRoute description from Mas to Antalisa\n5:15\n462\nnarr38\nRoute description within Mas\n2:08\n144\nnarr39\nWhy the crow is black\n4:35\n330\nnarr40\nJapanese bombings in WWII\n22:45\n1529\nnarr41\nWhat I did yesterday\n2:42\n230\n448\n\n\nnarr42\nThe last two canoes Om Nos built\n16:00\n1704\nnarr43\nWhen I was young\n4:50\n288\nnarr44\nFishing and lobster diving with Keica\n28:10\n3909\nnarr45\nWhen Mayor went to Fakfak to get loans\n4:37\n417\nnarr46\nHow to make the frame of a house\n5:20\n509\nsubtotal\n6:16:02\n32422\nConversations\nconv1\nNetfishing 1\n7:30\n439\nconv2\nNetfishing 2\n7:30\n346\nconv3\nNetfishing 3\n7:30\n425\nconv4\nNetfishing 4\n7:30\n629\nconv5\nNetfishing 5\n7:30\n477\nconv7\nThe Funeral of Tete Loklomin\n15:08\n2109\nconv8\nTenggelele ritual\n5:36\n511\nconv9\nBinkur mama and Bakri mama talk current affairs\n32:45\n3537\nconv10\nA conversation about fish\n23:02\n3345\nconv11\nA conversation about chestnuts\n6:41\n1074\nconv12\nA kitchen conversation between two grandmothers\n22:20\n1901\nconv13\nA conversation about rice\n13:08\n1898\nconv14\nTwo grandfathers talk current affairs\n9:16\n648\nconv15\nA conversation about cooking aubergine and papaya\n6:27\n588\nconv16\nA conversation about cooking vegetables\n15:50\n1445\nconv17\nHow to weave a wallet part 1\n45:00\n1014\nconv18\nHow to weave a wallet part 2\n12:30\n69\nconv19\nHow to weave a wallet part 3\n24:00\n292\nconv20\nMohtar’s father and Lamani’s father discuss root\nmedicines\n49:07\n4084\nconv21\nBoat trip around Karas Island 1\n07:30\n190\nconv22\nBoat trip around Karas Island 10\n1:29\n41\nconv23\nBoat trip around Karas Island 12\n0:39\n14\nconv24\nBoat trip around Karas Island 13\n0:44\n14\nconv25\nBoat trip around Karas Island 14\n4:51\n47\nconv26\nBoat trip around Karas Island 6\n0:41\n16\nconv27\nBoat trip around Karas Island 7\n7:30\n33\nconv28\nBoat trip around Karas Island 8\n7:30\n100\nsubtotal\n5:49:14\n25286\ntotal\n15:27:44\n69706\n449\n\n\nC Corpus\nTable C.2: Used stimuli and questionnaires, original source, corpus tag\nQuestionnaires\nBinominals\nPepper (2020)\nbin\nDemonstratives\nWilkins (2004)\nthi\nIamitives and nondums\nVeselinova (2017)\niam\nIdematives\nvan den Berg (2016)\nidem\nNaming\nHandschuh p.c.\nnam\nNegation\nVeselinova and Miestamo\nneg, neg19\nRelative clauses\nDowning et al. (2010)\nrel\nTMA\nDahl (1985)\ntam\nValency\nLeipzig Valency Classes Project (n.d.)\nval\nPicture-matching tasks\nMan and tree & Space games\nLevinson et al. (1992)\nstim13, stim14\nstim25-27, stim38-40,\nstim42\nPicture stimuli\nFamily problems\nCarroll et al. (2009)\nstim4, stim6, stim7,\nstim12\nFocus\nvia Arthur Holmer\nfoc\nFrog story\nMayer (1969)\nstim20, stim21\nJackal and crow\nKelly & Gawne (2011)\nstim1-3\nTopological relations\nBowerman & Pederson (1992)\ntop\nVideo stimuli\nCut and break\nBohnemeyer et al. (2001)\ncut\nDitransitives\nSkopeteas et al. (2007)\nnotebook 3, page 345\nJapanese story\nvia Arthur Holmer\nstim24\nMotion verbs\nLevinson (2001)\nmot\nPear movie\nChafe (1975)\nstim29-34\nPut\nBowerman et al. (2004)\nput1, put2\nReciprocal constructions\nEvans et al. (2004)\nrec\nStaged events\nvan Staden et al. (2001)\nstag\n450\n\n\nAppendix D: Wordlist\nBelow is a Kalamang-English wordlist with grammatical categories and a rever-\nsal entries index. A more elaborate version, with English and Malay translational\nequivalents, example sentences, pronunciation, variants, cross-references, pic-\ntures, scientific names, semantic domains and notes is published as Visser (2020a).\nThe raw data are archived in The Kalamang collection (Visser 2020b)1 and the Par-\nadisec archive.2\nWordlist abbreviations\nadv\nadverbial modifier\nclf\nclassifier\ncnj\nconjunction\ndem demonstrative\ngram grammatical marker\nint\ninterjection\nn\nnoun\npart particle\nphrs phrase\npro\npronoun\nq\nquestion word\nqnt quantifier\nv\nregular verb\nvi\nintransitive verb\nvt\ntransitive verb\n1At http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BFE-F.\n2At http://catalog.paradisec.org.au/repository/EV1.\n\n\n=a\nasun\nWordlist Kalamang-English\na\n=a gramm focus marker\na int interjection\na int filler\na’a int yes\nadat n tradition\nade int pejorative interjection\nadi int interjection of pain\nadu int interjection of surprise or pain\nafukat n avocado\nahat n sunday\n-ahutak gramm alone\najar () v teach () v continue\nak n sea-side\nakal n sense\naknar n chest\naknar kangun n collar bone\nakpis n convex side\n*al clf classifier for strips\n*al n string\nalangan v unable to do\nalanganrep v look for trouble\nalar n fish\nalkon qnt one string\nAlmahera n Halmahera\nam n breast\nam belun n nipple\nam perun n breast milk\namdir n garden\namdir komaruk v clear land\namkeit v give birth\nan pro I\n-an gram my\nanahutak pro I alone\nandain pro I alone\nAndan n Banda Islands\nang n turban shell\nanggas n door\nanggas padenun n doorpost\nanggon pro my\nanka n number\nanti n antidote; resistant\nanting n earrings\nao int interjection\nap qnt five\n*ar n stem\nar v expel\nar v dive\nar n sound\nar v make a sound\n*ar clf classifier for stems\nArabir n Arabir\naragadi n saw\narat n seam\narekmang vi scream\naremun vi big\narep n pond; bay\narepner n Arepner\narerara int interjection for anger\nariemun n Friday\narun n stem\narwa n spirit\n*as n edge\nasal cnj as long as\nasar n afternoon\nasaskon vi loose\nasokmang v short of breath\nasun n edge\n452\n\n\n=at\nbor\n=at gramm object marker\natau cnj or\nator v arrange\nau n infant\nb\n=ba gramm focus marker\nba () cnj but () cnj numeral linker\nbak n container\nBaki Tanggiun n Baki Tanggiun\nbal n dog\nbalak n beam\nbalama v heat.in.fire\nbalaok v show\nbalikawuok n green bean\nBaliwawa Anggasun n Baliwawa\nAnggasun\nbalkawuok n plant\nbaluku n eel\nbanku n bench\nbara v descend\nbarahala v lazy\n=barak adv too; any; even\nbarala n illness\nbarang n turmeric\nbaranggap vi yellow\nbareireimun qnt very much\nbarotma vt turn\nbaru cnj then\nbataku n brick\nbawang iriskapten n garlic\nbawang kerkapten n red onion\nbayam n spinach\nbayas n sea sand\nbebak n duck\nbekiem n shoulder\nbekiemkang n shoulder blade\nBeladar n The Netherlands\nbelajar v learn\nbelbel vi sharp\nbelek n can\nbelen n tongue\nbes vi good\n-bes gram this/that much/many\nbet n goal\nbiar cnj even if\nbiasa v normal\nbiawas n plant\nbintang n washtub\nbintulak n tilefish\nbir n beer\nbira n bira\nbirbir n fish\nbisa v can\nbitko v carry on back\nbo () v go () v until\nboda vi stupid\nbol n mouth; rim\nbola n ball\nbolkoyal v eat\nbolkul n lip\nbolodak adv just a little\nbolon qnt a little\nbon v bring\n=bon gramm comitative\nbonaras v be angry\nbonasau v do; try\nboncis n green beans\nbor n drill\n453\n\n\nbor\ndandang\nbor v drill\nborara v front\nborma vt open limbs\nborun n road\nbot n journey\nbotal n bottle\nboubou v bathe\nboukbouk v bark\nbubir n porridge\nbugar n fish\nbuk n book\nbula n k.o. fish\nbunga n flower\nbunga arun n blossom\nbunga kupukupu n bastard valerian\nbunga rampi n pandanus leaf\nbungbung vi big heap\nbuok n betel; betel nut\nbuok teun n betel nut\nbuokbuok v chew betel\nbuoksarun n offering\nburbur v hit\nBurewun n Burewun\nbusbus n parrot\nbustang n nose\nbustang posun n nostril\nbut n stairs\nc\n-ca gram your (sg)\n-ca n man\ncam v take care of\ncam n tree\n-cam n man\ncampur v mix\ncanam n man; male\ncangkir n cup\ncat v paint\ncaun n small\n-ce n your (pl)\ncek v check\ncengki n clove tree\ncerita v tell\ncerita n story\ncicaun n small one\ncicaun vi small\ncici n drop\ncigi n k.o. fish hook\ncoba v try\ncok n sugar palm\nd\ndadir n k.o. fish\ndagim n meat\ndakdak v chop\ndaladala n shell\ndalang v jump\ndalangdalang v bounce\ndaluang n bamboo\ndamar lelak n tree\nDamartimtim n Damartimtim\ndan v bury\ndandang n boiler\n454\n\n\ndare\n-ei\ndare v sink\ndareok v swallow\ndari n net\ndaria n k.o. shell\ndaru n west\ndarua v pull out\ndaruon adv midday\ndauk n sibling-in-law\ndaun salam n spice\ndedesi n noose\ndeir v push; bring\ndek v dangle\ndelepdelep v blink\ndesil n planing tool\ndesil v plane\ndi= gramm causative\ndidir n fireplace\ndidiras n kitchen\ndiguar n smoke\ndikolko v move away\ndilurpak n month\ndin n fire\ndin paras n flames\ndin songsong n embers\ndinan v burn\nDistrik n Malakuli\ndiwadiwal n k.o. pandanus\ndoa n prayer\nDobu n Aru islands\ndodon n things; clothes\n-dok n side\ndoka v sit and do nothing\ndoka n heron\ndokadoka n shell\nDolok n Dolok\ndon n thing\ndon iriskap n sugar; white cloth\ndon konkon n anything\ndon konkonin phrs it doesn’t matter\ndon penpen n sugar\ndon pernanan n glass\ndon yuolyuol n lamp\ndonenet n black ant\ndong vi chewy; tense\ndong vi group\ndonselet n cloth\ndorcie vi pulled out\ndorma vt pull out\ndorom n barrel\ndowi n seed\nDuan n Duan\ndudan n cousin\ndudin n cockroach\nduk v hit\nduk n edge\ndumang v explode\n*dun n sibling\nduran n durian\nduran walanda n soursop\ndurcie vi with a hole in it\ndurma vt make a hole\ne\ne int interjection\ne int filler\neba () cnj then () cnj so that\neba metko cnj and then\necua v cry\neh int quotative\n-ei v imperative\n455\n\n\neir\nfiber\neir qnt two\neiruk v bend down; kneel\neis v expel\neksuet n thief\neksuet v steal\nel n k.o. coarse woven mat\n*elak n bottom\nelam n firefly\nelao n under\nelaun n bottom\nelkin n sack\nelkin narun n testicles\nElkorom n Elkorom\nema int interjection of surprise\nema n mother; aunt; adult woman\nema caun n aunt\nema temun n aunt\nemgokuk n k.o. bird\nemguk v vomit\nemguk n vomit\nemnem n old woman\nemsan vi half-dry\nemumur n women\nemun n sap\nemun () n mother.3poss () n big\nenem n older or respected woman\nenemtumun n female infant\n*ep clf classifier for groups\n*ep n back\nepkadok n backside\nepko n behind\nepkon qnt one\nera v move up\neranun v cannot\neren n body\nerteng n k.o. small tree snake\neruap v cry\nes n ice\nesa n father; adult man; uncle\nesa caun n uncle\nEsa Tanggiun n Esa Tanggiun\nesa temun n uncle\nesie int yes\neskop n shovel\nesmumur n men\nesnem n grandfather; man\nesnemtumun n male infant\n*et clf classifier for animates\n-et n person\net n canoe\n=et gramm irrealis\netaman qnt few\netkon qnt one\neun n nest\newa v speak\newarom n drool\nEwarong n Ewarong\newawa v speak\newun n tree trunk; base\nf\nfakurat v much\nfakurat v destroy\nfam n family name\nfarlak n tarpaulin\nfarlu n need\nfer n fish trap\nfiber n fibre boat\n456\n\n\nfikfika\ngodelep\nfikfika n palm cockatoo\nfiloit v whistle\nfoto v film; photo\ng\ngading n plank in boat\ngaim v sew leaves\ngain n mangosteen\ngala n spear\ngalip n bud\ngambar n picture\ngampang n happy\n-gan qnt all\ngang v hang\nganggang v hang\nganggie v lift\ngantor n office\ngarawi n k.o. coconut\ngare v crawl; slither\ngareor v pour; dump; spill\ngaros vi low\ngarumbang n tent\ngarung v talk together\ngaus n bamboo\ngawar n smell\ngawar v smell\ngawar () n lungs () n fish trap\ngawawi n chiton\ngayam n chestnut\nge adv not; no\nge mera phrs nothing\ngedung n village building\ngeigar v hey-ho\ngelas n glass\ngelas v clear\ngelem v yawn\ngelembung n bubble\ngelemun n tusk\ngen int maybe\ngenggalong v make noise\ngenggueng v scream\ngeries emun n scrubfowl\ngerket v ask\nget cnj (if) not\nget me cnj if not\ngiar vi new\ngiarun adv first\ngier n teeth\ngierkawer n gums\ngigiwang n earrings\nginana n glass\nginggir n afternoon\ngirawar n tree\ngirgir v run away with woman\ngiriaun vi aged\ngiringgining n bee-eater\ngit n shadow\ngo () n place () n condition\ngo dung phrs early morning\ngo ginggir phrs afternoon\ngo git phrs it’s cloudy\ngo kerkap phrs dusk\ngo saerak phrs empty place\ngo saun phrs (at) night\ngo sir phrs clear\ngo yuol phrs day\ngobukbuk vt bark\ngocie v stay\ngodarung n thunder\ngodelep n lightning\n457\n\n\ngogit\n-i\ngogit n k.o. plant\ngokabara vi sweep\ngol n ball\ngolip n fish\ngolma vt wring\ngonggin v know\ngonggong n jew’s harp\ngonggung v call; call out\ngoni n sack\ngoparar n wall\n*gor n stalk\ngoraruo v in the light\ngoras n crow\ngoras n periwinkle shell\nGoras Panuan n Goras Panuan\ngorip n fish\ngorun n stalk\ngos n k.o. plant\nGos Ketkein n Gos Ketkein\ngosomin v disappeared\ngous n k.o. bamboo\nGowien n Tana Besar\ngowienkier n wasp nest; beehive\ngoyas n fish\nguadang v crawl\ngual n fish\nguanggarien v look around\nguap n sea cucumber\nguarten n white person\ngulas n eel\ngulasi n ginger-like root\ngunting n rafter\nguru n teacher\ngusi n vase\nh\nha int what\nha int hesitation marker\nhabis cnj because; after all\nhabis v finished\nhaidak adv true\nhajiwak n name of a month\nhalar v get married\nhalar n marriage\nhalus v soft; fine\nhanduk n towel\nhanya adv only\nhari n day\nhari minggu n Sunday\nharus adv must\nhi int interjection of enjoyment\nhidup v live\nhidup n life\nholang n dish\nhukat n fish net\nhukat narun n drivers\ni\ni- dem demonstrative prefix\n=i gramm predicate linker\n-i gramm quantifier object marker\n458\n\n\niar\njim\niar v hold\niar v move\niar n cave\niban n worm\niem n gallbladder\n-ier pro two\nih int tag\nikon qnt some\nim n banana\nim pawan n k.o. banana\nim polun n banana sap\nim sarawuar n k.o. banana\nim selen n k.o. banana\nim sepatu n k.o. banana\nim sontum n k.o. banana\nim yuol putkansuor n k.o. banana\nimanana n giant trevally\nimbuang vi many\nime dem distal\nimene dem distal\nimol n banana leaf\nin n name\nin pro we (ex)\n=in gramm prohibitive\ninamurin n k.o. illness\ninaninggan pro we all (ex)\nindain pro we alone (ex)\ningatan n memory\ninggon pro our (ex)\nInggrismang n English\ninhutak pro we alone (ex)\ninier pro we two (ex)\ninye int pejorative interjection\nirar n mat\nirausi n golden trevally\niren vi ripe\nirie qnt eight\niriskap vi white\niriskapkap vi very white\nirong n lizard\nis v rotten\nisa n 8 PM\nisak n eastern koel\nisis n Kuhl’s stingray\niskap v plane\niskor n k.o. tree\nistirahat v rest\nistop v stop\nistrat n street\nistrep n stripe\nistup n terrace\niun n seedling\niwala n tree fern\niwang v round\niwora n monitor lizard\nj\njabul vi be lazy\njadi cnj so\njadi v become\njaga v keep watch\njam n hour; o’clock\njangkut n beard\njanji v promise\njarutu v fishing\nJawa n Java; Javanese\njawab v answer\njendela n window\njie v get; buy\njim n jinn\n459\n\n\njojon\nkalap\njojon n k.o. tree\njonsong n motor boat\nk\nka pro you (sg)\n=ka gramm lative\nkababa n palala\nkababur n fruit set\nkabai n shirt\nkabara vt sweep\nkabarua v watch\nkabaruap n grouper\nkabaruap kerkapkap n grouper\nkabaruap kotamtam n roving coral\ngrouper\nkabaruap kuskap n grouper\nkabas n another\nkabas vi other\nkabasar n pufferfish\nkabiep n club\nkabor v be full\nkabor n stomach\nkabor elaun n rough side leaf\nkabor lalang phrs hungry\nkaborko vi pregnant\nkabornar n stomach illness\nKabuep n Kabuep\nkabun n k.o. tree\nkabun n intestines\nkaburun n small unripe fruit\nkacok vi angry\nkadam n striped eel catfish\nkademor v angry\nkaden n body\nkaden kies n vein\nkaden kieskies n veins\nkaden lalang vi sick\nkadenenen n body hair\nkadera n chair\nkadok n sarong\n-kadok n side; part\nkafan v wrap in cloth\nkahahen vi very far\nkahalongkahalong n k.o. plant\nkahaman n bottom\nkahamanpos n anus\nkahaminpat n planks roof\nkahen vi far; tall; long\nkahetma vt open\nkahutak pro you alone (sg)\nkai n firewood; medicine\nkai kala n k.o. plant\nkai kawas n