{"kind":"task","effective_mode":"full","benchmark":{"kind":"benchmark","effective_mode":"full","slug":"longbench-v2","formal_name":"LongBench v2","introduction":"LongBench v2 evaluates deep understanding and reasoning over long contexts through multiple-choice questions. Its official description lists 503 questions spanning tasks such as single-document and multi-document QA and code-repository understanding.","introduction_ja":"","introduction_en":"","category":"Category not supplied","task_count":null,"acquisition_status":"Acquisition status not supplied","official_url":"https://huggingface.co/datasets/zai-org/LongBench-v2","indexing_mode":"noindex","profile":{"resources":[],"task_format":"","scoring":"","metric":"","size":"","answer_access":"","license":"","citation":"","maintainer":"","released":"","why_hard":"","related":[]}},"task_id":"cc734c72-0287-5fa9-ab0c-0b068a715a00","task_key":"train--67040276bb02136c067cd8ae","task_revision_id":"3","upstream_id":"67040276bb02136c067cd8ae","short_description":"In the context of Islamic inheritance law, where the shares of male and female…","config":"","split":"train","body":"{\"choice_A\":\"Implementing educational programs for both genders about Islamic inheritance laws may create awareness and lead to a gradual shift in societal attitudes, ultimately fostering gender equity.\",\"choice_B\":\"Enacting laws that allow for equal shares of inheritance based on the economic contributions of heirs can challenge traditional interpretations and promote a more equitable legal framework, while still being grounded in Islamic principles.\",\"choice_C\":\"A complete overhaul of the existing inheritance laws is necessary to align with feminist legal theories, as they argue that any legal framework supporting gender disparities is inherently unjust.\",\"choice_D\":\"Incorporating feminist perspectives into the interpretation of Islamic law can provide a more nuanced understanding of gender roles, suggesting that such reinterpretations might be selectively applied based on the socio-economic context of the heirs.\",\"context\":\"The Islamic Legal Provisions for Women’s Share in the \\nInheritance System: A Reflection on Malaysian Society\\nRaihanah Abdullah\\nUniversity of Malaya, Malaysia\\nWirdati Mohd Radzi\\nUniversity of Malaya, Malaysia\\nFuadah Johari\\nUniversiti Sains Islam Malaysia (USIM), Malaysia\\nGolam Dastagir\\nUniversity of Malaya, Malaysia\\nAbstract\\nCharacterized as divinely ordained, the Islamic law of inheritance defines women’s \\nrights to property of the deceased with specific roles and responsibilities for each \\nindividual. Obviously, the Islamic law of inheritance is a major contribution to the \\nlegal system of the world, compared to the customary laws in the pre‐Islamic Arab \\nsociety that denied any proprietary right by way of inheritance to female relatives \\nincluding daughters. However, the jurisprudential inquiry into the legal nature of \\ninheritance rights of women entails a close analysis of various factors, including \\nthe contemporary socio‐economic conditions of Muslim women. This paper revisits \\nthe historical and social aspects of the Islamic legal provisions with regard to in-\\nheritance rights in an effort to determine if the legal provision has merits to be \\nimplemented in light of the changing socio‐economic conditions of women in \\nMuslim majority states. It argues that a much clearer position that reflects the chang-\\ning role of women needs to be postulated, though the challenge is to determine \\nwhether the Islamic epistemological position allows any room for restructuring the \\nIslamic legal provision from the perspective of the current situation of Muslim \\nnations such as Malaysia. An examination of the position of Muslim women’s rights \\nto property on the basis of the ontological, epistemological, and methodological \\naspects of legal rulings in Islam prompts us to call for a novel method of thinking, \\nunderstanding, and implementing the Islamic inheritance provisions against the back-\\ndrop of the present globalized but stereotyped Muslim world. To that end, it con-\\ncludes with the suggestion of enacting what can be called in modern terms “by‐laws” \\nwithin the Islamic framework in juxtaposition with the existing law of Islamic society \\nin general, and that of Malaysia in particular.\\nKey words\\nMuslim women, inheritance law, Islamic law, Malaysia\\n\\n\\n30  ❙  Raihanah Abdullah⋅Wirdati Mohd Radzi⋅Fuadah Johari⋅Golam Dastagir\\nIntroduction\\nWomen in modern times occupy a large percentage of the workforces \\nin management and professional positions. With the rapid development \\nof global economy more women tend to be moving away from their \\ntraditional roles of housewives and childcare providers to identify them-\\nselves as professionals and wage earners in order to eke out additional \\nincome for their families, a role which even a few years ago rested sole-\\nly upon men’s shoulders in Muslim nations. According to the \\nInternational Labour Organization (ILO), the number of women in the \\nlabour market will increase from 38 percent in 1970 to over 41 percent \\nby the year 2020 (A. Omar & Davidson, 2001).\\nIt is noted that women’s participation in the global workforce is a di-\\nrect response to the increasing pressure of modernized society, which \\nis dominated by what may be called ‘capitalist economy’ and \\n‘industrialisation’ (Giddens, 1990), ‘rationalization’ (McClennan, 1992) \\nand even ‘secularization’ (Hamilton, 1992). Put simply, this is \\n‘modernity,’ which Eisenstadt (1966) cited in Kiely & Marfleet (1998) as \\n“The process of change towards those types of social, economic and \\npolitical systems that have developed in Western Europe and North \\nAmerica” (Eisenstadt, 1966, p. 1).\\nEisenstadt’s definition suggests that for societies to be ‘modern’ and \\n‘developed,’ nation states or societies must initiate a changing process \\nreflecting the social, economic and political systems such as those found \\nin the Western world. Interestingly, religious matters as a facet of social \\nlife are being discussed more openly in recent years in the context of \\nthe changing patterns of modern social and economic life. As one of \\nthe fastest growing religions in the world today (Nagata, 1994), Islam \\nis concerned with issues that need reconsideration. Muslims believe that \\nIslam is not just a religion but also a complete social order and ‘a way \\nof life’ for them. However, more often than not, Islam is charged with \\nnot holding a favourable position for women, though Hashim (1999) re-\\nmarks that “…although these charges are levelled at all major religions, \\nIslam in particular has a reputation for being ‘anti‐woman’ and for sup-\\nporting a segregated social system where women are economically and \\npolitically marginalised” (Hashim, 1999, p. 7).