cotton\nkai manis n spice\nkai modar n marungga\nkai taul n cannonball tree\nkain pro your (sg)\nkainasu n pineapple\nkaipur n firewood\nkaituki n umbilical ovula\nkajie v pick; weave\nkalabet n earthworm\nKalamang n Karas inhabitant; Karas\nIsland\nKalamang lempuang n Karas island\nKalamangmang n Kalamang\nKalamangmang v speak Kalamang\nkalaor n front\nkalap n wild sugarcane\n460\n\n\nkalar\nkanggurun\nkalar () vi ready () vi clear\nkalau cnj if\nkalawen vi soft\nkale n kidneys\nkalifan n mat\nkaling n fishing hook\nkaling vi at an angle\nkaling n frying pan\nkalip n root vegetable\nkalis n rain\nkalis v rain\nkalis sasarawe phrs drizzle, light rain\nkalis tanggir n rainbow\nkalkalet n mosquito\nkalolang v use plumb rule\nkalolang n plumb rule\nkalomlomun vi very young\nkalomun vi unripe\nkalot n room\nkaloum vi weak as a result of not\neating\nkalour n custom\nkalsum n shell\nkalung n necklace\nkama dv send\nkaman n grass\nkaman n disease\nkamandi n k.o. fish\nkamang v treat\nkamanget n medicine man\nkamaser n orchid\nKambala n Kambala\nkambanau n waspfish\nKambera n Kambera\nKambur n Kambur\nkamel n stingray\nkamel kir n black-spotted stingray\nkamel muradik n (manta) ray\nkamen vi wet\nkamera v record\nkamfor n stove\nkamis n Thursday\nkamual n k.o. pandanus\nkamuamual n needlefish\nkamun n widower\nkamung n iron\nkan int you.know\nkanai n pili nut\nkanaisasen n a k.o. fish\nkanaisasen n inside of pili nut\nkanas n fish\nkanas kolkol n fish\nKanastangan n Kanastangan\nKandarer n Kandarer\nkang vi sharp\nkang v fold\nkang n bone\n*kang n thorn\nkanggaran n bamboo floor\nkanggarom vi slimy\nkanggei v play\nkanggeirun n game\nkanggeit n game\nkanggin n vegetable\nkangginwele n vegetable\nkanggir n eye\nkanggir nenen n eyelashes\nkanggir pop v be tired\nkanggir pulun n eyelid\nkanggir saun vi blind\nkanggirar n face\nkanggirar v face\nkanggirnar n pupil; eyeball\nkanggisawuo v wash face\nkangguar vi unripe\nkanggur n mouth\nkanggursau v rinse mouth\nkanggurun n inside canoe\n461\n\n\nkanggus\nkasep\nkanggus n jaw; chin\nkangjie v make rim\nkangkanggarek n string\nkangkangun n thorns\nkangun n thorn\nkangun nerunggo n marrow\nkanie v tie\n-kaning vi very\nkaninggonie qnt nine\nkansuor qnt four\nkanung n tortoise\nkanus n greatgrandparent\nkanyuot n clam\n=kap gramm similative\nkap vi rotten\nkapal n ship\nkapapet n glassy sweeper\nkapas n cotton\nkapis n scabies\nkapuk n kapok tree\nkar n vagina\nKarabar Lempuang n Karabar\nLempuang\nkarabubu n bubble\nkarain pro you alone (sg)\nkarajang v work\nkarajang n work\nkaram n cooking utensil\nkaramba n fish cage\nkarames v be shy\nkaramun n k.o. tree\nkaran () vi hard () vi deep\nkaranjang n basket\nkaraok vi crushed\nkaraonggis vi skinny\nkaraonggis vi blunt\nkarap v wrap\nkararak vi dry\nkararcie vi broken\nkarariem n surgeonfish\nkararma vt hit\nkararu v run\nkarebar n red ant\nkarek n rope\nkarek ewun saerak n plant\nkarena cnj because\nkareng n frog\nkarep n lake\nkarer n k.o. fish\nkariakibi n sea cucumber\nkariemun n cape\nKaring n Karing\nKaringgoris n Karinggoris\nkarok n branch\nkarok v cut\nkarop n arrow\nkarop n firefly\nkarop v shoot\nkaropkarop n bee-eater\nkaror n hermit crab\nKarotkarot n Karotkarot\nkaruan n bamboo\nkaruar v dry\nkaruar n drying rack\nKarumar n Karumar\nkaruok qnt three\nkaryak n blood\nkas n fish\nkasabiti n squash\nkasalong n two-pointed spear\nKasambil n Kasambil\nkasamin n bird\nkasamin naun getgetkadok n bird\nkasar v rough\nkasawari n cassowary\nkasawircie vi opened\nkasawirma vt pull\nkasep v draw a line; mark\n462\n\n\nkasian\nkemanur\nkasian int anyway; whatever; poor\nKasiang n Kasiang\n*kasir n joint\nkaskas n sea bird\nkasko v clean behind\nkasom n tusk shell\nkasor n tree\nkasorma vt grab\nkasotma vt peel\nkastupi n parrot\nkasuo v intercourse\nkasuop n k.o. fish\nkasur adv tomorrow\nkasut n bamboo\nkasut v kawin\nkat n river; lake\nkataperor n catapult\nkatawengga n wild/forest breadfruit\nkatem vi blurry\nkatuk n k.o. plant\nkaul n betel\nkawalawalan n k.o. tree\nkawar v break\nkawaram n triggerfish\nkawaram boldinggap n k.o. triggerfish\nkawaramleit n clown triggerfish\nkawarcie v snapped\nkaware v scratch\nkawaret n drum\nkawarma vt break; fold\nkawarsuop n eel\nkawaruan v peel\nkawas n thread\nkawat n branch; stem\nkawes vi feel cold\nkawetkawet v fold\nkawiawi v fan\nkawien n mushroom\nkawier n cap\nkawir n christian\nkawotma v peel\nkawuok n bean\nkawuok kahahen n asparagus bean\nkayakat n bamboo wall\nkayu nani n New Guinea Rosewood\nke n slave\nkecap n ketjap\nkedederet n bird\nkedua n darter\nkeibar n part of outrigger\nkein n handle\nkeir n parrot\nkeirkeir n lorikeet\nkeirko adv day after tomorrow\nkeirun n top\nkeit v maintain\nkeit n land-side\n*keit n top\nkeitar adv day before yesterday\nkeitkeit v adopted\nkeitko n top\nkeitko n above\nkeitpis n concave side\nkelelet n prayer\nkeleng n armpit\nKelengkeleng n Kelengkeleng\nkelikeli n fish\nkelkam n naughty\nkelkam n ear\nkelkam elaun n earlobe\nkelkam taun n concha\nkelkam toktok vi deaf\nkelkampos n ear opening\nkelua v hear; listen\nkeluar v go out\nkeluer n crab\nKemana n Kaimana\nkemanur n west\n463\n\n\nkemanurep\nkir\nkemanurep n west\nkemanurpak n west-wind season\nkememe vi weak\nkene n k.o. tree\nkeraira n prohibition\nkerap n border\nkerar n turtle\nkerkap vi red\nkerker n shell\nkerker n medicinal plant\nkerunggo n on top of; above\nketan n parent in law; child in law\nketeles n maize\nketemu v meet\nkewa n small loin cloth\nkewe n house\nkewe padenun n house post\n=ki () gramm instrumental () gramm\nbenefactive\nki pro you (pl)\n*kia n sibling\nKiaba n Kiaba\nkian n my wife\n*kiar n wife\nkibi n sea cucumber\nkibi karek n sea cucumber\nkibibal n weight watcher\nkibis n shore, land, inland\nkidi v lie; joke\nkiek n shade\nkiekter n shadow\nkiel n k.o. prawn\n*kiel n root\nkiel kierun n sand mound\nkielar n k.o. pandanus\nkielun n root\nkiem n basket\nkiem v flee; run\nkiempanait dv send\nkiemsunsun n sea cucumber\nkier pro you two (pl)\nkier n sail\nkier n wasp\nkierun n cloud\nkies v wrap\n*kies clf classifier for long things\nkies n wrap\n*kies v block\nkies v carve\nkies koladok n plant\nkieskon qnt one\nkiet v defecate\nkiet n faeces\nkietkiet v defecate\nkietpak n large intestines\nkietpo n fart\nkieun n his wife\nkieun caun n second wife\nkihutak pro you alone (pl)\nkilibobang n butterflyfish\n=kin gramm volitional\nkin pro your (pl)\n=kin () gramm possessive () gramm\npart-whole\nkinaninggan pro you all (pl)\nKindius n Kindius\nkinggir v sail\nkinkin vi small\nkinkin v hold\nkinkinun vi small\nkinkinun n the small one(s)\nkion vi married\nkion v marry\nkip n snake\nkipkip n larvae\nkir v grate\nkir n side; kidneys\nkir vi greedy\n464\n\n\nkir\nkona\nkir n fish\nkirain pro you alone (pl)\nkirarun n side\nkirawat n bow planks\nkirkangkang n ribs\nkirun n flank\nkisileng n sky\nko n shell\nko= gramm applicative\n=ko gramm locative\nko= gramm quite\nkoalom v spit at\nkobelen v lick\nkobes v reach\nkodaet adv again\nkodaet qnt one more\nkodak qnt one\nkoder v add\nkodi v whistle-call; message\nkoecuan vt cry for\nkoep n ashes\nkoewa v angry\nkofir n coffee\nkoi adv again\nkoi cnj then\nkokada n shrimp\nkokarap v circle\nKokas n Kokas\nkokiem vt run away from\nkokies vt wrap\nkokir vi near\nkokoak n helmeted friarbird\nkokok n chicken\nkokok ladok n quail\nkokok narun n chicken egg\nkokour v not reach; not enough\n*kol n outside\nkol v out\nkolak n mountain; mainland\nkolambu n mosquito net\nkolet n stranger\nkolga n from outside\nkoliep n cheek\nkolkemkem n sejenis siput gerai\nkolkiem n thigh\nkolkiet n earwax\nkolko n outside\nkolkol vi entangled\nkolkom n footprint\nkolo v take out\nkolpanggat n k.o. fish\nkolpis n another place\nkoltengteng n k.o. small fish\nkolu welek n bird\nkoluk v find; meet\nkom n cane\nkomahal v not know\nkomain v skewer; stab; fit\nkomamun v drop\nkomang n throat and neck\nkomanggangguop v close roof\nkomanggasir n neckbone\nkomaruk v burn\nkomasabur v cover; dress\nkomasasuk v close\nkomayeki v laugh at\nkome vt see\nkome v look\nkomelek v burn\nkomeri n candlenut\nkomister v bother\nkomisternin vt untroubled\nkomurkomur v rinse\nkomurkomur n cucumber\nkon qnt one\nkon tama q which one\nkona v see; look\nkona vi think\n465\n\n\nkonamin\nkoyal\nkonamin v stab\nkonasur v face\nkonawaruo v forget\nkonawol v stick onto\nkondisi n condition\nkonenen n facial hair\nkonenen v remember\n=kongga gramm animate lative\n-konggap qnt approximately\nkonggareor v pour onto\nkonggelem v grab\n=konggo gramm animate locative\nkonyak n squid\nkopol v sticky\nkor n leg\nkor kawar mat kalot n back of knee\nkorabir v jump over\nkoramtolma v ritual\nkorap n cross-cousin\nkoraruo v bite\nkorek vi dead\nkorel n footsole\nkorgi marmar v walk\nkorkancing n ankle bone\nkorkasir n ankle\nkorkies n Achilles heel\nkorko v wear\nkorkor v cut\nkorlaus n under side foot\nkormul n calf of leg\nkornambi n shearwater\nkorot v slice\nkorpak n knee\nkorparokparok n toes\nkortanggalip n toenails\nkortaptap v cut out\nkorus n shin\nkos v grow\nkosa v fish in low water\nkosalir vt change\nkosansan v give packed food\nkosara v hit; touch\nkosarun n aril; mace\nkoser n key\nkoser v harvest fruit\nkoser v lock\nkosiaur v hand\nkosilep v turn back to\nkosin n window frame\nkosom v suck; smoke\nkosun n growth\nKota Laut n Kota Laut\nkotam v skewer\nkotarakmang vt startle\nkotipol v miss\nkotipol n black butcherbird\nkotur n dirt\nkotur vi dirty\nkou vi narrow\nkou v blow\nkoup v hug\nkouran vi angry\nkous n t-shirt\nkous n fish\nkout vt curse\nkoutpol n fish\nkowam n whale\nkowam v weave upwards\nkowar n rice package\nkowaram v clamp\nkowaram n tongs\nkowarara v make floor\nkowarwak v sprinkle\nkowat v change\nkowewep vi brown; grey\nkoya v plant\nkoyak v hit with tool\nkoyal v scrape; feel itchy\n466\n\n\nkoyal\nlanggulanggur\nkoyal v disturb; mix\nkoyelcie vi flipped\nkoyen v close\nkoyet vi be finished\nkoyos v climb\nkualitek n quality\nkuang v pass\nkuar v cook\nkuat vi strong\nkuawi n north\nkubalbal n angelfish\nkubir n grave\nkubirar n graveyard\nkucai n grass\nkuda n horse\nkudakuda n back of boat\nkue n pastry\nKueimang n Kilimala language\nkuek n fruit bat\nkuek v steal\nKuek n Kuek\nkuet v bring\nKui n name of people\nkuk n fruit-dove\nkukis n pastry\nkul n k.o. fish\nkul n fig\nkulikuli n gong\nkulkabok n medicinal plant\nkulpanggat n orange-lined triggerfish\nkulun n skin\nkumbai n owl\nkumkum vi male tree\n*kun n inside of a tree\nkunun n inside of a tree\nkuotpol n parrotfish\nkupkup n husks\nkurang qnt less\nkurap n dolphin\nkurera n octopus\nkurera n grasshopper\nkurera v sieve\nkurera n basket; sieve\nkuru v bring\nkurua n ibis\nkus n charcoal\nkuskap vi black\nkusukusu n wild sugarcane\nl\nlabis n k.o. fish\nlabor n fish\nlabu siam n chayote\nladan n blouze; shirt\nlajarang n horse\nlaksasa n giant\nlalang vi hot\nlalat v die\nlaluon v grub\nlam n soft coral\nlameli n grouper\nlamora kasamin n cormorant\nlampur n lamp\nlamut n algae\nlamut n skin dirt\nlanggan n wood\nlanggar n k.o. tree\nlanggour vi too tight\nlanggulanggur n k.o. illness\n467\n\n\nlangjut\nlos\nlangjut v continue\nlangka v fight\nlangsa n plant\nlangsung adv directly\nLapangan n Lapangan\nlapas v drop\nlapor v report\nlasiambar n leopard shark\nlat n plank\nlauk v smell\nlauk v appear\nlaur v be noisy\nlaur vi boil; fish playing in water\nlaur vi rising tide\nlaus vi wide\nlaut n sea\nlawalawat n pouch\nlawalawat v pouch\nlawan n grouper\nlawan n k.o. small bamboo\nlawarun n womb\nlawat v put away\nlawilawi n onion\nlawuak n fish scales\nlawuak v scale a fish\nlayier vi itchy\nleba n imam\nlebai adv better\nlebaleba v carry on shoulders\nlebe v more; past; higher\nleis n stripe\nleit n king\nleit pas n queen\nlek n goat\nlek nabonabon n lemongrass\nleki n monkey\nlele v fly off\nleluk v come\nlem n axe\nlem v beckon\nlemat n bamboo string\nlembaga n prison\nLempang n Kei\nlempuang n island\nLempuangemun n Cassowary Island\nLempuangtumun n Dog Island\nlemyar n stone axe\nleng n village; place\nleng dek phrs earthquake\nlenggalengga n chilli\nLenggon n Karas Darat\nLengleng n Lengleng\nlepalepa n wooden canoe\nlepir n rafter\nlerang n white gum\nles n stem\nletma vt cut.branch\nlewat v pass; go.on\nlicing vi slippery; smooth\nlidan n friend\nlim n navel\nlinggis n tool\nliti n bracelet\nlo v consent; like\nLoflof n Loflof\nlohar n midday\nloi adv fast\nLokpon n Lokpon\nloku v catch\nlokul n bark\nlolok n leaf\nlolok n money\nlolouk n hole\nloncing n watch\nlopalopa n envelope\nlopteng n bull/reef shark\nlorap n foundation\nlos n harbour\n468\n\n\nlosing\nmaouk\nlosing n dozen\nlot n sinker\nloup n butcherbird\nloup n fruit\nlu vi cold\nluam v sick\nluam v murky sea\nluk v come\nlusi n eagle\nlusi muaun n k.o. tree\nlusi pep jiejie n eagle\nm\nm’m int interjection of agreement\nma= gramm causative\nma pro he/she/it\nma cicaun n lastborn\nma he me phrs that’s it\nma temun n firstborn\nmabuk v drunk\nmadong v stretch (out)\nmagarip n magrib\n-mahap n all\nmahar n dowry\nMahem n Fakfak people\nmahutak pro he/she/it alone\nmain pro his/her/its\nmais v spoiled\nmal n rabbitfish\nmal n big loin cloth\nMalai n Malay\nmalaikat n angel; curse\nMalaimang n Indonesian\nmalam n prayers\nmalaouk v turn over\nmalawan v quarrel\nmalelin vt keep still\nmaliap n rabbitfish\nmaling v move to side\nmalkesi n rabbitfish\nmalor n loincloth\nmalu v swear\nmam n insect found in rice or flour;\nheteroptera\nmama n mama\nmama n uncle\nmama caun n uncle\nmama temun n uncle\nmambara v stand\nmambon v there is\nMamika n Kaimana people\nmamor n hornbill\nmamun v leave\nman n handle\nmanadu n taro\nmang n language; voice\nmang vi bitter\nmanggamangga n gong\nmanggang vt hang\nmanggaren v crawl\nmanggi n fish\nmangmang n k.o. tree\nMania n Mania\nManiem n Maniem\nmaniktambang n brush turkey\nmaniktapuri n crowned pigeon\nmanman n k.o. fish\nmanyuor v adjust\nmaorek v break down\nmaouk v spit out\n469\n\n\nmara\nminar\nmara v move towards land\nmarain pro he/she/it alone\nmaraok vt crush\nmaraouk v put\nmararak v dry\nmarau n gold\nmarmar v walk\nmarok v joke\nmarua v move towards sea\nmarum v slice\nmarur n mucus\nMas n Mas\nmasa v dry in the sun\nmasak v lift\nmasal n flying fish\nmasalaboung v cut\nmasaouk v drag\nmasara v move towards land\nmasarut v tear\nmasawin n centipede\nmaser () n star () n starfish\nmasikit n mosque\nmasing n sea cucumber\nmasinul n dew\nmasir v weed\nmasoi () n cuckoo () n massoi tree\nmasok vi tied too tight\nmasoki v shove\nmasriku n k.o. bird\nmasu v search fish with light\nmasuk v enter\nMata n Fakfak person\nmata bulang n shell\nmata dimdim n firefly\nmatan sena n k.o. fish\nmatur vt drop\nmau v want\nMauka n Mauka\nmaulcie vi crooked\nmaulma vt bend\nmawal vi thick\nmawin v feel good\nmayilma vt flip\nme dem distal\nme gramm topic marker\nmecua v store; bury\nmei v come\nmeja n table\nmel n mile (sea-mile)\nmelebor v get rid of\nmeleluo v sit\nmena cnj otherwise\nmena adv later\nmencari v make a living\nmendak dem like that\nmengerti v understand\nmengga dem distal lative\nmenyanyi v sing\nmera cnj then\nmera int interjection\nmerar n mole\nmeraraouk v cause to snap\nmerengguen v heap; gather\nmeresawuo v struggle\nmesan n gravestone\nmesang n gills\nmesang n pulp\nmet dem distal (object form)\nmetko dem distal locative\nmia v come\nmiabes dem distal quantity\nmiarip dem distal quantity\nmiasen dem distal degree\nmier pro they\nmikon vi full\nmin v sleep\nmin n throat\nminar n larynx\n470\n\n\nmindi\nnabestai\nmindi dem like that\nming n oil\nminggalot n bedroom\nminggaruk v snore\nminggi adv with that\nminggu n week; Sunday\nmingtun n palm oil\nmintolma v cut throat\nminum v drink\n*mir clf classifier for canoes\nmirik n song\nmirik v sing\nmirkon qnt one\nmisilmisil n cement floor\nmo int softener\nmok n mug\nmomar n k.o. fish\nmon vi quick\nmonkaret vi lazy\nmor n sour\nmor vi sour\nmormor n fish\nmormor v hide\nmososor vi diligent\nmosun n season\nmotor n motor\nmu pro they\nmuap v eat\nmuap n food\nmuap sabur n sago tree\nmuap sabur kunun n sago flour\nmuap sabur sangganun n sago grub\nmuapsabursanong n sago leaf roof\nmuawaruo v cook\nmuawese vi hungry\nmuawesese v very hungry; many\nhungry people\nmudi v throw\nmuhutak pro they alone\nmuin pro their\nmuisese vi hungry\nmujim n muezzin\nmuk v rock; nod\nmuk v throw\nmuka n front\nmukmuk v rock\n*mul n side\nmuler n waist\nMulmul n Mulmul\nmulun n side\nmulunggo v beside\n-mun pro prohibitive\nmun vi rotten\nmun n louse\nmun n lime; citrus\nmun sunsun n nit\nMunak n Munak\nmunaninggan pro they all\nmunin n west\nmunmun v louse\n-mur n plural\nmuradik n imperial pigeon\nmurain pro they alone\nmurkumkum n k.o. imperial pigeon\nmursambuk n imperial pigeon\nmus v eat\nmusing n leopard torpedo\nmustika n pearl shell\nmutam n flea thing\nmutil n marbles\nna v consume\nna= gramm causative\nnabaca v read\nnabalas v answer\nnabaris v line up\nnaberuak v drop\nnabestai adv well\n471\n\n\nnabestai bot\nnarawi\nnabestai bot phrs be careful on your\nway\nnabobar v shiver\nnabuka v open\nnabulis v roll\nnacerita v tell\nnacoba v try\nnadadi v weave\nnadorong v push\nnadou v nod\nnafaduli v care\nnafafat v slap with hand\nnafikir v think\nnagaris v draw line\nnageiding v grow seedling\nnagepi v put clothespin\nnaharen n leftover\nnahimat vi thrifty\nnahitung v count\nnaiar n lontar palm\nnain adv like\n*nak clf classifier for fruit\nnak n fruit; root vegetable\nnak= gramm just\nnakabung v stiff muscles\nnakafan v wrap in cloth\nnakal n head\nnakal pokpok n fontanelle\nnakirim v send\nnakucak v rub, pulverise\nnakukus v steam\nnaladur v massage\nnalat v die\nnaloli v pestle\nnaluar v slacken\n*nam n husband\nnam v puddle\nnamakin v feel uncomfortable\nnaman q who\nnaman vi deep\nnamandi v plane\nnamangadap v face\nnamasawuot v chase\nnamasuk v give back\nnambiain n starfruit\nnamenyasal v be sorry\nnamgon vi married (woman)\nnamin v put to bed\nnamot v block\nnamun n her husband\nnamun caun n second husband\nnamusi v kiss\n-nan n too\nnanam n east of Karas\nnanaun adv quite\nnanetkon v curse\nnanggan v sing\n-naninggan pro quantifying\npronominal suffix; all\nnaon qnt one\nnapaki v use; wear\nnaparis v claw; scratch\nnapasang v put up\nnapinda v move\nnapinjam v lend; borrow\nnapinjang v borrow\nnaputus v break\n*nar clf classifier for round things\nnar n egg\nnarabir v shout\nnaram v press\nnaramas v squeeze\nnarampas v grab\nnarari v slice\nnaras v fight\nnarasa v taste\nnarasaun n taste\nnarawi v filter\n472\n\n\nnarekin\nnawarik\nnarekin v count\nnarer v to plug\nnares v too heavy\nNarkon n Narkon\nnarkon qnt one\nnaroman v lean on chin\nnarorar v lead\nnarorik v run aground\nnaruba v change\nnarun n egg; seed\nnarur v run aground\nnasabir v excrete\nnasalen vi completely opened\nnasalik v circumcise\nnasambian v go to mosque; hold\nservice\nnasambung v connect\nnasandar v dock\nnasangginggir v sail close to the coast\nnasanggur v rinse\nnasawawi v squint\nnaseduk n k.o. illness\nnaseduk v pull\nnasek v break fast\nnasesak vi high tide\nnasibur v recite\nnasirang v pour\nnasiwik v open\nnasomit v boil\nnasuarik v scattered; split\nnasuat v tuck in\nnasuena n sugar\nnasuk v go backwards\nnasula n traditional dance\nnasula v dance\nnasusun v stack\nnatada v collect water\nnatanda v sign\nnatangkis v prevent\nnatawar v use prayer water\nnatekin v sign\nnatewa v punch\nnatobat v repent\nnatora v get better\nnatuka v peck\nnatukar v prick\nnatulis v write\nnatumis v stir-fry\nnatunggu v wait\nnau= gramm reciprocal\nnauanona v tidy; balance; clean wood\nnaubes v make up\nnauhalar v get married\nnaukaia v mate\nnaukia vi siblings\nnaukiaka vi siblings\nnaulanggos vi crossed arms/legs\nnauleluk v meet\nnaun n fruit\nnaun n soil\nnaun kerkap n clay\nnaunak dv show\nnaunin v mark; recognise\nnaunin n sign\nnaupar n morning\nnaurar v turn around; circle;\nplay.music; wander\nnausair v fight\nnauwar n news\nnauwar tamandi phrs how are you\nnauware vi lelah\nnawali v return\nnawan v serve\nnawanen v load\nnawanggar v wait\nnawarak v close off with plank\nnawarar vt wake someone up\nnawarik v show\n473\n\n\nnawarir\nosatko\nnawarir vi be high\nnawaruok v unload\nnawas v carry\nnawerar v make; do\nnawol v stick onto\nnawot v layer\nnayie v be stuck\n-ne dem demonstrative suffix\nneba gramm placeholder\nneba q what\nnebara paruo phrs what are you doing\nnebidangat n halfbeak\nnebir n k.o. fish\nneko n inside\nnemies vi exceed\nnene n cicada\nnenggap q why; what\n*ner n inside\nnerun n inside\nnerunggo n inside\nnewa vi same\nnewas v stranded\nnewer v pay\nnewer n payment\nnika n fishing line\nnika n marriage\n=nin gramm negator\nnina n grandmother\nninanus n greatgrandmother\nning n illness\nning v ill\nnokin v be silent\nnoknok v whisper\nnop n bamboo\nnu v machine noise\nnumur n number\nnun n sound\nnung v hide\nnunggununggu n snail\nnunun v close eyes\nnyanyi n song\no\no int emphasis\n=o gramm conditional\nododa n gado-gado\nofin n oven\noh int interjection of surprise\noioi n fish\nokmang v scare; order\n*ol n leaf\nolol v collect\nolun n leaf\nonda n barracuda\nongkos n expenses\nopa dem anaphoric\nopa adv earlier\nopa yuwa adv today\nopatun adv now\nor n back; tail\nora n fish\noras n time\noronggos n triggerfish\norun n tail\nos n sand\nos barikbarik n nerite shell\nos kibi n sea cucumber\nOs Tumun n Os Tumun\nosa dem up\nosatko dem up there\n474\n\n\nosep\npaos\nosep n beach\nosie v rest\noskeit n on/at beach\noskol n beach edge\nosmarera n wrasse\nospulpul n fish\nOstem n Ostem\nour v fall\nowa dem over there\nowandi dem like here\nowangga dem far distal lative\nowatko dem far distal locative\np\n-p v distributive\npabalet n fly\npabie v carry\npabiep n club\npadamual n pandanus\npaden n pole\npaden raor n pole\npaden tabur n king post\npadewaden n poles\npadi n rice hull; rice.plant\npaer n venus clam\npahercie vi opened\npaherma v open\npaisor n sea current\npaisor kesun n spiral coral\npak n moonfish; spadefish\npak n k.o. plant\npak v chew\npak n nail\npak n moon; month\npak mangmang n k.o. plant\npak talawak n new moon\npak tubak phrs full moon\npakmang v explode\nPakpak n Fakfak (town)\npakpak v braid\npaksa v force\npaksanual n fish\npaku v nail\npalang n fern\npalawak vi slippery\npale v make a bamboo floor\npalom v spit\npalom n spit\n*pan clf classifier for heaps\npan n basket\n*pan n heap\npanci n pan\npandoki n nypa palm\npang n summit\npang n washingtub\npanggal n spider conch\npanggala n cassava\npanggala vi swollen\npanggat n measure\npanggat v walk with big steps\npanggat n step\npanggatpanggat n caterpillar\npanggawangga n leech\npanggut n wood tool\npaning v ask; call\npanok n order; promise\npanok v order\npanok mecuan n confirmation\npanokpanok v ask permission to leave\npanpan n limpet shell\npaos n mud\n475\n\n\nparai\nper pasirwasir\nparai n owl\nparair v split; break\nparambura n curse\nparamua v cut\nparamuang n crocodile\nparan v put up wall\nparansik vi near\nparar v wake.up\nParar n Fatar\nparara v extend on floor\npararuo v fly\nparas n embers\nparein dv sell\npareinun n price\npareir v follow\nparenta v command\nparitman v claw\nparlu v need\nparok n finger\nparor n raised platform\nparua v pluck\nparuak v throw aside; throw away;\ndrop\nparun n wing; fin\nparuo v do; make\nparuok v exit; fruit\nparuowaruo v do; make\npas v fit\npas n female; woman\npas adv exactly\npasa n rice\npasar n market\npasarom n ambarella\npasiem n yellow taro\npasienggara bot v defecate\npasiep v expel\npasier n sea\npasier up phrs calm sea\npasierbol n shore\npasirwasir n brackish\npaskot n widow\npasor v fry\npasparin n bride price\npat v sew\npat n wing\npatin n sore\npatin vi wounded\npatin ter n scar\nPatipi n Onin people\npau v cook\npau n earth oven\npawan n plank\npawan tabak n canoe plank\npayiem v fill\n-pe n our (in)\npearip n water between roots\npebis n woman\nPebis Ruomun n Pebis Ruomun\npeik n k.o. tree\npel v cut; split\n*pel clf classifier for bunches\npel n bunch\npelalang n hot water\npelelu n cold evening wind\npeler n mast\npen vi tasty; sweet\npenyakit n illness; curse\npenyakit kat nanetkon phrs curse\npep n pig\nPepgor Karimun n Pep Karimun\nPepmang n Indonesian\nper n water\nper iriskap n drinking water\nper kerkap n tea\nper kuskap n coffee\nper natawarten n holy water\nper paiwai n dragonfly\nper pasirwasir n brackish water\n476\n\n\nper taluk\n*put\nper taluk phrs flowing water\nperbol n river bank\nperki n waterfall\nperna adv ever\npertam n tears\nperusahan n company\npes v peel\npes n peel\npesawat n plane\npesawesa n spatula\npespes n leftovers\npeti n box\npi pro we (in)\npier pro we two (in)\npihutak pro we alone (in)\npikiran n thoughts\npin pro our (in)\npinaninggan pro we all (in)\npingan n plate\nPinggor n Pinggor\npirain pro we alone (in)\npirawilak n k.o.tree\n-pis n side\nPisor n Pisor\npitis n money\npitisnaharen n change\npo v anchor\npo n breadfruit\npoalot n mooring spot\npoar n k.o. shell\npokpok n small motor\npol n sap; latex; gum\npol v compact; smooth\npolas n slice\npolas v slice\npolkayak n papaya\nponggul n k.o. fish\nporkang n stone.hole\npos n hole\nposiwosi n spear with one point\npotma v cut\npotpot n blue-spotted stingray\npouk v float\npoun n bundle\n*poup n bundle\npoup v carry living being on back\n*poup clf classifier for bundles\npoupkon qnt one\nPour n Faor\npous n fish\npowar n horn shell\npue v hit\npueselet n spider\npukmang v fall and make a sound\npul n wing\npulem v blink\npulisi n police\npulkiet n betel stem\npulma vt pinch\npulor n betel vine\npulpul n butterfly\npulpulkon v fly around\npulseka n grasshopper\npungpunggat n fish\n*pur clf classifier for pieces\npur n betel fruit\npuraman qnt how many\npurap qnt fifty\npurarar vi messy\npurir qnt twenty\npurir ba kon qnt twenty-one\npururu v fall\npus v flower\npus n foam\npus n flower\npusing v confused; bothered\npusir n bow\n*put qnt tens of\n477\n\n\nputirie\nroba\nputirie qnt eighty\nputkaninggonie qnt ninety\nputkaninggonie talin kaninggonie qnt\nninety-nine\nputkansuor qnt forty\nputkansuor talinggon qnt forty-one\nputkaruok qnt thirty\nputkaruok talinggansuor qnt\nthirty-four\nputkaruok talinggaruok qnt\nthirty-three\nputkaruok talinggon qnt thirty-one\nputkaruok talinir qnt thirty-two\nputkon qnt ten\nputkon ba ap qnt fifteen\nputkon ba eir qnt twelve\nputkon ba karuok qnt thirteen\nputkon ba kon qnt eleven\nputraman qnt sixty\nputramandalin qnt seventy\nr\n=r gramm plural imperative\nra v move; install; become\nra v hear\nrak n shelf\nram n coral reef\nram kolkemkem n k.o. coral\nram parokparok n k.o. coral\nram tomtom n table coral\nraman qnt six\nramandalin qnt seven\nrambu n sejenis kuskus\nrami v busily\nramie v pull; drag\nran mian v back and forth\nrane v make noise\nrang n open sea\nrangrang vi lukewarm\nranti n chain\nraor n middle\nraorko n in the middle\nrap v laugh\nrapat () v tight () v meet\nRarait n Seram\nrarie v make soft\nrasa v like\nrasemsem n pimples\nrawarawa v laugh\nregil n beam\nreidak qnt much\nreidaksawe vi too much\nrein qnt much\nreingge qnt not much\nreirap qnt five hundred\n*reit qnt hundred\nreitkon qnt one hundred\nreon adv maybe\nrep v get\nrer n k.o. tree\nrer v chat; tell a story\nrer n true conch\nrer n story\nrerer n shell\nresan n hammer\n-rip dem demonstrative marker\nexpressing degree\nripi qnt thousand\nripion qnt one thousend\nririn vi tall\nroba n Wednesday\n478\n\n\nrobaherkiem\nsakarip\nrobaherkiem v holiday\nrobaherpak n name of a month\nrombongan n group\nrontang n pie\nror n tree; wood\nror buabua n k.o. tree\nror garta n rubber tree\nror iriskap n gum tree; eucalyptus\nror kulun n bark\nror soren n unprocessed wood\nror tabur n tree stump\nrorap n foundation\nrorkarok n branch\nrouk v fall over\nroukmang v call out\nroung n k.o. shell\nroye v turn\nrua v extinguish; kill\nruak v fall.fruit\nruam n sweat\nruan vi swollen\nruar n shark\nruar bodaren n shark\nruar kanggir nungnung n tawny nurse\nshark\nruar tagirigiri n shark\nrum n k.o. fish\nrum timbang n fish\nruma tangga n household\nruma tangga v have a family\nRumbati n Onin people\nrumrum n k.o. plant\nruo v dig\nruo vi cooked\nruom n foothill\nruop n plug\nrup v help\n*rur clf classifier for skewers\nrur v skewer\nrur n casuarina (tree)\nrurkon qnt one\nrusa n deer\nrusing n mortar\nrusinggain n pestle for coconut and\nkanari nut\ns\nsa vi dry\nsaban n k.o. big bamboo\nSabaor n Buruwai\nsabar n front (of a boat)\nsabarak n space under house\nsabel n cleared forest\nsabet n boil\nsabtu n Saturday\nsabur v wear; dress\nsabur n soap\nsadawak n machete\nsaerak v negative existential; empty\n=saet adv exclusively\nsaidak adv true\nsaier n taboo; bad luck; offering\nsaimbumbu n dragonfish; filefish\nsair n fish place\nsair v shoot with gun\nsair v bake\nsair n corner\nsairarar n lobster\nsairarar ladok n harlequin shrimp\nsakarip n dibble stick\n479\n\n\nsal\nsasat\nsal n roof wood\nsala vi wrong\nsalaboung v broken\nsalak vi dented\nsalak qnt ten thousand\nsalak n dent\nsalamat n good wish\nsalawat v k.o. prayer\nsalawei n cone shell\nsalir v change\nsalout n flycatcher\nsama v same\nsamameng n civet cat\nsamar n north-west\nsamor n bead\nsampai cnj until\nsampi v arrive\nsampi adv until\nsamsik vi thin\nSamuret n Mbaham people\nsanam n scabies; smallpox\nsanamsanam vi hairy\nsandal n slippers\nsanggan n lid\nsanggan n beetle; grub\nsangganggam v spread\nsangganun n lid\nsanggara v search\nsanggat n outrigger\nsanggeran n sago\nsanggie v close\nsanggien n bird of paradise\nsanggotma vt break off a branch; pick\nfruits\nsanggoup n branch\nsanggoyie vi broken branch\nsanong n sago palm leaves; palm roof\nsansa vi dry\nsansan v stop\nsansan n packed food\nsanual n humpback snapper\nsaor v anchor\nsaor n anchor\nsaouk v emerge\nsap v paddle\nsap n stick\nsapi n cow\nsar kararok n grouper\nsara v ascend; climb\nsarakan v pass on\nsarakmang v soft sound\nsaramburung n nightjar, swift, martin,\nswallow\nsaramin n glasses\nsaranggeit n sea cucumber\nsaranggeit kuskapkap n sea cucumber\nsaranggeit taraun n sea cucumber\nsaraun n hat\nsarbal n grouper\nsare v strand\nsarem n ginger\nsaria n woodswallow\nsarie v chase; follow; hunt\nsarieng n hill; cliff\nsarik n cockspur coral tree\nSarik n Sarik\nsarim n guava\nsarit n shoal\nsarouk vi not good\nsaroum v shoot\nsaroum n shoot\nsarsar n k.o. sea cucumber\nsarua v shave; scrape\nSaruar n Saruar\nsarun n rice sieve\nsarusarut vi torn\nsasarem n wild ginger\nsasat adv go quickly\n480\n\n\nsasep\nseur\nsasep n squirrelfish, soldierfish,\ncardinalfish\nsaser n outrigger\nsasirip n k.o. bamboo\nsasul