\\nMuslim scholars generally disagree with such a view, arguing that the \\n\\n\\nAsian Women 2014 Vol.30 No.1  ❙  31\\nQur’ān provides for equal rights of both sexes. Muslims are normally \\nsuspicious of feminist movements, for they see feminists’ emphasis on \\nequal rights as opposed to the Islamic notion of the complementary \\nroles and functions of both sexes, with corresponding rights and duties \\nthat they believe further reflect each sex’s particular strengths and weak-\\nnesses (Hashim, 1999). The changing political borders and the aftermath \\nof modernization processes (for instance through the colonization of \\nmany Third World countries in the modern period) pose further di-\\nlemmas for nation‐states with predominantly Muslim population to \\nmaintain the Sharīʿah as the law of the land against the onslaught of post\\n‐colonialist, Western legal systems. In effect, it is the legal system that \\nis one of the most controversial issues in Islam, particularly with regard \\nto the gender problem. The constitutions of many Muslim states have \\ninherited a marked legacy from the Western imperialists and Islam is of-\\nten declared as the ‘Official Religion,’1 but with no real legal jurisdiction \\nover the life of Muslims.  However, Muslims can draw from the Sharīʿah \\nlaw directly concerning personal and family matters, such as marriage \\nand divorce, settlement of divorce (property), guardianship of infants \\nand children, conversion and other non‐public matters. In some coun-\\ntries, Islamic criminal law is being practiced and enforced. Interestingly, \\nMuslim women are, perhaps unsurprisingly, most affected by the admin-\\nistration of this selective implementation of Islamic personal laws as well \\nas Islamic criminal law. Many feminist movements in Muslim societies2 \\nseem to have arisen from the reaction of Muslim women over the \\n‘injustices’ they have undergone for ages under the law in question \\n(Abdullah & Khairuddin, 2009).\\nMuslim Women’s Rights to Inheritance (Mirath)\\nIn the pre‐Islamic Arab world, women in general were deprived of \\nfundamental human rights, except for those with high status. John L. \\n1 Such as the case of the Malaysian Constitution; Article 2 proclaims in effect that Islam is \\nthe official religion of the Federation although other religions are not hindered from being \\npracticed. \\n2 A vast number of works had documented the ‘plight’ of women in predominantly Middle \\nEastern Muslim societies. See for example Riphenburg 1998; Stowasser 1998; Roded 1999.\\n\\n\\n32  ❙  Raihanah Abdullah⋅Wirdati Mohd Radzi⋅Fuadah Johari⋅Golam Dastagir\\nEsposito (2001) has shared the views of other scholars and argued that \\nthe status of women was inferior during the Jahiliyyah (literally meaning \\n“ignorance”) period. The inferior status ascribed to women during this \\nperiod was evident through the practices and customs of the Jahiliyyah \\npeople in matters concerning family and social life.3 During the pre‐\\nIslamic period, the customary laws in Arab society did not allow female \\nrelatives including daughters to enjoy any proprietary right by way of \\ninheritance. Not only that, but the wife was completely deprived of any \\nright whatsoever in the property of her deceased husband, not to men-\\ntion, cognates, who were totally excluded. The Qur’ān has indeed clearly \\nprovided a respectable status to women. Fazlur Rahman (2003) explains \\nthis as follows:\\nThe teaching of the Qur’ān on the subject of women is a part \\nof its effort to improve the condition of, and strengthen the \\nweaker segments of society in pre‐Islamic Arabia–orphans, \\nslaves, the poor, women, etc. – segments which had been \\nabused by the stronger elements in the society.4\\nIslam introduced some outstanding changes in the Arab world includ-\\ning changes that improved the dignity of women. Of the major im-\\nprovements over the customary Arab laws some important features in-\\nclude a female’s right to inheritance, a widow’s inclusion in the in-\\nheritance law, and a daughter being an heir, etc. It is often argued the \\ngoal of the reforms brought about by the Qur’ān is to ensure that  \\nwomen are not victimized.  Of course, these reforms have raised the \\nstatus of women by establishing certain rules and regulations in relation \\nto the family institution.5 This shows that the Qur’ān did not introduce \\n3 Esposito, John L., Women in Muslim Family Law, pp. 14-15; Stowasser, B.F., “The Status \\nof Women in Early Islam,”  in Freda Hussain (ed.), Muslim Women, Croom Helm, 1984, \\np. 15; Fazlur Rahman, “Status of Women in the Qur’ān,” in Guity Nashat (ed.), Women \\nand Revolution in Iran, Westview Press Inc., 1983, p. 37.\\n4 Rahman, Fazlur, “Status of Women in the Qur’ān,” in Guity Nashat, Women and Revolution \\nin Iran, p. 37.\\n5 Ali, Ameer, The Spirit of Islam, p. 227. See also Esposito, John L., Women in Muslim Family \\nLaw, p. 13.\\n\\n\\nAsian Women 2014 Vol.30 No.1  ❙  33\\npolygamy but rather reformed the practice.  As for the legal inheritance \\non the women, four verses of the Surah an‐Nisa’ of the Qur’ān are of-\\nten quoted, these being 4, 11, 12, and 176. Of these, the verse seven \\nstates that (Ibn Kathir, 2000):\\nUnto the men (of a family) belongeth a share of that which \\nparents and near kindred leave, and unto the women a share \\nof that which parents and near kindred leave, whether it be \\nlittle or much–a legal share (Q. IV, p. 7).\\nThe aforesaid verse precisely reveals to us that Islam provides a legal \\nprovision for women on the rights of inheritance. Furthermore, the \\nmale must provide his bride with a matrimonial gift, and this usually \\ntakes the form of tangible or intangible property, which shall belong to \\nthe wife, even if she happens to be divorced in her later life. In sum, \\na married Muslim woman’s financial rights are ascertained from a variety \\nof sources on many contingent conditions – her dower (mahr) at the \\nstart of her married life, full maintenance during her married life and \\nshare of inheritance from her family, which excludes her share from her \\nhusband’s property as well as the unique provision of Harta \\nSepencharian (Malay: property jointly acquired) for Muslim women in \\nMalaysia (Abdullah, Martinez, & Radzi, 2010). Thus, the Muslim wom-\\nen’s right to property tends to be equitably secured.\\nIslamic Legal Provisions for Muslim Women’s Share in the Inheritance \\nSystem\\nThe Islamic legal provision for inheritance is a complicated law. \\nIslamic law of inheritance ordains the share of inheritance, which an \\nheir is entitled to, as a predetermined percentage. For instance, the \\nwife’s share is determined at  of a portion of the property, if the de-\\nceased husband left no child and  shares if the deceased left a child. \\nThere are six portions preordained in the Qur’ān cited as fractions of \\n, , , ,  and  (Wan Harun, 2006, p. 82). The much‐talked about \\nsource of this share system lies in two verses of the Qur’ān (IV, pp. \\n11‐12), the first of which states: \\n\\n\\n34  ❙  Raihanah Abdullah⋅Wirdati Mohd Radzi⋅Fuadah Johari⋅Golam Dastagir\\nGod (thus) directs you as regards your children’s (inheritance): \\nto the male, a portion equal to that of two females: if only \\ndaughters, two or more, then their share is two‐thirds of the \\ninheritance; if only one, her share is a half. For parents, a sixth \\nshare of the inheritance to each, if the deceased leaves \\nchildren; if no children, and the parents are the (only) heirs, \\nthe mother has a third; if the deceased leaves brothers (or \\nsisters) the mother has a sixth. The distribution in all cases is \\nafter the payment of legacies and debts. Ye know not whether \\nyour parents or your children are nearest to you in benefit. \\nThese are settled portions ordained by God… (Q. IV, p. 11).