v spoon\nsasul n spoon\nsaun n night\nsaun lat adv late at night; in the\nmiddle of the night\nsaur n morning prayer\nsausaun n darkness\nsausaun vi dark\nsawalawala n k.o. tree\nsawaluo v feel\nsawarer n tortoise\nSawarersalot n Sawarersalot\nsawaun n old\nsawawien n k.o. string\n=sawe adv too\nsayang n nutmeg\nsayang bungaun n mace\nsayang naun n nutmeg fruit\nsayang tangun n nutmeg\nsayang teun n nutmeg fruit\nsayangar n nutmeg garden\nsayerun n ritual\nse part iam\nse n cuscus\nse koyet phrs finished\nsebua n lizard\nsebuaror n medicinal plant\nsedawak n machete\nsehingga cnj so that; until\nsei v lean to side\nseik n k.o. fish\nSeiman n Seiman\nSek n Sek\nsek v fish at sea\nsek n k. o. fish\nSekar n Sekar people\nsekola v go.to.school\nsekola n school\nsektabai n tobacco type\nSelagur Wadan n Selagur Wadan\nselasa n Tuesday\nselet n piece\nseletkon n piece\nseletma v cut off\nselinku v cheat\nsem v afraid\nsembamsembam n damselfish\nsemen n concrete\nSemena n Semena\nsemerlak n tree\nsempang v kick\nsemsuk n caught.with.fear\n-sen dem demonstrative inflection\nexpressing degree\nsenen n Monday\nseng n roof\nsengseng n true conch\nsensor n chainsaw\nsensur caun n small chainsaw\nsepatu n shoe\nsepe n hat\nsepeda n bike\nser () n loft, attic () n hook\nsere n itchy.fish; itchy.plant\nsere kokokteng n sea fern\nsere sorun n hawkfish\nsere taraun n anemone fish\nSerem n Serem\nserun n rays\nseser n bridled monocle bream\nseser v peel with knife\nseser serein n sea.itch\nset n bait\nseur v bounce off\n481\n\n\nsewa\nsouk\nsewa v pull\nSewa n beach name\nsiabor n signal goby\nsiada n k.o. deep-water fish\nsialar n fish\nsiamar vi not good at all\nsian n widow(er)\nsiap v ready\nsie () v sting () v sharpen\n*siep n edge\nsiepsieun n very edge\nsietan n ghost\nsieun n edge\nsik v sneeze\nsika polipoli n wagtail\nsikan n cat\nsikasika n leopard sea cucumber;\nteripang\nsikekan n shore birds with long feet\nsiktak v slow\nsiktak cnj then\nsiktaktak v slow\nsikuki n dove-like birds\nsil n big shell\nSilak n Silak\nsileng n sea snake\n*silep n back\nsilepko v behind\nsililar n pandanus\nsin n needle\nsinara n offering\nsingasingat n ant\nsinggitkit n small bird\nsinggoli n sago pancake\nsiput babi n snail\nsir vi clear\nsira v salt\nsira n salt\nsiram n sailfish\nsirarai n twig broom\nsiriar n oven\nsirie v order\nsirisiri n curtain\nsisiapong n lionfish\nsisir n comb\nsisir v comb\nsitai cnj later\nsiwani n rat\nso n wood without bark\nso v peel wood\nsobas n dawn\nsok v tangled\nsoki v run smooth\nsoksok v hiccups\nsol karek n rattan\nsolim n k.o. small fish\nsom n person\nsome int encouragement\nsomganien n k.o. plant\nsomin vi dead\nsomkabas n stranger\nsomsom n k.o. tree\nsontum n person\nsontum warten n witch, sorcerer\nsontumahap n all people\nsontumkabas n stranger\nsontur n example\nsopsop n hair pin\nsor n fish\nsor kangun n fishbone\nsor kinggirkinggir n batfish\nsor pespes n fish leftovers\nsor sira n salty dried fish\nsorbir n fish\nSorung n Sorong\nsoso v stretch out\nsou v slide\nsouk n rat\n482\n\n\nsoul\ntagurpak\nsoul vi loose\nsowil n sideburns\nSowir n Sowir\nsuagi n tuna\nSuagibaba n Suagibaba\nsuamin n a snack made of ubi kayu\nsuan n grater\nsuar n ironwood\nsuara n voice\nsuarkang n hole\nsuban v fish\nsubuman n worm\nsudaka n money in hand\nsuelet n fish net\nsuensik vi light\nSui n Sui\nsuk n shell\nsuka v like; want\nsukaun ge phrs does not want\nsumsik vi light\nsun v tie a basket\nsun n basket rope\nsunak n medicinal plant\nsungsung n pants\nsuo v cut a coconut; break\nSuo n Suo\nsuoktal n ikan cikcak\nsuol n back\nsuolkang n backbone, spine\nsuolkasir n spine\nsuolkerun n smooth side leaf\nsuopkaling n eel\nsuor n bamboo comb\nsuor n horns\nsuor v prick on horn\nsuosuo v break\nsupaya cnj so that\nsusa v difficult\nsusia vi difficult\nsusumandu n lizardfish\nsusur v fire burning\nsusurofa n sea cucumber\nsuwarma v cut diagonally\n=ta gramm nonfinal\ntaba n iron; wire\ntabai n tobacco; cigarette\n*tabak clf half\ntabak n cut\ntabaktabak vi small\ntabalaki n tamarind\ntabalaki atan n plant\ntabalam n snapper\ntabaon vi half\ntabarak v fall; crash\ntabaruop n lead\ntaberak n jackfruit\ntabili n snail\ntabom n turtle\ntabul n bamboo\ntabuon n small clam; sea snail\ntabuonsal n nerite shell\ntabusik vi short\ntadon v cough\ntadorcie vi pulled out\ntadorma vt pull with force\ntaer n tree kangaroo\n=taero gramm even if\n=taet adv more\n=taet cnj again\ntagarar v spread legs\ntagier vi heavy\ntagir n mackerel\ntagir polas n plant\ntagur n east; east wind; wet season\ntagurep n east-side\ntagurewun n Torresian imperial\npidgeon\ntagurpak n east.season\n483\n\n\ntahan\ntarakok\ntahan v last; hold in place\ntai- n side\ntaikon n half; side\ntaikongkong n sea cucumber\n-tain pro alone\ntair n side\n=tak adv just\n*tak n thin and flat thing\n*tak clf classifier for leaves\ntakurera n bilimbi\ntal n fence\ntalam n tray\ntalawak n east\n*talep n outside\ntalepko v outside\ntaluk v come out\ntama q question root; which\n-taman clf few\ntamandi q how; how are you\ntamangga q where to/from\ntamatil n tomato\ntamatko q where\ntamawis q where to\ntamba v add\nTamisen n Antalisa\ntamun n border\ntan n arm and hand\ntan kasir n wrist; finger joints\ntan laus n handpalm\nTanamera n Tanamera\ntanbes vi right; be righthanded\ntanbes n right hand; right side\n*tang clf classifier for seeds\n*tang n seed\ntanggal vi good luck with fishing\ntanggal n smaller birds of prey\ntanggalip n fingernail\ntanggarara n ring\ntanggarek n little finger, pinky\ntanggo v hold; carry\ntanggon n boxfish\ntanggon n year\ntanggor n mangrove\nTanggor n Tanggor\ntanggul n elbow\ntangguorcie vi opened\ntangguorma vt open\ntangkap v record; catch\ntangun n seed\ntanisa n medicinal plant\ntanparoemun n thumb\ntanparok n finger\ntanparok penden n ring finger\ntanparok raorkadok n middle finger\ntansahadat n index finger\ntantayuon vi left; be lefthanded\ntantayuon n left hand; left side\ntaokang n coconut shell\ntaon qnt one\ntaot v chisel\ntaot n chisel\ntaouk v lie\ntapal n cloth\ntapar n kangaroo\ntapi cnj but\ntapong n wheat flour\ntapukan n demon\ntar v coil\n=tar gramm plural imperative\ntar vi coiled\ntar n part of canoe\ntara v close\ntara n coconut scraper\n*tara n grandchild; grandparent\ntara emnem n grandmother\ntara esnem n grandfather\ntarakmang vi startled\ntarakok n heron\n484\n\n\ntarakues\ntenggelele\ntarakues n k.o. string\ntaram n frigatebird\ntaraman n fathom\ntarangin n south\ntaraouk vi break\ntarapa n shell\ntarapa n water container\ntararapang n heel\ntararar n surgeonfish\ntaraun n grandparent/child\ntaraun canam n grandson\ntaraun pas n granddaughter\ntarian v dance\ntarima v receive\ntaru v say!\ntaruo v say\nTarus n place name\ntas n bag\nTat n Tat\ntata n grandfather\ntata kolak n Bomberai inlander\ntatanina n grandmother; respected\nwoman\ntataninanus n greatgrandmother\ntatanus n greatgrandfather\ntatapang n wagtails\ntaukanggir n coconut shell\ntaukon qnt some\ntaun n thin and flat thing\n=tauna cnj so\ntaungtaung v bent\n*taur clf classifier for heaps\ntaur n medicinal plant\ntaur n placeholder for names\n*taur n heap\ntaurkon qnt one\ntawara v chop\ntawie v take from a hot place\nTawotkang n Tawotkang\ntawotma vt fold\ntayuon vi not good\nte n pus\n=te gramm imperative\n-te qnt distributive\n=te gramm nonfinal\n=teba gramm progressive\ntebol n reef edge\ntebolsuban v fish\n*tebon qnt all\ntebonggan qnt all\nteir n oyster\nteir v make a stone wall\nteiran n my neighbour\n*teit n neighbour; clan, relatives\nteitei v step on\ntektek n knife\ntel n shell\ntelebor v fall\ntelenggues n fish\ntelin v stop; stay\ntelpon v telephone\nteltel v move; rock\nteltel n vase shell\nteltel n root vegetable\n*tem n tree stem\nteman n friend\ntemgerun n mountain top\ntemtemun n big one(s)\ntemun n a big one\ntemun vi big\nten vi bad\n-ten adj attributive\ntenaun n keel\n=tenden cnj so\ntenenun vi that have gone bad\nteng n leaf midrib\nteng n feather\ntenggelele n tenggelele ritual\n485\n\n\ntenggelele\ntua\ntenggelele v do tenggelele\ntenggeles n brahmini kite\ntenggenggen v blink\ntengguen vi gathered\ntengguen v heap\ntengun n feather\nteok vi foggy; snow\nteok n fog; snow\ntep v fruit\n*tep n fruit\ntep n deep sea\n*tep clf classifier for fruit\ntepeles n jar\ntepkon qnt one\ntepner n deep seawater\nter n mark; scar\nter n tea\nterar n coral stones\nterar kararak n low tide\nterarkeit n on coral\ntermus n thermos\nterunggo n at its place\nterus cnj then\nterus vi further; go on\ntete n grandfather\nteteris n sieve\ntetetas n drum\nteun n fruit\nteya n man\ntibobi n k.o. tree\ntiga qnt three\ntik vi old; take long\ntikninda adv before too long\ntim n emperor fish\n*tim n edge\ntimbang n forehead\nTiminepnep n beach name\ntimun n edge; tip\ntimun sobangun n growing tip\nting n jungle\ntiri v run; sail; swim; cycle\ntiri n drum\nTitibua Karimun n name of a cape\nto int right\ntobutobur v pall-bearing\ntok int not yet\ntok adv yet; still; first\ntok bes phrs alive\ntok tok phrs not yet\ntokatokan n cornetfish\ntokitoki n gecko\ntokta me phrs soon\ntoktok () vi lost () vi alive\ntol n kingfisher\ntolas v break fast\ntolaspak n Ramadan month\ntolcie vi be cut\ntolma v cut string; take a shortcut\nTomage n Tomage\ntoman n bag\ntompat n place\ntong n barrel\nTonggarai n place name\nTonggatonggar n Tonggatonggar\ntoni v say; want; think\ntop n fusilier\ntorak n part of canoe\ntorak n fish\ntoras vi cleared\ntorim n eggplant\nTorkuran n Tarak\ntororo vi opened wide\ntorpes n shell\ntot n sea urchin\ntoungtoung vi bulky\ntowari n bachelor; young\ntu v hit; pound\ntua v live\n486\n\n\ntua\nuspulpul\ntua n title for elder person\ntuangga n spine fish\ntuaringgiar vi old\ntuaruar v live\ntuatkur n living place\ntubak v point and touch\nTuburasap n Tuburuasa\ntumin n watermelon\ntumteng n bedbug\ntumun () n child () n small\ntumun canam n son\ntumun caun n small child\ntumun miskinden n orphan\ntumun pas n daughter\n=tun adv very\ntun v shake\ntunggarek n k.o. string\ntunggin n ridge pole\ntup n poisonous root used to catch fish\ntup v fish\ntur vi fall\nturing n hill\nTuwak n Tuwak\nu\nu n aunt\nu n fish\nuda n rice sieve\nuei int interjection of surprise\nugar n crab\nukir v measure\nukuran n size\nul n urine\nulan n aunt\nuli n rudder; helmsman\nulpom n bladder\nultom n goatfish\nulur v urinate\numat n people\n-un () pro his/her/its () pro our (ex)\n-un gramm nominaliser\nun= gramm reflexive\nun kawer n body fat\nunana n earthenware vase\nunapi n sea cucumber\nunganggie v lift oneself\nUninsinei n Teluk Buruwai\nunkoryap v divide\nunmasir v give birth\nunsor n orange-spotted trevally\nuntuk cnj for\nup n calm\nup n plug\nup v kindle\nupsa v falling of leaves\nur n wind\nur kirun n cloud\nur temun phrs rough sea\nuran n debt\nurap n street\nuren n wave\nureren vi wavy\nurukmang v suddenly move; suddenly\nmake sound\nus n penis\nus v clean pandanus\nusar vt erect; build house\nusar vi stand.up\nusiep n shoal\nuspulpul n picasso triggerfish\n487\n\n\nut\nwel\nut v mark\nut n mark\nutkon qnt some\nutkon adv alone; apart\nUtun n Buton\nw\nwa dem proximal\nwais n place\nwak n millipede\nwakpol n lizard\nwaktu n time\nwaktu cnj when\nwalaka n Goromese\nWalaka n Gorom\nWalakamang n Goromese\nwalalom n shore current\nwalawala v throw\nwalor n coconut leaf\nwalorteng n coconut leaf midrib\nwam v roll pandanus\nwam n roll\nWambar n Wambar\n*wan n time\nwandi dem like this\nwandiwandi n small plug\nwane dem proximal\nwang n dugong\nwangga dem proximal lative\nWanggaruar n Wanggaruar\nwanggon adv once\nwanggongon adv seldom\nwangguwanggus n flute\nWanim n Wanim\nwanir adv twice\nWap n Sanggalabai\nwar v use sorcery\nwar v fish\nwar n sorcery\nwar n shark\nwar pasierkip n whale shark\nwaranggeit n k.o. coral\nwariam n k.o. fish\nwaring n file clam\nwarkangkang n goosebumps\nwarkasom n starfish\nwarkin n tide\nwarkin garos phrs low tide\nwarkin kararak phrs low tide\nwarkin laur phrs high tide\nwarkin nasesak phrs high tide\nwarkin tararup phrs low tide\nwarpas n sorceress\nwarum n trash\nwaruo v wash; bathe\nwarwar n k.o. plant\nwasorak n ark clam\nwat n coconut\nwat kabur n young coconut\nwat karoraun n coconut\nwat kawaren v scrape coconut\nwat kerkapkap n coconut\nwat pasor n fried coconut\nwat sarenden n coconut\nwat sasul n green coconut\nwatko dem proximal locative\nwatman n sea cucumber\nwatwat n tree\nweinun adv too\nwel n top shell\n488\n\n\nWelangguni\nyawengga\nWelangguni n Arguni people\nwelawela n wedding rite\nwele n vegetables\nwelenggap vi blue; green\nwenawena n bee; honey\nwenawena eun n beehive\nwenggam n rust\nWerpati n Werpati\nWerwaras n Werwaras\nwerwer n ikan julung\nwestal n hair\nweswes n shell\nwewar n axe\nwie n mango tree; mango\nwien n fishing line\nwienar n parrotfish\nwienar saruam n longnose parrotfish\nwienar tebolkin n roundhead parrotfish\nwiercie vi unstuck; be open\nwierun n stalk\nwiet n stalk\nwilak n sea\nwinyal v fish\nwirma v open\nwis adv yesterday\nwise adv long ago\nwiseme adv a long time ago\nwol () n family () n tree\nwolnelebor v call names\nwororoi n parrot\nwowa n aunt\nwowa caun n aunt\nwowa temun n aunt\nwuar sisiarun n grasshopper\nwuong v whistle\nwuorma v cut down a tree; cut\nwuorwuor v dream\ny\nya int yes\nya aula int interjection of incredulity\nyaban n wind\nyakarek taraun n grouper\nyakop n cockatoo\nyakop leirun n palm cockatoo\nyakop posun n placename\nyal n paddle\nyal v paddle\nyalyal v paddle\nyam v have sex\nyap n black potato\nyap v divide\nyap seran n yam\nyar n stone\nyar kangkang n sharp rock\nyar loupkaning n coral\nyaralus n gravel\nyarkanyuot n bivalve\nyarkawaram n k.o. triggerfish\nyarmunmun n boulder\nyarnener n coral shore\nyarpan n rock\nyarpos n rock hole\nYarpos Kon n Yarpos Kon\nyartep n sardine\nyasin n koran verse\nyatal n stone wall\nyawarnak n plant\nyawe dem down\nyawengga dem from/to down\n489\n\n\nyawet\nyuyui\nyawet dem down object form\nyawetko dem down there\nyawir n lime\nye cnj or\nyecie v return\nyes n stomach worm\nyes n medicine\nyeso int I don’t know\nyie v swim\nyies n plant\nyo int yes\nyopyop n hibiscus\nYorre n Yorre\nyu- dem demonstrative prefix\nyume dem distal\nyumene dem distal\nyuol n day\nyuol tama q when\nyuolyuol vi light; shine\nyuon vt rub; clean\nyuon n rag\nyuon n sun\nyuon ba mintolmaretkon phrs may the\nsun pull out your liver\nyuon daruk n sunset\nyuon monpak n dry season\nyuon nawariri n noon\nyuon sara phrs sunrise\nyuopyuop n hibiscus\nyuor n grass\nyuor n day\nyuor v right\nyuor int true\nyuorsik vi straight\nyuot n snail\nyuwa dem proximal\nyuwandi adv like this\nyuwane dem proximal\nyuwatko dem proximal locative\nyuyui n sea cucumber\n490\n\n\na big one\nbag\nWordlist English-Kalamang\na big one temun\na little bolon\na long time ago wiseme\nabove keitko\nachilles heel korkies\nadd koder; tamba\nadjust manyuor\nadopted keitkeit\nafraid sem\nafternoon asar; ginggir; go ginggir\nagain kodaet; koi; =taet\naged giriaun\nagr m’m\nalgae lamut\nalive tok bes; toktok\nall -gan; -mahap; *tebon; tebonggan\nall people sontumahap\nalone -ahutak; -tain\nalone; apart utkon\nambarella pasarom\nanchor po; saor; saor\nand then eba metko\nanemone fish sere taraun\nangel; curse malaikat\nangelfish kubalbal\nangry kacok; kademor; koewa; kouran\nankle