\\nThere is no doubt that the Qur’ān lays down the policies of how the \\nwomen will inherit deceased persons’ property. However, the con-\\ntroversial rule is that the female share is half the male, except for the \\ncases in which the mother receives a share equal  to that of the father. \\nThe majority of the culama rationalize that in order to understand the \\nreason behind the rule one must take into account the fact that a hus-\\nband or a male’s financial obligations surpass those of the female. In \\nIslam, the man is believed to be primarily responsible for his family–in \\nall matters of daily necessities right up to the family’s safety, security \\nand future. In addition, the man is also responsible for the welfare of \\nhis parents, as well as other female members of his family for as long \\nas they remain unmarried. Islam does not deprive any inheritor of their \\nlegal right to property. As there is provision for women, so is for men \\nas to the right to property of the deceased, though there is a difference \\nof ratio between them (Fattah, 2004, p. 1121). As for the clarity of the \\ndistribution of property, the Qur’ān also lays down:\\nIn what your wives leave, your share is a half, if they leave no \\nchild; but if they leave a child, ye get a fourth; after payment \\nof legacies and debts. In what ye leave, their share is a fourth, \\nif ye leave no child; but if ye leave a child, they get an eighth; \\nafter payment of legacies and debts. If the man or woman \\nwhose inheritance is in question, has left neither ascendants \\n\\n\\nAsian Women 2014 Vol.30 No.1  ❙  35\\nnor descendants, but has left a brother or a sister, each one \\nof the two gets a sixth; but if more than two, they share in \\na third; after payment of legacies and debts; so that no loss \\nis caused (to any one). Thus is it ordained by Allāh (Q. IV, \\np. 12).\\nIn the above distribution system enshrined in the Qurсān, which is an \\ninjunction by definition of Islamic law, an important provision is “…af-\\nter payment of legacies and debts.” It is also to be noted that in the \\npassage “In what ye leave” and in the clause “…if ye leave a child,” \\nby the term “ye” is meant “husbands.” On the other hand, the term \\n“they” in the passage “…if they leave no child” is directed at “wives.” \\nOn the basis of the above verses, shares of the predetermined heirs \\ncould be categorized as follows in Table 1.\\nTable 1 Epistemological Evidence of Inheritance Shares Based on the Qur’ān \\n(IV, p. 11‐12)\\nShare Portion\\nEpistemological Evidence from the Qur’ān\\nGod (thus) directs you as regards your children’s (inheritance): to the male, a portion \\nequal to that of two females \\nif no children, and the parents are the (only) heirs, the mother has a third\\nif only daughters, two or more, their share is two-thirds of the inheritance\\n \\nbut if they leave a child, ye get a fourth; after payment of legacies and debts\\nif the man or woman whose inheritance is in question, has left neither ascendants nor \\ndescendants, but has left a brother or a sister, each one of the two gets a sixth\\nif ye leave no child; but if ye leave a child, they get an eighth; after payment of legacies \\nand debts\\n[Wan Harun, (2006, p. 82), with slight modification]\\nAs can be seen from the above, there are twelve sharers in number: \\nhusband, wife, father, mother, daughter, son’s daughter, true grand-\\nfather, true grandmother, full sister, consanguine sister, uterine sister, \\nand uterine brother. The gender‐based classification of these sharers as \\nmale and female, shows that the female heirs outnumbers the male \\nones, as the former are eight in number, while the latter, only four. \\n\\n\\n36  ❙  Raihanah Abdullah⋅Wirdati Mohd Radzi⋅Fuadah Johari⋅Golam Dastagir\\nFurthermore, all these twelve sharers can be categorized as primary heirs \\nand secondary heirs. Among the twelve sharers five heirs are never ex-\\ncluded and they belong to the primary category of heir. They are hus-\\nband, wife, father, mother, and daughter. On the other hand, seven \\nheirs may be totally excluded under certain circumstances, and thus they \\nbelong to the secondary category of heir. They are true grandfather, true \\ngrandmother, son’s daughter, full sister, consanguine sister, uterine sister, \\nand uterine brother. However, of the twelve sharers, son’s daughter, \\ngrandfather and grandmother are not explicitly mentioned in the Qur’ān; \\nrather, they are added to the list as substitute heirs on the basis of \\nal-qiyās (similarities between the new and the old cases treated in either \\nthe Qur’ān or Ḥadīth) introduced in the source of fiqh (Islamic juris-\\nprudence) during the era of the Righteous Caliphs (632‐661).\\nSo, we see that all legal female heirs are essentially predetermined por-\\ntion (furudh); for instance, a daughter will get ½ of the inheritance, \\nwhereas several daughters will inherit ⅔ of the property. This contra-\\ndicts the legal heirs that inherit through casabah (undetermined) shares \\napplied to such cases in which the share portion is not predetermined \\nand the heirs shall inherit only after all predetermined portions (furudh) \\nhave been disposed of and there remains a surplus of the inheritance \\nproperty left (Wan Harun, 2006, p. 84). \\nAnalyzing the above verses, Jalaludin as‐Sayuti (2004, p. 194) articu-\\nlates the reason behind the revelation (casabah an‐Nuzul) of these partic-\\nular verses (11‐12) of Surah an‐Nisa’. According to him, during the \\nJahiliyyah period, inheritance was not distributed to women or to sons, \\nwho were not adults, or old enough to go for war.  The case of cAbdur \\nRahman (a kin of Hasan bin Thabit) – a famous poet, can be cited here. \\nWhen he passed away, he left behind a wife, Ummu Kuhhah and five \\ndaughters. The relatives of the deceased came to claim rights over his \\nproperty. Ummu Kuhhah came to see the Prophet about the matter and \\nsubsequently these particular verses were revealed to  the Prophet in re-\\nlation to the inheritance rights of daughters. Another example was cited \\nby Jalaludin as‐Sayuti (2004, p. 194) narrated by Ahmad, Abu Daud, \\nTirmizi and al‐Hakim, which tells about the wife of Saad bin Al‐Rabi, \\nwho came to the Prophet and said: “O Messenger of God, these two \\ngirls are the daughters of Saad bin Al‐Rabi who has fought alongside \\nyou in the Battle of Uhud and become martyred in the said battle. The \\n\\n\\nAsian Women 2014 Vol.30 No.1  ❙  37\\nuncle of the two girls has come and taken his entire legacy with nothing \\nleft.” The Prophet thus said, “God will determine His Laws.” As such, \\nthe verse eleven of Surah an‐Nisa’, which elucidates laws concerning he \\ninheritance shares for women, was revealed to the Prophet. This shows \\nthe practical necessity of the revelation of Islamic laws.\\nThat said, Islamic inheritance laws are undoubtedly a very complex, \\ncomprehensive, and to some extent, confusing system of share \\napportionment. Explaining the matter for clarity, Souaiaia (2008) further \\ndivides the classes of heirs into three:\\n(1) Those inheriting fard shares; (a) three males (father, grandfather, \\nand maternal brother); (b) seven females (mother, grandmother, \\ndaughter, the daughter of the son, sister, paternal sister and ma-\\nternal sister); \\n(2) Those inheriting casabah shares; (a) the deceased’s issue (son and \\nson of the son downwards), (b) the deceased’s ancestor (father \\nand grandfather upwards), (c) the deceased’s father’s issue (full \\nand half uncle downwards), and (d) the deceased’s grandfather’s \\nissue (great full and half uncles downwards);\\n(3) Those inheriting neither fard nor casabah shares such as son of the \\ndaughter, daughter of a brother, son of a sister and paternal and \\nmaternal aunts (Souaiaia, 2008, p. 63).\\nIndeed, the heirs of a deceased person specified in Islam can be of \\nthree types – sharers, agnatic heirs, and uterine heirs or distant kindred. \\nThe sharers, as mentioned before, tend to stand top on the priority list \\nof property distribution, as they hold twelve in number, though they are \\ncategorized as primary and secondary heirs. But their shares are specifi-\\ncally fixed in the Qur’ān. Then the remaining property will be dis-\\ntributed among the casabah or agnatic heirs, who get the residue. In con-\\ntrast, the uterine heirs or distant kindred may be eligible for the prop-\\nerty, if and only when, the above‐mentioned two groups are absent, save \\nthe spouse. These are blood relations, but are neither sharers, nor re-\\nsiduaries for, instance, daughter’s children, children of son’s daughter. \\nAlthough these classes are already to receive a predetermined share, as \\nChaudhry (1998, p. 530) explains it as follows:\\n\\n\\n38  ❙  Raihanah Abdullah⋅Wirdati Mohd Radzi⋅Fuadah Johari⋅Golam Dastagir\\n…not all possible heirs always inherit; some classes may \\nexclude others, and some heirs within a class may exclude \\nothers within the same class. However, the spouse, parents, \\nand children of the deceased cannot be excluded, although \\ntheir shares may be decreased by the existence of more heirs.\\nAs for the Qur’ānic distribution of shares between male and female, \\nAhmed Souaiaia  (2008, p. 66) comments that this formula, although it \\nseems to be “‘mathematically sound,”’ raises a few questions, most nota-\\nbly on the issue of the general applicability of this legal rule in all cir-\\ncumstances (such as the existence of other first class heirs). This leads \\nto the issue of diminished share of female heirs due to the existence \\nof other first class heirs. In what appears to be perceived inequality, \\nSouaiaia (2008) further claims that the Qur’ānic exegetes provides a \\nnumber of justification:\\nFirst, they said that women did not have to fight in wars and \\nwork outside to provide for the family. Men did: They fought \\nmore and worked more and he who works more and spends \\nmore (on the family) is in greater need for more; hence, the \\nlarger share in terms of inheritance. Secondly, they argue, men \\nare more complete and more qualified to hold religious and \\npolitical positions…Therefore, he who possesses such traits is \\ndeserving of more awards (Souaiaia, 2008, p. 67).\\nIt is widely argued that the right to inheritance is justified by the dou-\\nble shares for men because of man’s greater economic responsibility in \\nthe family system (Shah, 2006). Souaiaia (2008) further claims that these \\njustifications are based neither on primary, nor on secondary sources of \\nthe Sharīʿah, but rather on deductive reasoning to “justify their under-\\nstanding of the verses dealing with inheritance.” Similarly, Shaheen \\nSardar Ali (2002) also contends that the perceived inequality of women’s \\ninheritance rights is due to the fact that women are not the provider \\nof households‐ unlike men, who are specifically instructed by the Sharīʿah \\nto do so. In addition, Ali also mentions that a woman may opt not to \\n\\n\\nAsian Women 2014 Vol.30 No.1  ❙  39\\nshare her financial resources with her husband even if the husband is \\ndestitute. What she owns is heirs to dispose off according to her wishes \\nand she is not obligated to share it with her husband. Another justifica-\\ntion for the diminished share of women in inheritance is the fact that \\nat the start of the marriage contract, the husband is required to provide \\ndower (mahr) to the wife (Ali, 2002, p. 73). During the Prophet’s time, \\nit was solely a man’s responsibility to spend money on his wife, chil-\\ndren, and other relatives (sisters, widows) and a woman was under no \\nobligation to spend money on her family. Islam says that she gets less \\nthan a man to be spent on herself and also may keep her own property \\nwithout spending it on her household.  That women will inherit a small-\\ner share, not because of their gender, but because of their economic \\ncontribution seems to be a sound argument. In the same vein, we argue \\nthat if women contribute equally to the family men are not burdened \\nby discharging lion’s share financial responsibilities. Furthermore, the \\nQur’ān also allows us to make bequests for women in order to prevent \\neconomic injustice.\\nReconsidering The Islamic Legal Provisions for Muslim Women’s \\nShare in the Inheritance System\\nAs more Muslim societies and nations are responding to globalization \\nand modernization through changes in socio‐economic and socio‐legal \\nsystems, there have been numerous calls by various sectors of the \\nMuslim societies to reconsider the legal rulings, especially in light of the \\nabove justifications. Ali (2002), for instance, argues that the situations \\ndescribed above are subject to changing realities of a society, as well as \\nthe socio‐economic circumstances of the present day, and are therefore \\nweak justifications. She also questions whether men are always the bread\\n‐winners of families as there are many instances in which cases women \\nare put in the position as the head of the families and have to take on \\nthe responsibility and meeting entire household expenses, such as the \\ncase of single mothers or widowed women. On the justification of \\nwomen receiving a dower that diminishes her right of inheritance, Ali \\n(2002) goes on to say that it is often the case whereby the amount of \\ndower stipulated in the marriage contract is invariably less than the \\nequivalent share in inheritance.