korkasir\nankle bone korkancing\nanother kabas\nanother place kolpis\nanswer jawab; nabalas\nant singasingat\nAntalisa Tamisen\nantidote; resistant anti\nanus kahamanpos\nanything don konkon\nanyway; whatever; poor kasian\nappear lauk\napproximately -konggap\nArguni people Welangguni\naril; mace kosarun\nark clam wasorak\narm and hand tan\narmpit keleng\narrange ator\narrive sampi\narrow karop\nAru islands Dobu\nas long as asal\nascend; climb sara\nashes koep\nask gerket\nask permission to leave panokpanok\nask; call paning\nasparagus bean kawuok kahahen\nat an angle kaling\nat its place terunggo\n(at) night go saun\naunt ema caun; ema temun; u; ulan;\nwowa; wowa caun; wowa temun\navocado afukat\naxe lem; wewar\nbachelor; young towari\nback *ep; *silep; suol\nback and forth ran mian\nback of boat kudakuda\nback of knee kor kawar mat kalot\nback; tail or\nbackbone, spine suolkang\nbackside epkadok\nbad ten\nbag tas; toman\n491\n\n\nbait\nbira\nbait set\nbake sair\nball bola; gol\nbamboo daluang; gaus; gous; karuan;\nkasut; nop; tabul\nbamboo comb suor\nbamboo floor kanggaran\nbamboo string lemat\nbamboo wall kayakat\nbanana im\nbanana leaf imol\nbanana sap im polun\nBanda Islands Andan\nbark boukbouk; gobukbuk; lokul; ror\nkulun\nbarracuda onda\nbarrel dorom; tong\nbasket karanjang; kiem; pan\nbasket rope sun\nbasket; sieve kurera\nbastard valerian bunga kupukupu\nbatfish sor kinggirkinggir\nbathe boubou\nbe angry bonaras\nbe full kabor\nbe lazy jabul\nbe noisy laur\nbe shy karames\nbe silent nokin\nbe sorry namenyasal\nbe stuck nayie\nbe tired kanggir pop\nbe careful on your way nabestai bot\nbe cut tolcie\nbe high nawarir\nbeach osep\nbeach edge oskol\nbeach name Sewa\nbeach.name Timinepnep\nbead samor\nbeam balak; regil\nbean kawuok\nbeard jangkut\nbecause karena\nbecause; after all habis\nbeckon lem\nbecome jadi\nbedbug tumteng\nbedroom minggalot\nbee-eater giringgining; karopkarop\nbee; honey wenawena\nbeehive wenawena eun\nbeer bir\nbeetle; grub sanggan\nbefore too long tikninda\nbehind epko; silepko\nbench banku\nbend maulma\nbend down; kneel eiruk\nbent taungtaung\nbeside mulunggo\nbetel kaul\nbetel fruit pur\nbetel nut buok teun\nbetel stem pulkiet\nbetel vine pulor\nbetel; betel nut buok\nbetter lebai\nbig aremun; emun; temun\nbig bamboo type saban\nbig heap bungbung\nbig loin cloth mal\nbig one(s) temtemun\nbig.shell sil\nbike sepeda\nbilimbi takurera\nbira bira\n492\n\n\nbird\nBuruwai\nbird kasamin; kasamin naun\ngetgetkadok; kedederet; kolu welek\nbird of paradise sanggien\nbite koraruo\nbitter mang\nbivalve yarkanyuot\nblack kuskap\nblack ant donenet\nblack butcherbird kotipol\nblack potato yap\nblack-spotted stingray kamel kir\nbladder ulpom\nblind kanggir saun\nblink delepdelep; pulem; tenggenggen\nblock *kies; namot\nblood karyak\nblossom bunga arun\nblouze; shirt ladan\nblow kou\nblue-spotted stingray potpot\nblue; green welenggap\nblunt karaonggis\nblurry katem\nbody eren; kaden\nbody fat un kawer\nbody hair kadenenen\nboil nasomit; sabet\nboil laur\nboiler dandang\nBomberai inlander tata kolak\nbone kang\nbook buk\nborder kerap; tamun\nborrow napinjang\nbother komister\nbottle botal\nbottom *elak; elaun; kahaman\nboulder yarmunmun\nbounce dalangdalang\nbounce off seur\nbow pusir\nbow planks kirawat\nbox peti\nboxfish tanggon\nbracelet liti\nbrackish pasirwasir\nbrackish water per pasirwasir\nbrahmini kite tenggeles\nbraid pakpak\nbranch karok; rorkarok; sanggoup\nbranch; stem kawat\nbreadfruit po\nbreak kawar; naputus; suosuo;\ntaraouk\nbreak down maorek\nbreak fast nasek; tolas\nbreak off a branch; pick fruits\nsanggotma\nbreak; fold kawarma\nbreast am\nbreast milk am perun\nbrick bataku\nbride price pasparin\nbridled monocle bream seser\nbring bon; kuet; kuru\nbroken kararcie; salaboung\nbroken branch sanggoyie\nbrown; grey kowewep\nbrush turkey maniktambang\nbubble gelembung; karabubu\nbud galip\nbulky toungtoung\nbull/reef shark lopteng\nbunch pel\nbundle poun; *poup\nBurewun Burewun\nburn dinan; komaruk; komelek\nBuruwai Sabaor\n493\n\n\nbury\nclear land\nbury dan\nbusily rami\nbut ba; tapi\nbutcherbirds loup\nButon Utun\nbutterfly pulpul\nbutterflyfish kilibobang\ncalf of leg kormul\ncall out roukmang\ncall names wolnelebor\ncall; call out gonggung\ncalm up\ncalm sea pasier up\ncan belek; bisa\ncandlenut komeri\ncane kom\ncannonball tree kai taul\ncannot eranun\ncanoe et\ncanoe plank pawan tabak\ncap kawier\ncape kariemun\ncare nafaduli\ncarry nawas; pabie\ncarry living being on back poup\ncarry on back bitko\ncarry on shoulders lebaleba\ncarve kies\ncassava panggala\ncassowary kasawari\ncasuarina (tree) rur\ncat sikan\ncatapult kataperor\ncatch loku\ncaterpillar panggatpanggat\ncaught with fear semsuk\ncause to snap meraraouk\ncave iar\ncement floor misilmisil\ncentipede masawin\nchain ranti\nchainsaw sensor\nchair kadera\nchange kosalir; kowat; naruba;\npitisnaharen; salir\ncharcoal kus\nchase namasawuot\nchase; follow; hunt sarie\nchat; tell a story rer\nchayote labu siam\ncheat selinku\ncheck cek\ncheek koliep\nchest aknar\nchestnut gayam\nchew pak\nchew betel buokbuok\nchewy; tense dong\nchicken kokok\nchicken egg kokok narun\nchild tumun\nchilli lenggalengga\nchisel taot; taot\nchiton gawawi\nchop dakdak; tawara\nchristian kawir\ncicada nene\ncircle kokarap\ncircumcise nasalik\ncivet cat samameng\nclam kanyuot\nclamp kowaram\nclaw paritman\nclaw; scratch naparis\nclay naun kerkap\nclean pandanus us\nclear gelas; go sir; kalar; sir\nclear land amdir komaruk\n494\n\n\ncleared\ncry for\ncleared toras\ncleared forest sabel\nclimb koyos\nclose komasasuk; koyen; sanggie; tara\nclose eyes nunun\nclose off with plank nawarak\nclose roof komanggangguop\ncloth donselet; tapal\ncloud kierun; ur kirun\nclove tree cengki\nclown triggerfish kawaramleit\nclub kabiep; pabiep\ncockatoo yakop\ncockroach dudin\ncockspur coral tree sarik\ncoconut wat; wat karoraun; wat\nkerkapkap; wat sarenden\ncoconut leaf walor\ncoconut leaf midrib walorteng\ncoconut scraper tara\ncoconut shell taokang; taukanggir\ncoffee kofir; per kuskap\ncoil tar\ncoiled tar\ncold lu\ncold evening wind pelelu\ncollar bone aknar kangun\ncollect olol\ncollect water natada\ncomb sisir; sisir\ncome luk; mei; mia\ncome.out taluk\ncommand parenta\ncompact; smooth pol\ncompany perusahan\ncompletely opened nasalen\nconcave side keitpis\nconcha kelkam taun\nconcrete semen\ncondition go; kondisi\ncone shell salawei\nconfirmation panok mecuan\nconfused; bothered pusing\nconnect nasambung\nconsent; like lo\nconsume na\ncontainer bak\ncontinue ajar; langjut\nconvex side akpis\ncook kuar; muawaruo; pau\ncooked ruo\ncooking.utensil karam\ncoral yar loupkaning\ncoral reef ram\ncoral stones terar\ncoral.shore yarnener\ncormorant lamora kasamin\ncorner sair\ncornetfish tokatokan\ncotton kai kawas; kapas\ncough tadon\ncount nahitung; narekin\ncousin dudan\ncover; dress komasabur\ncow sapi\ncrab keluer; ugar\ncrawl guadang; manggaren\ncrawl; slither gare\ncrocodile paramuang\ncrooked maulcie\ncross-cousin korap\ncrossed arms/legs naulanggos\ncrow goras\ncrowned pigeon maniktapuri\ncrush maraok\ncrushed karaok\ncry ecua; eruap\ncry for koecuan\n495\n\n\ncuckoo\ndraw line\ncuckoo masoi\ncucumber komurkomur\ncup cangkir\ncurse kout; nanetkon; parambura;\npenyakit kat nanetkon\ncurtain sirisiri\ncuscus se\ncustom kalour\ncut karok; korkor; masalaboung;\nparamua; potma; tabak\ncut a coconut; break suo\ncut diagonally suwarma\ncut down a tree; cut wuorma\ncut off seletma\ncut out kortaptap\ncut throat mintolma\ncut branch letma\ncut string; take a shortcut tolma\ncut; split pel\ndamselfish sembamsembam\ndance nasula; tarian\ndangle dek\ndark sausaun\ndarkness sausaun\ndarter kedua\ndaughter tumun pas\ndawn sobas\nday go yuol; hari; yuol; yuor\nday after tomorrow keirko\nday before yesterday keitar\ndead korek; somin\ndeaf kelkam toktok\ndebt uran\ndeep karan; naman\ndeep sea tep\ndeep seawater tepner\ndeer rusa\ndefecate kiet; kietkiet; pasienggara bot\ndemon tapukan\ndent salak\ndented salak\ndescend bara\ndestroy fakurat\ndew masinul\ndibble stick sakarip\ndie lalat; nalat\ndifficult susa; susia\ndig ruo\ndiligent mososor\ndirectly langsung\ndirt kotur\ndirty kotur\ndisappeared gosomin\ndisease kaman\ndish holang\ndistal demonstrative ime; imene; me;\nyume; yumene\ndisturb; mix koyal\ndive ar\ndivide unkoryap; yap\ndo tenggelele tenggelele\ndo; make paruo; paruowaruo\ndo; try bonasau\ndock nasandar\ndoes not want sukaun ge\ndog bal\ndolphin kurap\ndoor anggas\ndoorpost anggas padenun\ndove-like birds sikuki\ndown yawe\ndowry mahar\ndozen losing\ndrag masaouk\ndragonfish; filefish saimbumbu\ndragonfly per paiwai\ndraw a line; mark kasep\ndraw line nagaris\n496\n\n\ndream\nfacial hair\ndream wuorwuor\ndrill bor; bor\ndrink minum\ndrinking water per iriskap\ndrivers hukat narun\ndrizzle, light rain kalis sasarawe\ndrool ewarom\ndrop cici; komamun; lapas; matur;\nnaberuak\ndrum kawaret; tetetas; tiri\ndrunk mabuk\ndry kararak; karuar; mararak; sa;\nsansa\ndry in the sun masa\ndry season yuon monpak\ndrying rack karuar\nduck bebak\ndugong wang\ndurian duran\ndusk go kerkap\neagle lusi; lusi pep jiejie\near kelkam\near opening kelkampos\nearlier opa\nearlobe kelkam elaun\nearly morning go dung\nearrings anting; gigiwang\nearth oven pau\nearthenware vase unana\nearthquake leng dek\nearthworm kalabet\nearwax kolkiet\neast talawak\neast of Karas nanam\neast-side tagurep\neast season tagurpak\neast; east wind; wet season tagur\neastern koel isak\neat bolkoyal; muap; mus\nedge *as; asun; duk; *siep; sieun; *tim;\ntimun\neel baluku; gulas; kawarsuop;\nsuopkaling\negg nar\negg; seed narun\neggplant torim\neight irie\neighty putirie\nelbow tanggul\neleven putkon ba kon\nembers din songsong; paras\nemerge saouk\nemperor fish tim\nempty place go saerak\nEnglish Inggrismang\nentangled kolkol\nenter masuk\nenvelope lopalopa\nerect usar\nEsa Tanggiun Esa Tanggiun\neven if biar; =taero\never perna\nexactly pas\nexample sontur\nexceed nemies\nexclusively =saet\nexcrete nasabir\nexit; fruit paruok\nexpel ar; eis; pasiep\nexpenses ongkos\nexplode dumang; pakmang\nextend on floor parara\nextinguish; kill rua\neye kanggir\neyelashes kanggir nenen\neyelid kanggir pulun\nface kanggirar; konasur; namangadap\nfacial hair konenen\n497\n\n\nfaeces\nfly\nfaeces kiet\nFakfak people Mahem\nFakfak person Mata\nFakfak (town) Pakpak\nfall our; pururu; telebor; tur\nfall over rouk\nfalling of fruit ruak\nfalling and making a sound pukmang\nfall; crash tabarak\nfalling of leaves upsa\nfamily wol\nfamily name fam\nfan kawiawi\nFaor Pour\nfar; tall; long kahen\nfart kietpo\nfast loi\nFatar Parar\nfather; adult man; uncle esa\nfathom taraman\nfeather teng; tengun\nfeel sawaluo\nfeel cold kawes\nfeel good mawin\nfeel uncomfortable namakin\nfemale infant enemtumun\nfemale; woman pas\nfence tal\nfern palang\nfew etaman; -taman\nfibre boat fiber\nfifteen putkon ba ap\nfifty purap\nfig kul\nfight langka; naras; nausair\nfile clam waring\nfill payiem\nfilm; photo foto\nfilter narawi\nfind; meet koluk\nfinger parok; tanparok\nfingernail tanggalip\nfinish koyet\nfinished habis; se koyet\nfire din\nfire burning susur\nfirefly elam; karop; mata dimdim\nfireplace didir\nfirewood kaipur\nfirewood kai\nfirst giarun\nfirstborn ma temun\nfish sor\nfish at sea sek\nfish cage karamba\nfish in low water kosa\nfish leftovers sor pespes\nfish net hukat; suelet\nfish scales lawuak\nfish trap fer; gawar\nfish place sair\nfishbone sor kangun\nfishing hook kaling\nfishing line nika; wien\nfit pas\nfive ap\nfive hundred reirap\nflames din paras\nflank kirun\nflea thing mutam\nflee kiem\nflip mayilma\nflipped koyelcie\nfloat pouk\nflower bunga; pus\nflowing water per taluk\nflute wangguwanggus\nfly pabalet; pararuo\n498\n\n\nfly around\ngood\nfly around pulpulkon\nfly off lele\nflycatcher salout\nflying fish masal\nfoam pus\nfog; snow teok\nfoggy; snow teok\nfold kang; kawetkawet; tawotma\nfollow pareir\nfontanelle nakal pokpok\nfood muap\nfoothill ruom\nfootprint kolkom\nfootsole korel\nfor untuk\nforce paksa\nforehead timbang\nforget konawaruo\nforty putkansuor\nforty-one putkansuor talinggon\nfoundation lorap; rorap\nfour kansuor\nFriday ariemun\nfried coconut wat pasor\nfriend lidan; teman\nfrigatebird taram\nfrog kareng\nfrom outside kolga\nfront borara; kalaor; muka\nfront (of a boat) sabar\nfruit loup; naun; nak; tep; *tep; teun\nfruit bat kuek\nfruit set kababur\nfruit-dove kuk\nfry pasor\nfrying pan kaling\nfull mikon\nfull moon pak tubak\nfurther terus\nfusilier top\ngado-gado ododa\ngallbladder iem\ngame kanggeirun; kanggeit\ngarden amdir\ngarlic bawang iriskapten\ngathered tengguen\ngecko tokitoki\nget rep\nget better natora\nget married halar; nauhalar\nget rid of melebor\nget; buy jie\nghost sietan\ngiant laksasa\ngiant trevally imanana\ngills mesang\nginger sarem\nginger-like root gulasi\ngive ∅\ngive back namasuk\ngive birth amkeit; unmasir\ngive packed food kosansan\nglass don pernanan; gelas; ginana\nglasses saramin\nglassy sweeper kapapet\ngo bo\ngo backwards nasuk\ngo quickly sasat\ngo to mosque; hold service nasambian\ngo out keluar\ngo to school sekola\ngoal bet\ngoat lek\ngoatfish ultom\ngold marau\ngolden trevally irausi\ngong kulikuli; manggamangga\ngood bes\n499\n\n\ngood luck with fishing\nheron\ngood luck with fishing tanggal\ngood wish salamat\ngoosebumps warkangkang\nGorom Walaka\nGoromese walaka; Walakamang\ngrab kasorma; konggelem; narampas\ngrandchild; grandparent *tara\ngranddaughter taraun pas\ngrandfather tara esnem; tata; tete\ngrandfather; man esnem\ngrandmother nina; tara emnem\ngrandmother; respected woman\ntatanina\ngrandson taraun canam\ngrass kaman; kucai; yuor\ngrasshopper kurera; pulseka; wuar\nsisiarun\ngrate kir\ngrater suan\ngrave kubir\ngravel yaralus\ngravestone mesan\ngraveyard kubirar\ngreatgrandfather tatanus\ngreatgrandmother ninanus;\ntataninanus\ngreatgrandparent kanus\ngreedy kir\ngreen bean balikawuok\ngreen beans boncis\ngreen coconut wat sasul\ngroup dong; rombongan\ngrouper kabaruap; kabaruap\nkerkapkap; kabaruap kuskap; lameli;\nlawan; sar kararok; sarbal; yakarek\ntaraun\ngrow kos\ngrow seedling nageiding\ngrowing tip timun sobangun\ngrowth kosun\ngrub laluon\nguava sarim\ngum tree; eucalyptus ror iriskap\ngums gierkawer\nhair westal\nhair pin sopsop\nhairy sanamsanam\nhalf *tabak; tabaon\nhalf-dry emsan\nhalf; side taikon\nhalfbeak nebidangat\nHalmahera Almahera\nhammer resan\nhand kosiaur\nhandle kein; man\nhandpalm tan laus\nhang gang; ganggang; manggang\nhappy gampang\nharbour los\nhard karan\nharlequin shrimp sairarar ladok\nharvest fruit koser\nhat saraun; sepe\nhave a family ruma tangga\nhave sex yam\nhawkfish sere sorun\nhead nakal\nheap *pan; *taur; tengguen\nheap; gather merengguen\nhear ra\nhear; listen kelua\nheat in fire balama\nheavy tagier\nheel tararapang\nhelmeted friarbird kokoak\nhelp rup\nhermit crab karor\nheron doka; tarakok\n500\n\n\nhey-ho\njoint\nhey-ho geigar\nhibiscus yopyop; yuopyuop\nhiccups soksok\nhide mormor; nung\nhigh tide warkin laur; warkin nasesak\nhigh tide nasesak\nhill turing\nhill; cliff sarieng\nhis wife kieun\nhit burbur; duk; kararma; pue\nhit with tool koyak\nhit; pound tu\nhit; touch kosara\nhold iar; kinkin\nhold; carry tanggo\nhole lolouk; pos; suarkang\nholiday robaherkiem\nholy water per natawarten\nhook ser\nhorn