\\n\\n\\n40  ❙  Raihanah Abdullah⋅Wirdati Mohd Radzi⋅Fuadah Johari⋅Golam Dastagir\\nIt is clear that Islam has determined a precise share for woman in \\nthe Islamic inheritance system. Based on 2:1 share between male and \\nfemale, we may claim that one‐third of the entire wealth of an economy \\nis to be owned by the women. However, there is a strong prejudice \\nagainst the social and economic role of women. The share of women \\nto inheritance becomes meaningful only when their right to own their \\nshare is ensured. It is now time for the Muslim jurists to reconsider \\ntheir set of biased assumptions from the perspective of the 21st century, \\nso that the wealth, that the law of inheritance transfers to women, is \\nnot reversed to men on one pretext or another. And for economists, \\nthe necessity of reconsideration of the oft‐applauded redistribution role \\nof the law of inheritance lies in good‐will. Until the law of inheritance \\nis conceived in a non‐contradictory social setting the redistribution ef-\\nfects of the law of inheritance may be accepted with serious reservation \\n(Khan, 1989).\\nLegal Reconsideration in the Changing Perspective\\nTo a Muslim, Islam is not just a ritualistic set of beliefs and norms; \\nrather, it a well‐formulated system of law that applies to states and their \\nsubjects. Notwithstanding, it is the worldview of the universe, within \\nwhich a Muslim lives and conducts his/her daily activities. Islamic law \\nhas both moral and legal values embedded in its provisions. However, \\nthe expression of limitations is traceable in the Scriptures. These tend \\nto function as the check and balance placed on the human endeavor \\nof freedom to secure, if necessary, “a scheme of ordered liberty” and \\nto prevent arbitrary and despotic limitations on human freedom \\n(Ramadan, 1961, p. 46).\\nIslamic law is unique in the sense that there are parts of Islamic law \\nthat are self‐explanatory in nature. However, there are also aspects that \\nare enforceable by some sort of external forces such as education, train-\\ning programmes, character building, changing people’s mindset, and the \\nlike. Furthermore, a Muslim society may require mobilization of public \\nopinion, the general will of the society, enactment of new provisions in \\nconformity with the Sharīʿah law for the betterment of women in ques-\\ntion, as we believe, a substantial part of the Islamic system of law can \\noperate only through the coercive powers and authority of the state. \\n\\n\\nAsian Women 2014 Vol.30 No.1  ❙  41\\nThus, not only the Qur’ān and the Ḥadīth, but ijtihād (individual reason-\\ning in accordance with the Sharīʿah principles), ijmāс(consensus), and qiyās \\n(similarities) as well have been recognized as significant sources of \\nIslamic law. \\nSome argue that there are two distinct areas within which the Islamic \\nlaw operates; the religious, ritual and devotional (cibadah) matters and \\nthe human relational (mu’amalah) matters (Chaudhry, 1998). The laws in \\nrelation to cibadah matters are fixed and unchanging;, in contrast, the \\nlaws in relation to mu’amalah matters are subject to, insofar as it is al-\\nlowed, reinterpretation and the exercise of individual reasoning (ijtihād) \\naccording to the changing situations and corresponding needs of the \\nsociety. \\nHowever, any change to the Islamic law, according to Chaudhry \\n(1998) is subject to certain conditions, most importantly, that the change \\nmust not violate the general objectives of the law itself while preserving \\nthe well‐being of the community and the individual. Applying this con-\\ncept to the changing conditions of the Muslim society on the issue of \\nwomen’s share in inheritance, the determination of the objectives of the \\nlaw is paramount. The law on maintenance of family requires that a \\nman must be responsible for the family’s sustenance. The objective of \\nthe law is clear, that is, to protect the well‐being of the family. Women \\nassuming responsibility for maintaining the family does not preclude the \\nmale members of the family from doing their part. However, with this \\nchange in the social demographics becoming more prevalent due to a \\nvariety of reasons, the Muslim society must reconsider the fact that the \\nwomen are not entrusted with the responsibility in the first instance and \\nmust then conceptualize a new provision to facilitate these new roles of \\nMuslim women. This in no way abrogate the original function of the \\nmale members of the society but  is a legal recourse to address the per-\\nceived injustice in the distribution of inheritance shares. The Muslim \\npolicy makers are thus entrusted with the task to formulate a system \\nthat will facilitate Muslim women who had to assume the roles of men \\nin the society, especially in the economic sense. It may take on a variety \\nof forms, even as a form of penalty against the men for failure to pro-\\nvide for the women members of the society.\\n\\n\\n42  ❙  Raihanah Abdullah⋅Wirdati Mohd Radzi⋅Fuadah Johari⋅Golam Dastagir\\nMethodological Reconsideration in the Changing Perspective\\nGiven the socio‐cultural pattern of the Arab society in which the \\nIslamic law was enacted, it may be argued that the discourse of owner-\\nship relies on its utility rather than its actual possession (Hasan, 1995). \\nSome argue that the fundamental problem in Islamic economy is not \\nthe limited economic supply due to the unlimited demand for it (Arif, \\n1985). Rather, the fundamental issue in Islamic economy is the fact that \\neconomic resources are a trust (amanah) from God to mankind and the \\nquestion of how this responsibility should be properly managed to ob-\\ntain success (al‐falah). Arif goes on that property or economic resource \\nin Islam is a form of trust from God in that even though man appears \\nto own it physically, the real function of a man is to become a trustee \\nto the property on earth. As such, in Islam, material wealth alone is not \\nguaranteed for the attainment of success, if the way in which the prop-\\nerty is obtained is through a process that is abhorred by God (Kader, \\n2001, p. 4).\\nIn this context, let us have a look at the methodological approach \\nthat attempts to reconcile the requirements of a modern life with the \\nestablished legal provisions – a system that postulates the position of \\nwomen as heirs. This can be formulated through paradigmatic dis-\\ncussions from an Islamic perspective as follows:\\n1. Ontological position: What is out there to know? What do we be-\\nlieve constitutes the social reality?\\n2. Epistemological position: What can we know (the theory of knowl-\\nedge) and how can we know what we know?\\n3. Methodological position: How can we go for acquiring that knowl-\\nedge?\\nFrom the ontological point of view, what we believe constitute the \\nsocial reality in Islam must be based on the primary sources (the Qur’ān \\nand the Ḥadīth). We accept this being an unequivocal social reality \\nbased on the concept of Tawḥīd (the Oneness of God) [Qur’ān, XX:6]. \\nThe verse has an ontological evidence of the totality of ownership  \\nthat belongs to God as described earlier by Arif (1985). Similarly, the \\nontological evidence of the provisions that secure inheritance for wom-\\n\\n\\nAsian Women 2014 Vol.30 No.1  ❙  43\\nen has been discussed in the previous sections, which was through the \\nverses 11‐12, Surah al‐Nisa’. Epistemologically, based on the said verses \\nas well as the casabah an‐Nuzul, the socio‐economic conditions within \\nwhich the women during the Prophetic times operated are vastly differ-\\nent from the modern women in the global village of modern society. \\nModern Muslim women are more actively pursuing economic activities \\nand owning material wealth. This goes back to the ontological position \\nabout the ownership of material wealth that was discussed in the pre-\\nvious section. In Islamic economy, as mentioned earlier, the question is \\nabout the total ownership of matters that belong only to God.