shell powar\nhornbill mamor\nhorns suor\nhorse kuda; lajarang\nhot lalang\nhot water pelalang\nhour; o’clock jam\nhouse kewe\nhouse post kewe padenun\nhousehold ruma tangga\nhow are you nauwar tamandi\nhow many puraman\nhow; how are you tamandi\nhug koup\nhumpback snapper sanual\nhundred *reit\nhungry kabor lalang; muawese;\nmuisese\nhusband *nam\nhusks kupkup\nI don’t know yeso\nibis kurua\nice es\nif kalau\nif not get me\nill ning\nillness barala; ning\nillness; curse penyakit\nimam leba\nimperial pigeon muradik; mursambuk\nimperial pigeon type murkumkum\nin the light goraruo\nin the middle raorko\nindex finger tansahadat\nIndonesian Malaimang; Pepmang\ninfant au\ninsect found in rice or flour mam\ninside neko; *ner; nerun; nerunggo\ninside canoe kanggurun\ninside of a tree *kun\ninside of pili nut kanaisasen\ninside of a tree kunun\nintercourse kasuo\nintestines kabun\niron kamung\niron; wire taba\nironwood suar\nisland lempuang\nit doesn’t matter don konkonin\nit’s cloudy go git\nitchy layier\nitchy fish; itchy plant sere\njackfruit taberak\njar tepeles\nJava; Javanese Jawa\njaw; chin kanggus\njew’s harp gonggong\njinn jim\njoint *kasir\n501\n\n\njoke\nland-side\njoke marok\njourney bot\njump dalang\njump over korabir\njungle ting\njust nak=; =tak\njust a little bolodak\nk.o. bamboo sasirip\nk.o. banana im pawan; im sarawuar;\nim selen; im sepatu; im sontum; im\nyuol putkansuor\nk.o. bird masriku\nk.o. coarse woven mat el\nk.o. coconut garawi\nk.o. coral ram kolkemkem; ram\nparokparok; waranggeit\nk.o. fish alar; birbir; bugardadir; golip;\ngorip; goyas; gual; kamandi;\nkanaisasen; kanas; kanas kolkol; kas;\nkelikeli; kir; kolpanggat; kous;\nkoutpol; kul; labis; labor; manggi;\nmanman; momar; mormor; nebir; oioi;\nora; ospulpul; paksanual; pous;\npungpunggat; rum; rum timbang; sek;\nseik; sialar; sorbir; suban; tebolsuban;\ntelenggues; torak; tup; u; war; wariam\n; winyal\nk.o. illness inamurin; langgulanggur;\nnaseduk\nk.o. pandanus kamual\nk.o. plant gogit; gos;\nkahalongkahalong; kai kala; kasuop;\nkatuk; pak; pak mangmang; rumrum;\nsomganien; warwar\nk.o. prayer salawat\nk.o. sea cucumber sarsar\nk.o. shell daria; poar; roung\nk.o. small fish koltengteng\nk.o. tree jojon; kabun; kawalawalan;\nlanggar; lusi muaun; mangmang; ror\nbuabua; pirawilak; somsom; tibobi\nk.o. triggerfish kawaram boldinggap;\nyarkawaram\nKaimana Kemana\nKaimana.people Mamika\nKalamang language Kalamangmang\nkangaroo tapar\nkapok tree kapuk\nKaras Darat Lenggon\nKaras Island Kalamang lempuang\nKaras inhabitant; Karas Island\nKalamang\nkawin kasut\nkeel tenaun\nkeep still malelin\nkeep watch jaga\nKei Lempang\nketjap kecap\nkey koser\nKiaba Kiaba\nkick sempang\nkidneys kale\nKilimala language Kueimang\nkindle up\nking leit\nking post paden tabur\nkingfisher tol\nkiss namusi\nkitchen didiras\nknee korpak\nknife tektek\nknow gonggin\nkoran verse yasin\nKuhl’s stingray isis\nlake karep\nlamp don yuolyuol; lampur\nland-side keit\n502\n\n\nlanguage; voice\nlow tide\nlanguage; voice mang\nlarge intestines kietpak\nlarvae kipkip\nlarynx minar\nlast; hold in place tahan\nlastborn ma cicaun\nlate at night; in the middle of the night\nsaun lat\nlater mena; sitai\nlaugh rap; rawarawa\nlaugh at komayeki\nlayer nawot\nlazy barahala; monkaret\nlead narorar; tabaruop\nleaf lolok; *ol; olun\nleaf midrib teng\nlean to side sei\nlean.on.chin naroman\nlearn belajar\nleave mamun\nleech panggawangga\nleft; be lefthanded; left hand; left side\ntantayuon\nleftover naharen\nleftovers pespes\nleg kor\nlelah nauware\nlemongrass lek nabonabon\nlend; borrow napinjam\nleopard sea cucumber; teripang\nsikasika\nleopard shark lasiambar\nleopard torpedo musing\nless kurang\nlick kobelen\nlid sanggan; sangganun\nlie taouk\nlie; joke kidi\nlife hidup\nlift ganggie; masak\nlift oneself unganggie\nlight suensik; sumsik\nlight; shine yuolyuol\nlightning godelep\nlike nain; rasa\nlike here owandi\nlike that mendak; mindi\nlike this wandi; yuwandi\nlike; want suka\nlime yawir\nlime; citrus mun\nlimpet shell panpan\nline up nabaris\nlionfish sisiapong\nlip bolkul\nlittle finger, pinky tanggarek\nlive hidup; tua; tuaruar\nliving place tuatkur\nlizard irong; sebua; wakpol\nlizardfish susumandu\nload nawanen\nlobster sairarar\nlock koser\nloft, attic ser\nloincloth malor\nlong ago wise\nlongnose parrotfish wienar saruam\nlontar palm naiar\nlook kome\nlook around guanggarien\nlook for trouble alanganrep\nloose asaskon; soul\nlorikeet keirkeir\nlost toktok\nlouse mun; munmun\nlow garos\nlow tide terar kararak; warkin garos;\nwarkin kararak; warkin tararup\n503\n\n\nlukewarm\nmonth name\nlukewarm rangrang\nlungs gawar\nmace sayang bungaun\nmachete sadawak; sedawak\nmachine noise nu\nmackerel tagir\nmagrib magarip\nmaintain keit\nmaize keteles\nmake a hole durma\nmake a sound ar\nmake a stone wall teir\nmake floor kowarara\nmake noise genggalong; rane\nmake rim kangjie\nmake up naubes\nmake bamboo floor pale\nmake a living mencari\nmake soft rarie\nmake; do nawerar\nMalakuli Distrik\nMalay Malai\nmale infant esnemtumun\nmale tree kumkum\nmama mama\nman -ca; -cam; teya\nman; male canam\nmango tree; mango wie\nmangosteen gain\nmangrove tanggor\nmanta ray kamel muradik\nmany imbuang\nmarbles mutil\nmark ut\nmark; recognise naunin\nmark; scar ter\nmarket pasar\nmarriage halar; nika\nmarried kion\nmarried (woman) namgon\nmarrow kangun nerunggo\nmarry kion\nmarungga kai modar\nMas Sewa\nmassage naladur\nmassoi tree masoi\nmast peler\nmat irar; kalifan\nmate naukaia\nmay the sun pull out your liver yuon\nba mintolmaretkon\nmaybe gen; reon\nMbaham people Samuret\nmeasure panggat; ukir\nmeat dagim\nmedicinal plant kerker; kulkabok;\nsebuaror; sunak; taur\nmedicinal.plant tanisa\nmedicine kai; yes\nmedicine man kamanget\nmeet ketemu; nauleluk; rapat\nmemory ingatan\nmen esmumur\nmessy purarar\nmidday daruon; lohar\nmiddle raor\nmiddle finger tanparok raorkadok\nmile (sea-mile) mel\nmillipede wak\nmiss kotipol\nmix campur\nmole merar\nMonday senen\nmoney lolok; pitis\nmonitor lizard iwora\nmonkey leki\nmonth dilurpak\nmonth name hajiwak; robaherpak\n504\n\n\nmoon; month\nnow\nmoon; month pak\nmoonfish; spadefish pak\nmore =taet\nmore; past; higher lebe\nmorning naupar\nmorning prayer saur\nmortar rusing\nmosque masikit\nmosquito kalkalet\nmosquito net kolambu\nmother; aunt; adult woman ema\nmotor motor\nmotor boat jonsong\nmountain top temgerun\nmountain; mainland kolak\nmouth kanggur\nmouth; rim bol\nmove iar; napinda\nmove away dikolko\nmove along path; install; become ra\nmove to side maling\nmove towards land mara; masara\nmove towards sea marua\nmove diagonally up era\nmove; rock teltel\nmuch fakurat; reidak; rein\nmucus marur\nmud paos\nmuezzin mujim\nmug mok\nmurky sea luam\nmushroom kawien\nmust harus\nnail pak; paku\nname in\nnarrow kou\nnaughty kelkam\nnavel lim\nnear kokir; paransik\nneckbone komanggasir\nnecklace kalung\nneed farlu; parlu\nneedle sin\nneedlefish kamuamual\nnegative existential; empty saerak\nneighbour; clan, relatives *teit\nnerite shell os barikbarik; tabuonsal\nnest eun\nnet dari\nnew giar\nNew Guinea Rosewood kayu nani\nnew moon pak talawak\nnews nauwar\nnight saun\nnightjar saramburung\nnine kaninggonie\nninety putkaninggonie\nninety-nine putkaninggonie talin\nkaninggonie\nnipple am belun\nnit mun sunsun\nnod nadou\nnoon yuon nawariri\nnoose dedesi\nnormal biasa\nnorth kuawi\nnorth-west samar\nnose bustang\nnostril bustang posun\nnot good sarouk; tayuon\nnot good at all siamar\nnot know komahal\nnot much reingge\nnot reach; not enough kokour\nnot yet tok; tok tok\nnot; no ge\nnothing ge mera\nnow opatun\n505\n\n\nnumber\npeck\nnumber anka; numur\nnutmeg sayang; sayang tangun\nnutmeg fruit sayang naun; sayang\nteun\nnutmeg garden sayangar\nnypa palm pandoki\noctopus kurera\noffering buoksarun; sinara\noffice gantor\noil ming\nold sawaun; tuaringgiar\nold woman emnem\nold; take long tik\nolder or respected woman enem\non coral terarkeit\non top of; above kerunggo\non/at beach oskeit\nonce wanggon\none epkon; etkon; kieskon; kodak;\nkon; mirkon; naon; narkon; poupkon;\nrurkon; taon; taurkon; tepkon\none hundred reitkon\none more kodaet\none string alkon\none thousend ripion\nOnin people Patipi; Rumbati\nonion lawilawi\nonly hanya\nopen kahetma; nabuka; nasiwik;\npaherma; tangguorma; wirma\nopen limb borma\nopen sea rang\nopened kasawircie; pahercie;\ntangguorcie\nopened wide tororo\nor atau; ye\norange-lined triggerfish kulpanggat\norange-spotted trevally unsor\norchid kamaser\norder panok; sirie\norder; promise panok\norphan tumun miskinden\nother kabas\notherwise mena\nour betel buokpe\nout kol\noutrigger sanggat; saser\noutside *kol; kolko; *talep; talepko\noven ofin; siriar\nover there owa\nowl kumbai; parai\noyster teir\npacked food sansan\npaddle sap; yal; yalyal\npaint cat\npalala kababa\npall-bearing tobutobur\npalm cockatoo fikfika; yakop leirun\npalm oil mingtun\npan panci\npandanus padamual; sililar\npandanus leaf bunga rampi\npants sungsung\npapaya polkayak\nparent in law; child in law ketan\nparrot busbus; kastupi; keir; wororoi\nparrotfish kuotpol; wienar\npart of canoe tar; torak\npart of outrigger keibar\npass kuang\npass on sarakan\npass; go on lewat\npastry kue; kukis\npay newer\npayment newer\npearl shell mustika\npeck natuka\n506\n\n\npeel\nput to bed\npeel kasotma; kawaruan; kawotma;\npes\npeel with knife seser\npeel wood so\npenis us\npeople umat\nperiwinkle shell goras\nperson -et; som; sontum\npestle naloli\npestle for coconut and kanari nut\nrusinggain\npicasso triggerfish uspulpul\npick; weave kajie\npicture gambar\npie rontang\npiece selet; seletkon\npig pep\npili nut kanai\npimples rasemsem\npinch pulma\npineapple kainasu\nplace go; tompat; wais\nplaceholder neba\nplaceholder for names taur\nplane desil; iskap; namandi; pesawat\nplaning tool desil\nplank lat; pawan\nplank in boat gading\nplanks roof kahaminpat\nplant balkawuok; biawas; karek ewun\nsaerak; kies koladok; koya; langsa;\ntabalaki atan; tagir polas; yawarnak;\nyies\nplate pingan\nplay kanggei\npluck parua\nplug ruop; up\nplumb rule kalolang\npoint and touch tubak\npoisonous root used to catch fish tup\npole paden; paden raor\npoles padewaden\npolice pulisi\npond; bay arep\nporridge bubir\npouch lawalawat\npour onto konggareor\npour; dump; spill gareor\nprawn type kiel\nprayer doa; kelelet\nprayers malam\npregnant kaborko\npress naram\nprevent natangkis\nprice pareinun\nprick natukar\nprick on horn suor\nprison lembaga\nprohibition keraira\npromise janji\nprox wane; yuwane\npuddle nam\npufferfish kabasar\npull kasawirma; naseduk; sewa\npull out darua; dorma\npull with force tadorma\npull; drag ramie\npulled out dorcie; tadorcie\npulp mesang\npunch natewa\npupil; eyeball kanggirnar\npus te\npush nadorong\npush; bring deir\nput maraouk\nput away lawat\nput clothespin nagepi\nput to bed namin\n507\n\n\nput up\nrun away from\nput up napasang\nput up wall paran\nquail kokok ladok\nquality kualitek\nquarrel malawan\nqueen leit pas\nquick mon\nquite ko=; nanaun\nrabbitfish mal; maliap; malkesi\nrafter gunting; lepir\nrag yuon\nrain kalis; kalis\nrainbow kalis tanggir\nraised platform paror\nRamadan month tolaspak\nrat siwani; souk\nrattan sol karek\nrays serun\nreach kobes\nread nabaca\nready kalar; siap\nreceive tarima\nrecite nasibur\nrecord kamera\nrecord; catch tangkap\nred kerkap\nred ant karebar\nred onion bawang kerkapten\nreef edge tebol\nremember konenen\nrepent natobat\nreport lapor\nrest istirahat; osie\nreturn nawali; yecie\nribs kirkangkang\nrice pasa\nrice hull; rice plant padi\nrice sieve sarun; uda\nrice package kowar\nridge pole tunggin\nright to; yuor\nright; be righthanded; right hand; right\nside tanbes\nring tanggarara\nring finger tanparok penden\nrinse komurkomur; nasanggur\nrinse mouth kanggursau\nripe iren\nrising tide laur\nritual koramtolma; sayerun\nriver bank perbol\nriver; lake kat\nroad borun\nrock mukmuk; yarpan\nrock hole yarpos\nrock; nod muk\nroll nabulis; wam\nroll pandanus wam\nroof seng\nroof wood sal\nroom kalot\nroot *kiel; kielun\nroot vegetable kalip; teltel\nrope karek\nrotten is; kap; mun\nrough kasar\nrough sea ur temun\nrough side leaf kabor elaun\nround iwang\nroundhead parrotfish wienar tebolkin\nroving coral grouper kabaruap\nkotamtam\nrub, pulverise nakucak\nrub; clean yuon\nrubber tree ror garta\nrudder; helmsman uli\nrun kararu; kiem\nrun away from kokiem\n508\n\n\nrun away with woman\nshade\nrun away with woman girgir\nrun smooth soki\nrun aground narorik; narur\nrun; sail; swim; cycle tiri\nrust wenggam\nsack elkin; goni\nsago sanggeran\nsago flour muap sabur kunun\nsago grub muap sabur sangganun\nsago leaf roof muapsabursanong\nsago palm leaves; palm roof sanong\nsago pancake singgoli\nsago tree muap sabur\nsail kier; kinggir\nsail close to the coast nasangginggir\nsailfish siram\nsalt sira; sira\nsalty dried fish sor sira\nsame newa; sama\nsand os\nsand mound kiel kierun\nsap emun\nsap; latex; gum pol\nsardine yartep\nsarong kadok\nSaturday sabtu\nsaw aragadi\nsay taruo\nsay! taru\nsay; want; think toni\nscabies kapis\nscabies; smallpox sanam\nscale a fish lawuak\nscar patin ter\nscare; order okmang\nscattered; split nasuarik\nschool sekola\nscrape coconut wat kawaren\nscrape; feel itchy koyal\nscratch kaware\nscream arekmang; genggueng\nscrubfowl geries emun\nsea laut; pasier; wilak\nsea bird kaskas\nsea cucumber guap; kariakibi; kibi;\nkibi karek; masing; os kibi; saranggeit;\nsaranggeit kuskapkap; saranggeit\ntaraun; susurofa; taikongkong; unapi;\nwatman; yuyui\nsea current paisor\nsea fern sere kokokteng\nsea sand bayas\nsea snake sileng\nsea urchin tot\nsea-side ak\nseam arat\nsearch sanggara\nsearch fish with light masu\nseason mosun\nsecond husband namun caun\nsecond wife kieun caun\nsee kome\nsee; look kona\nseed dowi; *tang; tangun\nseedling iun\nsejenis kuskus rambu\nsejenis siput gerai kolkemkem\nseldom wanggongon\nsell parein\nsend kama; kiempanait; nakirim\nsense akal\nSeram Rarait\nserve nawan\nseven ramandalin\nseventy putramandalin\nsew pat\nsew leaves gaim\nshade kiek\n509\n\n\nshadow\nsmall child\nshadow git; kiekter\nshake tun\nshark ruar; ruar bodaren; ruar\ntagirigiri; war\nsharp belbel; kang\nsharp rock yar kangkang\nsharpen sie\nshave; scrape sarua\nshearwater kornambi\nshelf rak\nshell daladala; dokadoka; kalsum;\nkerker; ko; mata bulang; rerer; suk;\ntarapa; tel; torpes; weswes\nshin korus\nship kapal\nshirt kabai\nshiver nabobar\nshoal sarit; usiep\nshoe sepatu\nshoot karop; saroum; saroum\nshoot with gun sair\nshore pasierbol\nshore birds with long feet sikekan\nshore, land, inland kibis\nshore.current walalom\nshort tabusik\nshort of breath asokmang\nshoulder bekiem\nshoulder blade bekiemkang\nshout narabir\nshove masoki\nshovel eskop\nshow balaok; naunak; nawarik\nshrimp kokada\nsibling *dun; *kia\nsibling-in-law dauk\nsiblings naukia; naukiaka\nsick kaden lalang; luam\nside -dok; kirarun; *mul; mulun; -pis;\ntai-; tair\nside; kidneys kir\nside; part -kadok\nsideburns sowil\nsieve kurera; teteris\nsign natanda; natekin; naunin\nsignal goby siabor\nsing menyanyi; mirik; nanggan\nsink dare\nsinker lot\nsit meleluo\nsit and do nothing doka\nsix raman\nsixty putraman\nsize ukuran\nskewer kotam; rur\nskewer; stab; fit komain\nskin kulun\nskin dirt lamut\nskinny karaonggis\nsky kisileng\nslacken naluar\nslap with