\\nBased on this analysis, we may suggest a paradigmatic position for \\nMuslim women’s inheritance shares. As table 2 illustrates.\\nTable 2 Islamic Paradigmatic Positions on Women’s Inheritance Shares\\nParadigmatic Positions\\nIslamic Paradigmatic Positions\\nOntological \\nPosition\\nWhat is out there to know? What \\ndo we believe constitutes the \\nsocial reality?\\nOur social reality is based on the \\nconcept of Tawḥīd (the Oneness of \\nGod)\\nEpistemological \\nposition\\nWhat can we know (the theory \\nof knowledge) and how can we \\nknow what we know?\\nWe know this based on the primary \\nand secondary sources of the Islamic \\nLaw\\nMethodological \\nposition\\nHow can we go for acquiring \\nthat knowledge?\\n∙ Islamic‐based model of methodology\\n∙ New interpretation (ijtihād)\\nThat circumstances necessitate new interpretation (ijtihād) of Islamic \\nlaw by jurists is not new in Islam. For example, the introduction of the \\ndoctrine of “awol” along with that of “radd” can be cited here. This \\ndoctrine is not mentioned in the Qur’ān and Ḥadīth, nor was it present \\nduring the time of the Prophet MuÍammad. Rather, this was introduced \\nby a companion during the time of Caliph ʿUmar Ibn Khaṭtāb  (born 586 \\nCE) by way of ijtihād, which afterwards turned into a “by‐law” by ijmāс. \\nThe term “awol” literally means “increase.” If the sum total of the \\nshares exceeds the unity after distributing all the legal shares, then there \\narises the case of “awol,” in which situation the share of each sharer \\nwill be decreased proportionately. For example, if there are two full sis-\\nters and a husband, their shares will be reduced to 3/7 and 4/7. The \\ncase of “radd,” literally meaning “return,” entails a situation in which \\n\\n\\n44  ❙  Raihanah Abdullah⋅Wirdati Mohd Radzi⋅Fuadah Johari⋅Golam Dastagir\\nthe sum total of the shares becomes less than the unity. What happens \\nis that the residual property is returned  in proportion to the sharers \\nagain.\\nThe Malaysian Muslim Women Scenario\\nMuslim women comprise half of the current Malaysian workforce \\nalongside Muslim men, sometimes becoming the major bread winner of \\nthe family, a position  occupied traditionally by men. The question at \\nthis juncture is: with the change of time, roles and responsibilities of \\nwomen, will the Islamic rights to inherit properties change that are phil-\\nosophically based on the position of women as the manager of the \\nMuslim household and not the provider?\\nMalaysia is a moderate Muslim majority country with a federalist sys-\\ntem of democratic government. Essentially, the highest law of the land \\nis the Federal Constitution, which is clearly secular in its orientation and \\nimplementation. However, the Sharīʿah is still in practice, although it is \\nrelegated to the Muslim Personal Laws. Special Islamic Courts systems \\nare also in place, which are separated from the civil Courts of \\nJudicatures. Malaysia is unique in that for a decidedly secular constitu-\\ntional nation‐state, the administration of Muslim personal affairs, the \\nSharīʿah is applicable through the canonization of Islamic legal principles \\nin various Enactments and Ordinances. It must also be pointed out that \\nthe affairs of Muslims are under the jurisdiction of each and every State \\nRulers. \\nWomen have long been a major source of human capital in Malaysia, \\ntoiling in the fields alongside men during the pre‐independence Malaya \\nand evolving into production‐line workers within the manufacturing sec-\\ntors, as the nation became more industrially focused (Kaur, 1999; R. \\nOmar, 1994). Today, many could be found working outside of home, \\nbe it in urban or rural areas (Foley, 2004; R. Omar, 2003). Women have \\nequal rights to vote and are entitled to equal pay compared to men for \\nan equal amount of work. In 2004, women constituted 47 percent of \\nthe total Malaysian labour force participation (Employment Summary \\nStatistics, 2005). Islamic identity is fairly visible and intimately inter-\\ntwined with the Malay ethnic culture. In fact, many of the traditional \\nMalay cultural artefacts have been considerably changed, if not replaced \\n\\n\\nAsian Women 2014 Vol.30 No.1  ❙  45\\ntotally by Islamic religious symbols (Haque, 2003). The following is a \\nbrief historical description of Malay women.\\nIn feudal times (circa 15th century AD), the Malays were generally div-\\nided into two groups: the ruling elite/aristocracy and the peasantry. \\nWithin this social structure, the roles of women were determined ac-\\ncording to the social stratum. The noble ladies did not partake physically \\nin any economic activities outside their palaces although many are \\nknown to have invested their wealth in the business sector through in-\\ntermediaries, and such women appear to have shared their own in-\\ndependent income at the time. They were more concerned with bringing \\nup the next generation of aristocracy and were sometimes involved in \\nthe politics of the palace. The peasant ladies were more actively in-\\nvolved in economic activities outside of their homes, such as engaging \\nin property owning activities that were provided for them through Islam \\nand the Malay Adat (customs), agriculture and trade.\\nIn this respect, although on the rise, women’s contribution was not \\nconsidered a productive output as it is measured by using the modern \\nand capitalistic gauge called‘money.’ Ariffin (2000) argues that this is the \\nmain reason behind the presumed ‘inactivity’ and ‘passive’ nature of \\nMalay Women in pre‐independence times. It is not the case that they \\nwere not actively engaged in employment or work; rather, it is because \\ntheir efforts to contribute to the national economy were not sufficiently \\nrecognized and rewarded. The patriarchal nature of Malay society was \\nevident in terms of providing educational opportunities for women, and \\ninfluenced the nature of women’s involvement in external economic \\nactivities. The presumption loomed large that Malay women were just \\ngoing to tend the family land, so there was no need to educate them. \\nRather, education was a privilege reserved for the Malay males who \\nwere traditionally responsible for moving away from home to work and \\nsucceed.\\nHowever, things have changed in the post‐independence period. With \\nthe structuring of education systems, more women are now entering in-\\nto and graduating from schools. Since then, as more opportunities have \\nbeen made available for the masses to participate in the education sys-\\ntems more women in general and Malay women in particular have \\nbenefited. Ariffin (2000) adds that the side effect of the ‘revolution of ris-\\ning expectations’ among the educated women also plays a part in encour-\\n\\n\\n46  ❙  Raihanah Abdullah⋅Wirdati Mohd Radzi⋅Fuadah Johari⋅Golam Dastagir\\naging more women to educate themselves and to seek for better em-\\nployment opportunities, securing financial stability and independent \\nstandard subsistence for these women. The nation’s economic develop-\\nment and the shift of emphasis from primary to secondary industry also \\ngenerated a diverse range of employment prospects for women. The \\nMalaysian Economic Reports 1999-2010, which give a detailed account of \\nlabour force participation and employment ratio between female and \\nmale for a decade, illustrate that women in the workforce are close to \\nhalf of the active male working population.\\nMalaysian women have equal access to education with more of them \\nstudying in local universities compared to men (R. Omar, 2003). The \\ntotal number of women in professional, managerial, and administrative \\npositions is steadily increasing annually, although these women are large-\\nly confined to the teaching and nursing professions or what Omar \\n(2003) defines as ‘soft subjects’ or professions (R. Omar, 2003). This \\nshows that while women play an important role in sustaining the coun-\\ntry’s human capital pool, the gender division of labour does still exist. \\nWhile the women workforce facilitates the nation’s economic growth es-\\npecially in the unskilled or semi‐skilled sectors, these very sectors render \\nthe women workforce to be generally secondary (Kaur, 1999).\\nAlthough women could be said to have a comfortable status in \\nMalaysia, there are still areas that could be improved upon. With policies \\nthat are sensitive to the needs of women in general, the government \\ncontinues to find ways that could further assist women in general and \\nMalay women in particular. The establishment of the National Advisory \\nCouncil for the Integration of Women in Development (NACIWID) is \\nan example of some of the governmental efforts towards that end. \\nWomen play a major role in the development of the newly industrialised \\nMalaysian nation. However, the legacy of patriarchal society and \\nWestern segmentation of women could not be totally abolished. As a \\nresult, many women are still burdened with double taxing, dual‐role re-\\nsponsibilities – at home and in office, and with little choice, they are \\nexpected to soldier on, whatever the circumstances. Thus, it is widely \\nargued that the position of women in Malaysia should be improved es-\\npecially with a good, women‐friendly legal system, and the im-\\nplementation of just “Family and Personal Laws” that provides higher \\nfinancial security and better legal protection than what Malaysian women \\n\\n\\nAsian Women 2014 Vol.30 No.1  ❙  47\\ncurrently enjoy.\\nConclusion\\nCompared to the pre‐Islamic laws of the Arab world, Islam not only \\nintroduced the concept of economic empowerment of women, but also \\nensured a wife’s right to her  deceased husband’s property. However, \\nIslamic law of inheritance clearly makes a  distinction between male and \\nfemale in terms of their portion of property, despite the fact that it does \\nnot make any distinction between male’s property and female’s property. \\nNotwithstanding, as against the other legal systems of disposal of prop-\\nerty by way of making arbitrary ‘will’ that may lead to deprivation of \\nblood relatives and favoritism of strangers, Islamic system of inheritance \\ndevelops what may be called fair policies rather than laws, broadly \\nspeaking, toward the goal of establishing fairness and social justice.\\nSince Muslim women have been playing an important role in the de-\\nvelopment of Muslim nations in recent years regardless of their pur-\\nsuance of paid or unpaid employment and other economic activities, it \\nis important that their financial position be secured, in every circum-\\nstance, by Islamic law. Unfortunately, this is always not the case. The \\nshare of inheritance is based on the Qur’ānic provisions that assigned \\nspecific portions based on the classes of heirs. Epistemologically, the \\nshare of inheritance seems to be fixed with no room for arbitrary ex-\\nercise of testamentary power unlike the system that prevailed in the pre‐\\nIslamic Arab world. However, methodologically, the changing socio‐eco-\\nnomic conditions of women prompt the Muslim society to reconsider \\nan Islamic‐based methodology with scope of reinterpretation (ijtihād) to \\nresolve the issues of perceived injustice in the distribution of inheritance \\nshares. It may be possible to suggest a system that supports the women \\nwho assume the role and responsibility of the men as provider of \\nhousehold. This could be based on the ontological concept of total \\nownership of wealth by God, which renders responsibility and trust \\nalongside the physical ownership of material wealth. Women, who as-\\nsume the roles and responsibilities of men, are also considered as trust-\\nees of God’s property, and, therefore, are in need of support, especially \\nfrom the Muslim community, to be able to continue carrying out the \\ntask of providing financial support for the family. This concept of trust \\n\\n\\n48  ❙  Raihanah Abdullah⋅Wirdati Mohd Radzi⋅Fuadah Johari⋅Golam Dastagir\\n(amanah) must be understood clearly by the Muslim society, so as to en-\\nsure that everyone can be relied upon to play a proper role and respon-\\nsibility for the benefit of the Muslim community that itself needs \\nchanges within.\\nWhile the women’s workforce facilitates a nation’s economic growth \\nespecially in the unskilled or semi‐skilled sectors, particularly in develop-\\ning Muslim countries like Indonesia, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, the \\nMuslim majority nations are yet to acknowledge and accept women’s \\ncontribution with dignity. As such, Malaysian Muslim society in general \\nand Muslim women in particular must be aware of the challenges and \\ndevelopment of the local and global economy in order to address those \\nchallenges and apply the best developmental practices in their own lives \\nto ensure that these individuals become financially self‐sustaining. To \\nthis end, we might think of what can be called the “hibah” (voluntary \\ngift) model, in which the parents may plan and manage their property \\nbefore death in such ways that all children may receive equal dis-\\ntribution of wealth. But since Islam does not support an “arbitrary will \\nsystem,” the parents may provide circumstantial evidence under which \\nthe “hibah” might be justified. Our second model designates the claim \\nof inheritance through the court proceedings in which the aggrieved \\nparty, basically the daughter, may claim a major portion of her parents’ \\nproperty, alleging that her brother (son of the deceased parents) misera-\\nbly failed to discharge his responsibilities required by the Qur’ān. This \\nmodel can be called “fadhāl” – the “additional share,” and would require \\nthe daughter, the claimant, to prove in the court with circumstantial evi-\\ndence that the son of the deceased parents neglected his responsibilities \\nto support their parents and the family financially, socially, physically, \\nand emotionally. Subject to the court’s verdict in her favor, the daughter \\nmight be entitled to an equal or even the whole share of the inheritance. \\nBoth the models apply to the case of the “victimized” daughter – the \\nformer before, and the latter after, the death of the parents.  