hand nafafat\nslave ke\nsleep min\nslice korot; marum; narari; polas;\npolas\nslide sou\nslimy kanggarom\nslippers sandal\nslippery palawak\nslippery; smooth licing\nslow siktak; siktaktak\nsmall caun; cicaun; kinkin; kinkinun;\ntabaktabak; tumun\nsmall bamboo type lawan\nsmall chainsaw sensur caun\nsmall child tumun caun\n510\n\n\nsmall clam; sea snail\nstay\nsmall clam; sea snail tabuon\nsmall loin cloth kewa\nsmall motor pokpok\nsmall one cicaun\nsmall unripe fruit kaburun\nsmall plug wandiwandi\nsmaller birds of prey tanggal\nsmell gawar; lauk\nsmoke diguar\nsmooth side leaf suolkerun\nsnail nunggununggu; siput babi;\ntabili; yuot\nsnake kip\nsnapped kawarcie\nsnapper tabalam\nsneeze sik\nsnore minggaruk\nso jadi; =tauna; =tenden\nso that eba; supaya\nsoap sabur\nsoft kalawen\nsoft coral lam\nsoft sound sarakmang\nsoft; fine halus\nsoil naun\nsome ikon; taukon; utkon\nson tumun canam\nsong mirik; nyanyi\nsoon tokta me\nsorceress warpas\nsorcery war\nsore patin\nSorong Sorung\nsound ar; nun\nsour mor; mor\nsoursop duran walanda\nsouth tarangin\nspace under a house sabarak\nspatula pesawesa\nspeak ewa; ewawa\nspeak Kalamang Kalamangmang\nspear gala\nspear with one point posiwosi\nspice daun salam; kai manis\nspider pueselet\nspider conch panggal\nspinach bayam\nspine suolkasir\nspine fish tuangga\nspiral coral paisor kesun\nspirit arwa\nspit palom; palom\nspit at koalom\nspit out maouk\nsplit; break parair\nspoiled mais\nspoon sasul; sasul\nspread sangganggam\nspread legs tagarar\nsprinkle kowarwak\nsquash kasabiti\nsqueeze naramas\nsquid konyak\nsquint nasawawi\nsquirrelfish, soldierfish, cardinalfish\nsasep\nstab konamin\nstack nasusun\nstairs but\nstalk *gor; gorun; wierun; wiet\nstand mambara\nstand up usar\nstar maser\nstarfish maser; warkasom\nstarfruit nambiain\nstartle kotarakmang\nstartled tarakmang\nstay gocie\n511\n\n\nsteal\ntawny nurse shark\nsteal eksuet; kuek\nsteam nakukus\nstem *ar; arun; les\nstep panggat\nstep on teitei\nstick sap\nstick onto konawol; nawol\nsticky kopol\nstiff muscles nakabung\nsting sie\nstingray kamel\nstir-fry natumis\nstomach kabor\nstomach illness kabornar\nstomach worm yes\nstone yar\nstone axe lemyar\nstone wall yatal\nstone hole porkang\nstop istop; sansan\nstop; stay telin\nstore; bury mecua\nstory cerita; rer\nstove kamfor\nstraight yuorsik\nstrand sare\nstranded newas\nstranger kolet; somkabas;\nsontumkabas\nstreet istrat; urap\nstretch out soso\nstretch (out) madong\nstring *al; kangkanggarek\nstring.type sawawien\nstripe istrep; leis\nstriped eel catfish kadam\nstrong kuat\nstruggle meresawuo\nstupid boda\nsuck; smoke kosom\nsuddenly move; sudden sound\nurukmang\nsugar don penpen; nasuena\nsugar palm cok\nsugar; white cloth don iriskap\nsummit pang\nsun yuon\nsunday ahat\nSunday hari minggu\nsunrise yuon sara\nsunset yuon daruk\nsurgeonfish karariem; tararar\nswallow dareok\nswear malu\nsweat ruam\nsweep gokabara; kabara\nswim yie\nswollen panggala; ruan\nt-shirt kous\ntable meja\ntable coral ram tomtom\ntaboo; bad luck; offering saier\ntail orun\ntake care of cam\ntake out kolo\ntake from hot tawie\ntalk together garung\ntall ririn\ntamarind tabalaki\nTana Besar Gowien\ntangled sok\nTarak Torkuran\ntaro manadu\ntarpaulin farlak\ntaste narasa; narasaun\ntasty; sweet pen\ntawny nurse shark ruar kanggir\nnungnung\n512\n\n\ntea\ntool\ntea per kerkap; ter\nteach ajar\nteacher guru\ntear masarut\ntears pertam\nteeth gier\ntelephone telpon\ntell cerita; nacerita\nTeluk Buruwai Uninsinei\nten putkon\nten thousand salak\ntenggelele tenggelele\ntens of *put\ntent garumbang\nterrace istup\ntesticles elkin narun\nthat have gone bad tenenun\nthat’s it ma he me\nThe Netherlands Beladar\nthe small one(s) kinkinun\nthen baru; eba; koi; mera; siktak; terus\nthere is mambon\nthermos termus\nthick mawal\nthief eksuet\nthigh kolkiem\nthin samsik\nthin and flat thing *tak; taun\nthing don\nthings; clothes dodon\nthink kona; nafikir\nthirteen putkon ba karuok\nthirty putkaruok\nthirty-four putkaruok talinggansuor\nthirty-one putkaruok talinggon\nthirty-three putkaruok talinggaruok\nthirty-two putkaruok talinir\nthat me\nthis wa\nthorn *kang; kangun\nthorns kangkangun\nthoughts pikiran\nthousand ripi\nthread kawas\nthree karuok; tiga\nthrifty nahimat\nthroat min\nthroat and neck komang\nthrow mudi; muk; walawala\nthrow aside; throw away; drop paruak\nthumb tanparoemun\nthunder godarung\nThursday kamis\ntide warkin\ntidy; balance; clean wood nauanona\ntie kanie\ntie a basket sun\ntied too tight masok\ntight rapat\ntilefish bintulak\ntime oras; waktu; *wan\nto plug narer\nto pour nasirang\ntobacco type sektabai\ntobacco; cigarette tabai\ntoday opa yuwa\ntoenails kortanggalip\ntoes korparokparok\ntomato tamatil\ntomorrow kasur\ntongs kowaram\ntongue belen\ntoo -nan; =sawe; weinun\ntoo heavy nares\ntoo much reidaksawe\ntoo tight langgour\ntoo; any; even =barak\ntool linggis\n513\n\n\ntop\nvery much\ntop keirun; *keit; keitko\ntop shell wel\ntorn sarusarut\ntorresian imperial pidgeon tagurewun\ntortoise kanung; sawarer\ntowel handuk\ntradition adat\ntraditional dance nasula\ntrash warum\ntray talam\ntreat kamang\ntree cam; damar lelak; girawar; kasor;\nsemerlak; watwat; wol\ntree fern iwala\ntree kangaroo taer\ntree stem *tem\ntree stump ror tabur\ntree trunk; base ewun\ntree; wood ror\ntriggerfish kawaram; oronggos\ntrue haidak; saidak; yuor\ntrue conch rer; sengseng\ntry coba; nacoba\nTuburuasa Tuburasap\ntuck in nasuat\nTuesday selasa\ntuna suagi\nturban shell ang\nturmeric barang\nturn barotma; roye\nturn around; circle; play music; wander\nnaurar\nturn back to kosilep\nturn over malaouk\nturtle kerar; tabom\ntusk gelemun\ntusk shell kasom\ntwelve putkon ba eir\ntwenty purir\ntwenty-one purir ba kon\ntwice wanir\ntwig broom sirarai\ntwo eir; -ier\ntwo-pointed spear kasalong\numbilical ovula kaituki\nunable to do alangan\nuncle esa caun; esa temun; mama;\nmama caun; mama temun\nunder elao\nunder side foot korlaus\nunderstand mengerti\nunload nawaruok\nunprocessed wood ror soren\nunripe kalomun; kangguar\nunstuck; be open wiercie\nuntil bo; sampai; sampi\nuntroubled komisternin\nup osa\nup there osatko\nurinate ulur\nurine ul\nuse prayer water natawar\nuse plumb rule kalolang\nuse sorcery war\nuse; wear napaki\nvagina kar\nvase gusi\nvase shell teltel\nvegetable kanggin; kangginwele\nvegetables wele\nvein kaden kies\nveins kaden kieskies\nvenus clam paer\nvery -kaning; =tun\nvery far kahahen\nvery hungry; many hungry people\nmuawesese\nvery much bareireimun\n514\n\n\nvery white\nwing\nvery white iriskapkap\nvery young kalomlomun\nvery edge siepsieun\nvillage building gedung\nvillage; place leng\nvoice suara\nvomit emguk; emguk\nwagtail sika polipoli\nwagtails tatapang\nwaist muler\nwait natunggu; nawanggar\nwake someone up nawarar\nwake up parar\nwalk korgi marmar; marmar\nwalk with big steps panggat\nwall goparar\nwant mau\nwash face kanggisawuo\nwash; bathe waruo\nwashingtub pang\nwashtub bintang\nwasp kier\nwasp nest; beehive gowienkier\nwaspfish kambanau\nwatch kabarua; loncing\nwater per\nwater between roots pearip\nwater container tarapa\nwaterfall perki\nwatermelon tumin\nwave uren\nwavy ureren\nweak kememe\nweak as a result of not eating kaloum\nwear korko\nwear; dress sabur\nweave nadadi\nweave up kowam\nwedding rite welawela\nWednesday roba\nweed masir\nweek; Sunday minggu\nweight watcher kibibal\nwell nabestai\nwest daru; kemanur; kemanurep;\nmunin\nwest-wind season kemanurpak\nwet kamen\nwhale kowam\nwhale shark war pasierkip\nwhat ha; neba\nwhat are you doing nebara paruo\nwheat flour tapong\nwhen waktu; yuol tama\nwhere tamatko\nwhere from tamangga\nwhere to tamawis; tamangga\nwhich one kon tama\nwhisper noknok\nwhistle filoit; wuong\nwhistle-call; message kodi\nwhite iriskap\nwhite gum lerang\nwhite person guarten\nwho naman\nwhy; what nenggap\nwide laus\nwidow paskot\nwidower kamun\nwidow(er) sian\nwife *kiar\nwild ginger sasarem\nwild sugarcane kalap; kusukusu\nwild/forest breadfruit katawengga\nwind ur; yaban\nwindow jendela\nwindow frame kosin\nwing pat; pul\n515\n\n\nwing; fin\nyoung coconut\nwing; fin parun\nwitch, sorcerer sontum warten\nwith a hole in it durcie\nwith that minggi\nwoman pebis\nwomb lawarun\nwomen emumur\nwood langgan\nwood tool panggut\nwood without bark so\nwooden canoe lepalepa\nwoodswallow saria\nwork karajang\nworm iban; subuman\nwounded patin\nwrap karap; kies; kokies\nwrap in cloth kafan; nakafan\nwrasse osmarera\nwring golma\nwrist; finger joints tan kasir\nwrite natulis\nwrong sala\nyam yap seran\nYarpos Kon Yarpos Kon\nyawn gelem\nyear tanggon\nyellow baranggap\nyellow taro pasiem\nyes a’a; esie; ya; yo\nyesterday wis\nyet; still; first tok\nyou know kan; to\nyoung coconut wat kabur\n516\n\n\nAppendix E: Maps\nMap E.1 displays those names mentioned in the traditional narratives (§17.1).\nMap E.2 shows all recorded coastal names of the big Karas island, and a few\nadditional place names. For a bigger version, zoom in on the digital version of\nthis page, or download the map from the Kalamang archive.1\nManiem Os\nBaki Tanggiun / Arabir\nWanim\nTawotkang\nLempuang Emun\nLempuang Tumun\nSaribureun Karimun\nSowir Os\nSilak\nElkorom Os\nTanamera\nYar Dakdak\nMauka Karimun / Lof-lof\nKaringgoris Karimun\nKandarer Karimun\nSui?\nPinggor\n495\nN\n0\n5\nkm\n© Eline Visser 2022\nVillage\nOther place\nPlace in narrative\nFigure E.1: Place names of Karas mentioned in traditional narratives\n1At http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BEC-7.\n\n\nArepner\nPer Kanggus\nTat\nLensiep\nTanggor\nNamandar\nGeries Kol Poukpouk\nBalim\nGos Ketkein\nTanjung Sendiri\nManiem\nBaki Tanggiun / Arabir\nYarpos Kon\nOs Pebis Ruomun\nKALAMANG\nLEMPUANG\nKariari Karimun\nKabuep Lempuang\nWanim\nKasambil\nKabuep\nKota Laut\nSerem\nTawotkang\nEwarong Cicaun\nKadam Yar Karimun\nMulmul Karimun\nTarus\nLempuang Emun\nLempuang Tumun\nSaribureun Karimun\nSewa Karimun\nPinggor Arep\nSewa\nSowir Os\nTamisen\nTorkuran\nTuburasap\nPour\nKiaba\nWarewas\nNarkon Arep\nKarumar Arep\nSilak\nKaman Karimun\nElkorom Os\nTanamera\nNarkon Lempuang\nKarumar Karimun\nSilak Karimun\nYar Dakdak?\nSarum Os\nSileng Belenun?\nBatu Soi/Yarkarangguar?\nWandar Karimun\nSilenggarimun\nPor Per\nSilnam\nYar Kuskapten\nSawaruar Arep\nTata Tanggiun Arep\nKumbauma Ruomun?\nSawalawala\nSek\nKandawerak\nTata Tanggiun Karimun\nKemarum Karimun Keisasam Karimun\nLembitko Karimun\nTambirku\nPoramin\nKalam\nSeng\nYuopyuop\nTatar\nKorkahen\nTabier\nSasam\nTanggiem\nTabortamin\nTamberku\nKanyop\nYarsabet Poyarkarimun\nOstumun\nTamisen Oskol\nOs Tumun / Tara Kapkap Kubirun\nEwarong Temun\nPebis Ruomun Os Pinggor\nSaur Os\nKarimunemun\nTuat Kur Cicaun Os\nMauka Karimun / Lof-lof\nTuat Kur Emun Os\nKemarum Os\nSalulas Lempuang Caun\nPaktan Karimun\nSaulas Os Karimun\nPaktan Lempuang\nKambaruomun Karimun\nPersop Karimun\nBarop\nPosinak Karimun\nKarimurimun\nBarop Karimun\nOstem Os\nPaktan Karimun\nUtun Kewe Sorun Karimun\nKaringgoris Karimun\nMurkin Arep\nTektek Arep\nKasiang Os\nSarik Os\nKambur Munin Os\nKapapet Karimun\nKapapet Arep\nPisor Karimun\nYar Korekten Karimun\nLanggor Os\nTamisen Arep\nLengkarimun? Arep Karimun?\nTarus Sarieng\nPepgor Karimun\nNina Tanggiun Karimun\nMas Karimun\nNina Rasip Taraun Tanggiun\nKamberar\nLapangan\nSar\nSuo\nBaliwawa Anggasun Karimun\nKarpok Karimun\nWanggaruar\nSeiman Os\nKambur\nYar Sepatu\nPebis Ruomun Os\nPadanual Karimun\nKandarer Karimun\nSarip Karimun\nKarotkarot Karimun\nKuek Os\nOra Urun\nSariwas Os\nPinggor\nSalulas Lempuang\n495\n391\nN\n0\n5\nkm\n© Eline Visser 2022\nVillage\nMountain\nos\nkarimun\narep\nlempuang\n(ci)caun\ntemun\ntumun\nemun\nyar\nbeach\ncape\nbay/pond\nisland\nsmall\nbig\n's child (small)\n's mother (big)\nstone\nFigure E.2: Coastal place names of Karas\n518\n\n\nReferences\nAdelaar, Karl Alexander & David John Prentice. 1996. Malay: Its history, role\nand spread. In Stephen A. Wurm, Peter Mühlhäusler & Darrell T. Tryon (eds.),\nAtlas of languages of intercultural communication in the Pacific, Asia and the\nAmericas, vol. 2, 673–693. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter.\nAikhenvald, Alexandra Y. 2014. 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Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons.\n534\n\n\nName index\nAdelaar, Karl Alexander, 34, 35\nAikhenvald, Alexandra Y., 20, 334,\n335\nAmeka, Felix, 20\nAnceaux, Johannes Cornelis, 1, 18\nArnold, Laura, 20, 96, 426\nAustin, Peter K., 19, 20, 30\nBlust, Robert, 68\nBoersma, Paul, 32, 88\nBohnemeyer, Jürgen, 324, 450\nBoomgaard, Peter, 423\nBowerman, Melissa, 450\nBowern, Claire, 20, 22, 25\nBreunesse, Merlijn, 402\nCampbell, Lyle, 20\nCarroll, Alice, 27, 192, 270, 346, 407,\n450\nChafe, Wallace, 450\nChelliah, Shobhana L, 20, 29\nChlenova, Svetlana, 200\nClarkson, Chris, 5\nCoenen, Jules, 18\nCollins, James T., 199\nComrie, Bernard, xi, 33, 50, 353, 404\nCottet, Fanny, 69, 102, 207\nCowan, H., 1, 17, 18\nCruttenden, Alan, 86\nCysouw, Michael, 50\nDahl, Östen, 450\nDe Alessi, Michael, 11\nde Clercq, F. S.A, 6\nDe Reuse, Willem, 20, 29\nde Vries, Lourens, 384, 402\nDefina, Rebecca, 334\nDelsing, Lars-Olof, 223\nDench, Alan, 20\nDi Cristo, Albert, 95\nDiessel, Holger, 402\nDingemanse, Mark, 429\nDixon, R. M. W., 20, 22, 30, 108, 273,\n334, 335\nDonohue, Mark, 34, 103, 117, 378, 381\nDowning, Laura J., 450\nDrabbe, Peter, 280\nDryer, Matthew S, 20, 290\nEberhard, David M., 16\nEgerland, Verner, 223\nEllen, Roy F, 6\nEvans, Nicholas, 20, 270, 450\nEwing, Michael, 50, 51\nFaller, Martina, 395\nFilipović, Luna, 20\nFlassy, Don A. L., 207\nFletcher, Janet, 87\nFoley, William, 399, 404\nFormer department of Linguistics,\nMPI Leipzig, 33\nFrançois, Alexandre, 402\nGasser, Emily, 65\nGawne, Lauren, 450\n\n\nName index\nGiay, Ligia J, 6\nGiglioli, Enrico H., 6, 10, 11\nGil, David, 117, 138, 426, 429\nGippert, Jost, 20\nGoodman, Thomas E, 6\nGray, Russell D., 5\nGreenhill, Simon J., 5\nGrimes, Barbara Dix, 36\nGrimes, Charles, 407\nGrinevald, Colette, 207\nHaiman, John, 397\nHajar, Nova, 34\nHall, Tracy Alan, 101\nHamann, Silke, 101\nHammarström, Harald, 18, 203\nHaspelmath, Martin, 20, 111, 117, 269,\n296, 333, 334, 372\nHayashi, Makoto, 403\nHayes, Bruce, 85\nHellwig, Birgit, 96\nHeston, Tyler, 95, 103\nHille, J. W. van, 6\nHimmelmann, Nikolaus P., 19, 20, 25,\n87, 92, 247\nHirst, Daniel, 95\nHovdhaugen, Even, 402\nHuber, Juliette, 95, 180, 322\nJensen, Adolf Ellegard, 423\nJun, Sun-Ah, 87\nKamholz, David, 4\nKang, Beom-Mo, 168\nKelly, Barbara F., 450\nKhasanah, Miftakhul, 11\nKimball, Geoffrey D., 288\nKlamer, Marian, 20, 23, 50–52, 223,\n277\nKluge, Angela Johanna Helene, 20,\n34, 68, 117\nKönig, Ekkehard, 372\nKratochvı́l, František, 20, 108\nKrifka, Manfred, 317, 399\nLadd, D. Robert, 86, 87, 92\nLambrecht, Knud, 318\nLe Cocq d’Armandville, Cornelius\nJoan. Franc., 199\nLeipzig Valency Classes Project, 450\nLeupe, P. A., 6, 11\nLevinson, Stephen C., 181, 182, 450\nLichtenberk, Frantisek, 395, 396\nLilipaly-de Voogt, Ada, 423\nLindström, Eva, 95\nLoughnane, Robyn, 95\nLovestrand, Joseph, 333\nMatić, Dejan, 399\nMax Planck Institute for Psycholin-\nguistics,\nThe\nLanguage\nArchive, Nijmegen, 31\nMayer, Mercer, 26, 407, 450\nMiestamo, Matti, 305, 306\nMithun, Marianne, 124, 261\nMusan, Renate, 317, 399\nNakayama, Toshihide, 20\nNiggemeyer, Hermann, 423\nNæss, Åshild, 