Since the \\nQur’ānic justification of inequality of women’s inheritance rights is more \\nconcerned with recognizing the economic contribution to the family \\nthan it is with wrangling over the gender issue, the time has now come \\nto revisit and readjust this provision in the wake of empowerment op-\\nportunities of women entrepreneurship that helps them shoulder family \\nresponsibility with substantial financial contribution. This involves a \\n\\n\\nAsian Women 2014 Vol.30 No.1  ❙  49\\nnumber of factors, such as individual needs, socio‐economic conditions, \\ndiscursive reasoning, mental readiness, changing patriarchal mindset, and \\nso on.\\nThus we argue that since there are scopes of formulating new “by‐\\nlaws,” as in the cases of “awol” and “radd” in the wake of the necessity \\nof changing circumstances, the Islamic‐based methodology provides \\nroom for reinterpretation of law on the basis of need in changing sit-\\nuations and must be enhanced and encouraged among the Muslim com-\\nmunity in an effort to effectively apply the Islamic law in Malaysia, \\nwhere though women play an important role in sustaining the country’s \\nhuman capital pool, the gender division of labor is shrouded in the pat-\\nriarchal nature of the Malay society. Given the changing socio‐economic \\ncondition in the 21st century with dramatic increase in women’s empow-\\nerment and financial liability in Muslim societies, the Muslim jurists are \\nrequired to show a rare forward‐looking flair as a way out to resolve \\nthis age‐old issue by virtue of qiyās, ijmāс, and ijtihād in the milieu of \\nurfu (local customs and traditions), istihsān (juristic preference of appro-\\nval), and maslah al-Mu’salah (benefits acknowledged by the Sharīʿah) with-\\nout violating the Qur’Énic injunctions. However, as Amina Wadud puts \\nit, no theory is good unless we put it in practice.\\n\\n\\n50  ❙  Raihanah Abdullah⋅Wirdati Mohd Radzi⋅Fuadah Johari⋅Golam Dastagir\\nReferences\\nAbdullah, R., & Khairuddin, S. (2009). The Malaysia Sharīʿah Courts: Polygamy, \\nDivorce and the Administration of Justice. Asian Women, 25(1), 1‐120.\\nAbdullah, R., Martinez, P., & Radzi, W. M. (2010). 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How to be Islamic without being an Islamic State: Contested \\nModels of Development in Malaysia. In A. D. Ahmed & H. Donnan (Eds.), \\nIslam, Globalization and Post-Modernity (pp. 63‐88). London: Routledge.\\nOmar, A., & Davidson, M. J. (2001). Women in Management: A Comparative \\nCross Cultural Overview. Cross Cultural Management, 8(3/4), 35‐67.\\nOmar, R. (1994). The Malay Woman in the Body: Between Biology and Culture. Kuala \\nLumpur, Malaysia: Penerbit Fajar Bakti.\\nOmar, R. (2003). Negotiating Their Visibility: The Lives of Educated and Married \\nMalay Women. In R. Omar & A. Hamzah (Eds.), Women in Malaysia: Breaking \\nBoundaries (pp. 77‐89). Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Utusan Publications.\\nRahman, F. (2003). Status of Women in the Qur’ān. In G. Nashat (Ed.), Women \\nand Revolution in Iran (pp. 1‐38). Colorado: Westview Press.\\nRamadan, S. (1961). Islamic Law: Its Scope and Equity. Geneva: Said Ramadan.\\nSayuti, J. (2004). Asbabun Nuzul (2nd ed.). Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Victory \\nAgency.\\nShah, N. A. (2006). Women’s Human Rights in the Koran: An Interpretive \\nApproach. Human Rights Quarterly, 28(4), 868‐903.\\nSouaiaia, A. E. (2008). Contesting Justice: Women, Islam, Law and Society. Albany: State \\nUniversity of New York.\\nWan Harun, W. A. H. (2006). Pengurusan dan Pembahagian Harta Pusaka. Kuala \\nLumpur, Malaysia: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.\\n\\n\\n52  ❙  Raihanah Abdullah⋅Wirdati Mohd Radzi⋅Fuadah Johari⋅Golam Dastagir\\nBiographical Note: Raihanah Abdullah (Ph.D.) is Associate Professor at \\nthe Department of Sharīʿah and Law, Academy of Islamic Studies, and \\nDeputy Dean of the Humanities Research Cluster, University of Malaya, \\nMalaysia. She is actively involved in research in the area of Islamic \\nFamily Law, Islamic Law and Gender, and Islamic Law and Society. \\nAmong her recent research publications is Raihanah Abdullah & Soraya \\nKhairuddin, 2009, “The Malaysian Shari’a Courts: Polygamy, Divorce and \\nthe Administration of Justice,” in Asian Women. She can be reached at \\nraihanah@um.edu.my.\\nBiographical Note: Wirdati Mohd Radzi (Ph.D.) is Senior Lecturer in \\nSports Management at the Sports Centre, University of Malaya, \\nMalaysia. Her area of research interests ranges from sports sociology to \\ngender and sports. Among her recent research publications is Wirdati \\nMohd Radzi and Raihanah Abdullah, 2010, “Through Rose‐Tinted \\nGlasses: Muslim Women Sport Managers in Malaysia,” in Asian Women. \\nShe can be reached at wirdati@um.edu.my.\\nBiographical Note: Fuadah Johari (Ph.D.) is Senior Lecturer in Faculty \\nof Economics and Muamalat, Universiti Sains Islam Malaysia (USIM), \\nMalaysia. Her area of research interests ranges from Islamic Economics \\nand Economic Development and Gender studies. She is presently \\nworking on a research project that looks at the contribution of Zakat and \\nIslamic Endowment (Waqf) to the Malaysian Economy. On top of that, \\nshe has supervised Ph.D. students on the special case of poverty and \\nwomen empowerment in Islam. She can be reached at \\nfuadah@usim.edu.my.\\nBiographical Note: Golam Dastagir (Ph.D.) is Senior Research Fellow at \\nthe Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of Malaya, Malaysia and \\nProfessor of Philosophy at Jahangirnagar University in Dhaka, \\nBangladesh, where he was the former Chairman of the Department of \\nPhilosophy and Director of the Centre for Philosophical Research. He did \\nhis Ph.D. in Islamic Philosophy at the University of Hull (England) on a \\nBritish Commonwealth Scholarship in 1998. Over the past four years he \\nhas been affiliated with the University of Toronto in Canada as a Visiting \\nProfessor. Involved with many interfaith organizations, he writes \\nextensively on Islamic Philosophy, World Religions, Comparative \\nPhilosophy, and Sūfism. He can be reached at m.g.dastagir@gmail.com.\",\"difficulty\":\"hard\",\"domain\":\"Single-Document QA\",\"length\":\"short\",\"question\":\"In the context of Islamic inheritance law, where the shares of male and female heirs are predetermined, what multifaceted approaches could be adopted to reconcile the inherent gender disparities in these laws with contemporary feminist legal theories, particularly in multicultural societies like Malaysia? Discuss the implications of such reconciliations on both the legal framework and the societal norms surrounding gender roles.\",\"sub_domain\":\"Legal\"}","display_format":"text","language":"","answer_status":"published","assets":[],"source_url":"https://huggingface.co/datasets/zai-org/LongBench-v2","history":"initial import","indexing_mode":"noindex","subproblems":[],"grids":[]}