402\nOdé, Cecilia, 96\nOlsson, Bruno, 143, 354, 356\nOlthof, Marieke, 261\nOzerov, Pavel, 399\nPaauw, Scott, 34–36\nPannell, Sandra, 423\nPawley, Andrew, 18, 20\n536\n\n\nName index\nPederson, Erik, 450\nPepper, Steve, 450\nPierrehumbert, Janet, 86\nPodlesskaya, Vera I, 431\nPrentice, David John, 34, 35\nPrentice, Jack, 35\nPringle, Robert, 11\nPütz, Martin, 20\nReesink, Ger, 334\nRehg, Kenneth L., 20\nRemijsen, Bert, 95\nRice, Keren, 20\nRoberts, John R., 288\nRobidé van der Aa, Pieter Jan Baptist\nCarel, 6, 7, 11, 17\nRoss, Malcolm, 18\nRubino, Carl, 117, 121\nSallabank, Julia, 20\nSawaki, Yusuf, 117\nSchachter, Paul, 144, 146\nSchapper, Antoinette, 18, 20, 50, 52,\n53, 103, 108, 163, 203, 277,\n315, 322, 333\nSchultze-Berndt, Eva, 395\nScott, Graham R., 34\nSeifart, Frank, 20\nShopen, Timothy, 20, 144, 146, 304\nSIL International, 31\nSinger, Ruth, 191\nSkopeteas, Stavros, 450\nSmits, Leo, 1\nSneddon, James Neil, 395\nSollewijn Gelpke, J. H.F., 6\nSurrallés, Alexandre, 299\nThieberger, Nicholas, 20\nUnterladstetter, Volker, 322, 334, 359\nUsher, Timothy, 18, 108\nvan den Berg, René, 450\nvan der Auwera, Johan, 143, 307, 354\nvan Minde, Don, 34\nvan Oostendorp, Marc, 68\nvan Staden, Miriam, 334, 450\nVerstraete, Jean-Christophe, 395\nVeselinova, Ljuba, 310, 354, 450\nVisser, Eline, 17, 19, 25, 32, 36, 60, 67,\n142, 152, 175, 190, 199, 200,\n248, 261, 280, 305, 407, 437,\n451\nVoorhoeve, C. L., 1, 18\nWälchli, Bernhard, 186\nWedgwood, Daniel, 399\nWeenink, David, 32, 88\nWichmann, Arthur, 6\nWidjojo, Muridan Satrio, 6\nWilkins, David, 181, 182, 240, 450\nWright, Duncan, 5\nYoon, Kyung-Eun, 403\nZsiga, Elizabeth C., 68, 97\n537\n\n\n\n\nLanguage index\nAmele, 288\nArguni, 4\nBaham, see Mbaham\nBedoanas, 4\nBuruwai, 4\nDutch, 36, 303\nErokwanas, 4\nFordata, 280\nGeser-Gorom, 4, 16, 65, 199, 200, 280,\n419\nIha, 4, 5, 16, 18, 108\nIndonesian, 34, 280\nIrarutu, 4\nJavanese, 16\nKamberau, 4\nKemberano, 4\nKoasati, 288\nMalay, 34, 280\nMasiwang, 199\nMbaham, 4, 5, 18, 69, 102, 108\nMoluccas, 4\nMuna, 16\nOnin, 4\nPapuan Malay, 16, 34, 68, 280\nSekar, 4\nSeramese, 419\nTanahmerah, 4\nUruangnirin, 2, 4, 5, 62, 199, 200, 280\nWatubela, 199\nYamdena, 280\n\n\n\n\nSubject index\nLinguistic concepts that were not used for the analysis of or do not occur in\nKalamang are listed with an asterisk (*) and a reference to a relevant section or\nchapter.\nablative, see postposition, lative\naccusative, see alignment\nactive verb, 130\nadjective*, 46, 130\nadverbial modifier, 363\naffix, 112\nagriculture, 11\nalienability, 51, 152–155, 157, 195, 197,\n220, 222\nalignment, 46, 283\nallative, see postposition, lative\nambient clause, see zero-intransitive\nclause\nambitransitive verb, 285\nanimacy, 41, 188\nantonym, 290\napplicative, 45, 80, 273\napposition, 136, 146, 375\napprehensive, 352, 395\nargument, 130\ncore, 142, 283\nperipheral, 142, 151\narithmetic operation\nfraction, 209\narticle*, 40, 229\naspect, 48, 319, 321, 353–360\nassibilation, 101\nassimilation, 38, 99, 106, 113\nassociation, 43, 225\nassociative plural, 201, 226\nasyndetic conjunction, 375\nattribute, 46, 129, 131, 138, 157, 166\nnominal, 157\npredicative, 130, 170\nAustronesian, 4, 5, 49, 68, 204\nloan, 62, 199, 254, 268, 279, 377,\n382\nAutosegmental Metrical phonology,\n86\nauxiliary*, 341\nbase, 112\nbenefactive, 288\nbinominal, see compound\nbirth, 8, 268\nbivalent clause, see transitive clause\nborrowing, 34\nbotany, 11, 21\ncalling, 108\ncase*, see postposition\ncausative, 45, 189, 259, 275–279, 288,\n330, 333, 338\nclassifier, 206–209\nclausal modification, 341\nclause\nsubordinate, 391\nclause combining, 375–391\n\n\nSubject index\nclause-chaining, 51, see asotail-head\nlinkage384, 388\nclimate, 2\nclitic, 113\nclusivity, 40, 51, 135, 187, 190, 315\ncode switching, 30, 34, 35\ncolour term, 299\ncolour terms, 299\ncommand, 304\ncomparative, 290\ncomplement clause, 391\ncompletive, 359\ncompound, 51, 82, 160–164, 168, 225,\n261\nconditional, 243, 306, 346, 351–352,\n361, 372, 383\nconjuction\nasyndetic, 375\nconjunction, 146–147, 416\nadversative, 146, 379\nconcessive, 383\nconsequence, 380\ndisjunctive, 147, 378\nsequential, 147, 377\nconsonant, 37\nconstituent order, 283\nconsultants, 21\ncontent question, see question-word\nquestion\nconventionalised question, 301\nconversation, 26, 87, 116, 177, 301,\n394, 413, 424\ncoordination\nnominal, 185\ncopula*, 46, 292\nclause, 140, 229\ncorpus, 19, 25–31, 407, 447\ncount noun, 135, 155–156, 210\ncursing, 262, 435\ndebuccalisation, 97\ndefiniteness*, 40, 229\ndegemination, 100\ndegree adverbial, 365\ndemonstrative, 43, 105, 133, 140–142,\n169–170, 229–251, 262, 380\nanaphoric, 241, 247\ndistal, 239, 390, 402\nelevational, 141, 142, 248\nfar distal, 245\nin discourse, 243\nlocal, 181\nmanner, 325, 371, 391, 404\nmanner, quality, quantity, de-\ngree, 232\npostposition, 233\nproximal, 236\nspatial, 236, 239, 245\ntemporal, 238, 241\ndemonstrative clause, 294–295, 308\ndependent verb, 327\ndeterminer*, 40\ndialect*, 17\ndictionary, 21, 30, 32, 152\ndiphthong, 72\ndirect speech, 391\ndiscourse, 36, 234, 247, 316\ndistributive, 45, 118, 138, 140, 165, 213,\n214, 265, 266, 272, 279, 360\nditransitive clause, 46, 286–290\ndual, 102, 135, 187, 415\ndurative, 45, 118, 266, 324\nEast Indonesian languages, 49, 359\nEast Nusantara languages, see East\nIndonesian languages\nelevational, see demonstrative\nelicitation, 25\nelision, 47, 97, 314\n542\n\n\nSubject index\nobject, 316\nsubject, 314\nendangerment, language, 13\nequational clause, 293\nequative, 296\nergative*, 46\nethnography, 7\nevidential*, see clausal modification\nexogamy, 12, 16\nfable, 407\nfear, 395\nfiller, 149, 382, 431\nflagging, see postposition\nfluency, 13\nfocus, 49, 93, 145, 192, 223, 236, 240,\n285, 300, 317, 370, 380, 404–\n406\nintonation, 93\npronominal, 135, 192, 269\nfoot, 85\nformal speech, 201, 410\nformula, 30, 418\nformulaic expression, 419, 424\nFrog story, 26, 407\ngender, 51, 53, 159, 161\ngender*, 208\ngenealogical affiliations, 17\ngeography, 2\nlinguistic, 4\nghosts, 25\ngive-construction, 46, 288–290, 326\nglossary, 451\nglossing conventions, 32\nglottal stop, 100, 109\ngossip, 435\ngrammatical\ncategory,\nsee\nword\nclass\ngreeting, 146, 183, 424\nhabitual, 118, 264–266\nhabitual aspect, 45\nheadedness, 40, 160, 162\nhiatus resolution, 99\nhistory, 5\nhortative, 304\niamitive, 48, 115, 143, 256, 307, 354,\n391\nidemative, 297\nidentifying clause, 293\nideophone, 429\nimperative, 92, 102, 156, 180, 255, 258,\n279, 304, 319, 347\nin situ, 145, 300\nindefinite pronoun, 214\nnegation, 313\nindexing, see person marking\ninformal speech, 201, 435\ninformants, see consultants\ninformation structure, 36, 399–406\nintensification, 45, 86, 118, 149, 212,\n264, 426\ninterjection, 116, 147–149, 312, 352,\n355, 391, 392, 394, 425–431\nphonology, 108\ninterrogative, 144\ninterrogative clause, 300–304\nintonation, 86–96, 109, 185, 302, 307,\n363, 375, 384, 394, 427\nintransitive clause, 130, 285\nirrealis, 344, 346\njuxtaposition, 375\nkinship, 7, 13, 41, 152, 156, 195, 218,\n222\n543\n\n\nSubject index\nlanguage acquisition, 13\nlanguage documentation, 19\nlanguage shift, 15, 31\nlength, 85\nlenition, 38, 96–97, 111, 125, 225, 275,\n279\nlocation, 118, 145, 153, 165, 225, 237,\n240, 246, 248, 273, 275, 295,\n330, 347\nlocation clause, 295–296\nmanner, 48, 364\nMelanesian languages, 52, 163\nmetathesis, 51, 102, 190\nmirative*, see clausal modification\nmodality, 360–363\nmode, 48\nmodifier\nadverbial, 143\nmodifier word, 130\nMoluccas, 200, 280, 423\nmonovalent clause, see intransitive\nclause\nmood, 48, 319, 344–353\nmorpheme, 111\nmorphophonology, 96\nunresolved features, 102\nmotion, 322\nmythology, 407\nnames\nnicknames, 200\npersonal names, 13, 41, 151, 183,\n186, 200, 405, 413\nplace names, 2, 152, 159, 163, 181,\n221, 411, 423\nteknonymy, 200, 220, 226\nnarrative, 21, 25, 407–423, 427\nbackground, 411\nclosing, 420\nopening, 410\nparticipant tracking, 413\nstructuring, 416\nnarrative, traditional, 26\nnegation, 51, 305–313, 319, 350, 357\nlexical, 310\nnon-verbal clause, 308\nnegative polarity, 313\nnominal clause, 293–294\nnon-declarative clause, 300–305\nnon-final, 48, 255, 387–391\nnon-verbal clause, 292–299\nnondum, 48, 143, 307, 350, 354\nnoun, 133–135, 151–166\nclassification, 208\nrelational, 153\nnoun derivation, 157–166\nagentive, 159\ncompounding, 160\ndistributive, 165\nextremity, 165\nnoun-to-noun, 165\nplural, 164\nverb-to-noun, 157\nnoun incorporation, 44, 261, 334\nnoun phrase, 39, 113, 133, 134, 142,\n166–185\nNP, see noun phrase\nnumber\npronominal, 190\nnumeral, 134, 138–140, 146, 156, 167,\n168, 190, 194, 203–210, 295,\n379, 413\napproximate, 215\ncollective, 206\nordinal, 206\nreduplication, 122\nstress, 82\n544\n\n\nSubject index\nobject, 133, 137, 319, 385\nobject omission, 316\nonomastics, 195\nonomatopoeion, 159\northography, 32, 116\npalatalisation, 101\nPapuan\n(non-Austronesian)\nlan-\nguages, 5, 17, 49, 95\nparallellism*, 51\npart-of-speech, see word class\npart-of-whole, 153\nparticle, 115\npassive*, 45, 51, see clausal modifica-\ntion\nperception verb, 391\nperfect, 354\nperson address, 195, 201\nperson marking, 44, 347, 360\nperson reference, 187–202\nphoneme, 37\nphonemes, 55, 102\napproximants, 63\nconsonants, 55\nfricatives, 62\nglides, 63\nlateral, 64\nnasals, 60\nstops, 58\ntrill, 61\nvowels, 65\nphonotactics, see syllable structure\npicture-matching task, 21, 25, 192,\n237, 246, 270, 272\npitch, 75, 87, 109, 312, 394, 397, 426,\n429\npitch accent, 87\nplace names, 505\nplaceholder, 144, 226, 431\nplural\nnominal, 118, 156, 164, 197\npronominal, 98, 135, 187, 392,\n414, 415\nverbal, 279, 347\npolar question, 301, 307\nintonation, 89\npolarity, 319\npolite speech, 201, 410\npossession, 40\nnominal, 166\npronominal, 169\npossessive, 41, 194, 217–227\npossessor-possessum order, 51, 219\npostposition, 39, 51, 113, 134, 135, 142,\n145, 174–185, 284, 405\nanimate lative, 183\nanimate locative, 183\nbenefactive, 178\ncomitative, 146, 157, 176, 185, 328\ninstrumental, 178\nlative, 182, 296, 330\nlocative, 179, 295, 322, 330\nobject, 175, 432\non demonstratives, 233\non pronouns, 189\nsimilative, 179, 296, 297, 323\npostpositional phrase, 39, 167, 174,\n399, 404\nposture, 337\nPP, see postpositional phrase\nprecautionary, 395\npredicate, 113, 253, 292\ncomplex, 47, 129, 145, 259, 262,\n268, 277, 278, 289, 295, 319–\n339, 347, 348, 350, 365, 378\npregnancy, 8, 182, 425\nprenasalisation, 51, 98, 102, 107, 211\npreposition*, 51\n545\n\n\nSubject index\nprogressive, 358\nprohibitive, 255, 258, 307, 320, 349\npronoun, 40, 135–137, 187–195\nfocus, 192\nquantifying, 192, 194\nrestricting, 192\nproper nouns, 151\nproperty verb, see modifier word\nprosody, 74–96\nclause-final, 375\nprospective, 346\npublic speech, 30\nquantifier, 134, 137–140, 167–169,\n203–215, 309, 322, 366, 433\ninflection, 212\nnon-numeral, 210–212\nquantifier clause, 295, 400\nquantifier object, 167, 215\nquestion word, 144–146, 431, 433\nquestion word question, 144\nquestion-word question, 90, 300\nquestionnaire, 7, 19, 28, 87\nquotative marker, 392\nrecipient, 286\nreciprocal, 45, 80, 269, 281, 338, 432\nrecording, 31\nreduplication, 118, 138\nnouns, 164–166\nnumerals, 138, 213\nphonology, 117–124\nstress, 84\nverbs, 44, 264–267, 279, 360\nreflexive, 45, 192, 267\nrelative clause, 173\nreligion, 10\nrepetition, 115, 123, 143, 263, 264, 341,\n363, 370, 371, 384, 416–418,\n425\nreported speech, 391\nrequest, 92\nresultative, 338\nritual, 8, 274, 296\nroot, 70, 112\nschwa, 68\nsequential, 387\nserial verb construction, 51, 333\nasymmetrical, 335\nsymmetrical, 334\nshooing away, 108\nsimilative, 297\nsimilative construction, 297\nsimple clause, 283\nsocio-economy, 7\nsociolinguistics, 13\nsong, 30, 418\nspeech verb, 391\nspell, 418\nspelling, see orthography\nstandardised phrase, 424\nstative intransitive verb, 118, 120,\n264, 266, 285, 338\nstative verb, see modifier word\nstimulus, 26, 247, 270, 407, 418, 420\nvideo, 28\nstress, 38, 74–85\nsecondary, 77\nsubject, 133\nswearing, 262, 435\nswitch reference*, 51\nsyllable, 70\nsyllable structure, 38, 51, 69–74, 78\nconsonants, 71\nvowels, 72\ntail-head linkage, 314, 384, 416\ntemporal adverbial, 366\n546\n\n\nSubject index\ntense*, 344\ntheme, 286\nthree-participant clause, 130\nthree-participant event, see ditransi-\ntive clause\ntime adverbial, 397\nTimor-Alor-Pantar\nlanguages,\n95,\n108\ntone*, see prosody\ntopic, 49, 236, 240, 292, 317, 390, 397,\n399–404\ntoponyms, see place names\nTrans New Guinea, 18, 102\ntransitive clause, 130, 285\ntransitivity, 257\ntrivalent\nclause,\nsee\nthree-\nparticipant clause\nuntil, 324\nvalency, 45, 267, 284\nvariation\nphonemic, 64, 69\nsyntax, 314\nvelarisation, 99\nverb, 129–133\ndependent, 48, 392\ndirectional, 259\nirregular, 44, 102, 254\nverb derivation, 261–267\nverb phrase*, see predicate\nvocative, 109, 201, 349, 429\nvoice, 267\nvoice onset time, 60\nvoice*, 51\nvoicing, 38, 99\nvolitional, 346\nvowel, 37\nvowel laxing, 37\nvowel reduction, 68\nvowel sequence, 72\nWallacea, linguistic, see East Indone-\nsian languages\nWest Bomberai, 5, 18\nwh-question,\nsee\nquestion-word\nquestion\nword, 111\nword class, 129–149\nwordlist, 451\nwriting system, see orthography\nyes/no question, see polar question\nzero-intransitive clause, 290\n547\n\n\n\n\nA grammar of Kalamang\nThis book is a grammar of Kalamang, a Papuan language of western New Guinea in the\neast of Indonesia. It is spoken by around 130 people in the villages Mas and Antalisa on\nthe biggest of the Karas Islands, which lie just off the coast of Bomberai Peninsula. This\nwork is the first comprehensive grammar of a Papuan language in the Bomberai area. It\nis based on eleven months of fieldwork. The primary source of data is a corpus of more\nthan 15 hours of spoken Kalamang recorded and transcribed between 2015 and 2019.\nThis grammar covers a wide range of topics beyond a phonological and morphosyn-\ntactic description, including prosody, narrative styles, and information structure. More\nthan 1000 examples illustrate the analyses, and are where possible taken from naturalis-\ntic spoken Kalamang. The descriptive approach in this grammar is informed by current\nlinguistic theory, but is not driven by any specific school of thought. Comparison to\nother West Bomberai or eastern Indonesian languages is taken into account whenever it\nis deemed helpful.\nKalamang has several typologically interesting features, such as unpredictable stress,\nminimalistic give-constructions consisting of just two pronouns, aspectual markers that\nfollow the subject, and the NP and predicate – rather than the noun and verb – as im-\nportant domains of attachment.\nThis grammar is accompanied by an openly accessible archive of linguistic and cul-\ntural material and a dictionary with 2700 lemmas. It serves as a document of one of the\nworld’s many endangered languages.\n9 783961 103430\nISBN 978-3-96110-343-0","difficulty":"easy","domain":"Long In-context Learning","length":"long","question":"Translate the following kalamang into english: terus ter-nan koyet inier tamu kon misis wis. Which of the following translations is correct?","sub_domain":"New language translation"}

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