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On what issue do Wang Hui and Badiou have similar views?
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SAINT PAUL
SAINT PAUL
The Foundation of
Universalism
Alain Badiou
Translated by Ray Brassier
STANFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
STANFORD, CALIFORNIA
Stanford University Press
Stanford, California
www.sup.org
© 2003 by the Board of
Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University. All
rights reserved.
Originally published as Saint PauL: La
fondation de L'universaLisme, © 1997 by
Presses Universitaires de France
Assistance for the translation was provided by the French Ministry of Culture.
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free, archival-qualiLY paper.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Badiou, Alain.
[Saint Paul. English]
Saint Paul: the foundation of universalism / Alain Badiou; translated by Ray
Brassier.
p. cm.-(Cultural memory in the present)
ISBN 0-8047-4470-X (cloth: aile. paper)-ISBN 0-8047-4471-8 (alk. paper)
1. Paul, the Apostle, Saint.
2. Bible N.T. Epistles ofPaul-Criticisl11, inter-
pretation, etc.
3. Universalism-Biblical teaching.
1. Title.
II. Series.
BS2650·52.B3313 2003
Original printing 2003
Last figure below indicates year of this printing:
12
II
10
09
08
07
06
2002154091
Designed and typeset at Stanford University Press in II1I3.
5 Garamond
Contents
T
ranslator's Note
lX
Prologue
I
I
Paul: Our Contemporary
4
2
Who Is Paul?
16
3
Texts and Contexts
31
4
Theory of Discourses
40
5
The Division of the Subject
55
6
The Antidialectic of Death and Resurrection
65
7
Paul Against the Law
75
8
Love as Universal Power
86
9
Hope
93
10
Universality and the Traversal of Differences
98
II
In Conclusion
107
Translator's Note
In rendering quotations from Paul into English, I consulted the
Authorized, Revised Standard, and New Revised Standard Versions of
his
epistles. Since my aim was to stick as closely as possible to Badiou's own
French rendition, I found the best results were obtained through a selec
tive combination of the Authorized and Revised Standard Versions. I al
tered or adjusted formulations from both whenever necessary. I trans
lated the quotations from Pascal's Pensees in Chapter 4 myself. For the
Nietzsche quotations in Chapters 5 and 6, I used R. ]. Hollingdale's
translation of The Anti-Christ (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin,
1990). These were slightly altered to fit the French version used by Ba
diou.
This is a book principally concerned with using Paul to redefine the
philosophical category of
"the subject" as a "universal singularity." Given
this putative universality, many readers will balk at the persistent use of
the masculine pronoun "he" to ref
er to this newly defined "subject." Al
though su
jet in French is a masculine noun for which the corresponding
masculine pronoun if (which means both "he" and "it") is habitually sub
stituted, it has become customary in English translations of contempo
rary French philosophical texts to correct this gender bias by stipulating
"he or she" (or "it") whenever the French has if
standing in f
or a term like
su
jet. However, in the context of the present work, two considerations
rendered this customary tactic particularly problematic: the first, practi
cal and stylistic; the second, substantive and thematic. First, from a
purely practical point of view, there were too many sentences in which
the concatenation of
abstract nouns meant that using the pronoun "it" to
refer to "the subject" would have created ambiguity at best, unacceptable
x
Translator's Note
confusion at worst. In addition, there were equally many instances in
which substituting "he or she" for "it" would have destroyed the rhythm,
poise, and symmetry of Badiou's meticulously constructed sentences. Al
though such practical and stylistic considerations invited a disinterested
choice between the consistent use of either "he" or "she," it was the sec
ond, more substantive and thematic point of view that seemed to render
the use of
the masculine pronoun appropriate and that finally persuaded
me to opt for "he." I refer here to Badiou's explicit comments throughout
Chapters 4, 5, and 6 about the "filiation" of the Pauline subject, a filiation
necessitating the latter's unequivocal characterization as a Son (in French,
filiation already contains the word fils, "son").
I would like to thank Alberto Toscano and Peter Hallward for their
friendly but indispensable advice.
RAY BRASSIER
Prologue
Strange enterprise. For a long time, this figure has accom
panied me,
along with others: Mallarme, Cantor, Archimedes, Plato, Robespierre,
Conrad ... (and this is without venturing into our own century). Fifteen
years ago, I wrote a play, The Incident at Antioch, whose heroine was
named Paula. The change of
sex probably prevented too explicit an iden
tification. For me, truth be told, Paul is not an apostle or a saint. I care
nothing for the Good News he declares, or the cult dedicated to him. But
he is a subjective figure of primary importance. I have always read the
epistles the way one returns to those classic texts with which one is par
ticularly familiar; their paths well worn, their details abolished, their
power preserved. No transcendence, nothing sacred, perfect equality of
this work with every other, the moment it touches me personally. A man
emphatically inscribed these phrases, these vehement and tender ad
dresses, and yve may draw upon them freely, without devotion or repul
sion. All the more so in my case, since, irreligious by heredity, and even
encouraged in the desire to crush the clerical infamy by my four grand
parents, all of whom were teachers, I encountered the epistles late, the
way one encounters curious texts whose poetry astonishes.
Basically, I have never really connected Paul with religion. It is not
according to this register, or to bear witness to any sort of faith, or even
antifaith, that I have, for a long time, been interested in him. No more
2
Prologue
so, to tell the truth-but the impression was less striking-than I seized
hold of Pascal, Kierkegaard, or Claudel, on the basis of what was explic
itly Christian in their discourse. Anyway, the crucible in which what will
become a work of art and thought burns is brimful with nameless impu
rities; it comprises obsessions, beliefs, infantile puzzles, various perver
sions, undivulgeable memories, haphazard reading, and quite a few idio
cies and chimeras. Analyzing this alchemy is of little use.
For me, Paul is a poet-thinker of the event, as well as one who prac
tices and states the invariant traits of what can be called the militant fig
ure. He brings forth the entirely human connection, whose destiny fasci
nates me, berween the general idea of a rupture, an overturning, and that
of a thought-practice that is this rupture's subjective materiality.
If today I wish to retrace in a few pages the singularity of this con
nection in Paul, it is probably because there is currently a widespread
search for a new militant figure-even if it takes the form of denying its
possibility-called upon to succeed the one installed by Lenin and the
Bolsheviks at the beginning of the century, which can be said to have
been that of the party militant.
When a step forward is the order of the day, one may, among other
things, find assistance in the greatest step back. Whence this reactivation
of Paul. I am not the first to risk the comparison that malces of him a
Lenin for whom Christ will have been the equivocal Marx.
My intention, clearly, is neither historicizing nor exegetical. It is
subjective through and through. I have confined myself strictly to those
texts of Paul that have been authenticated by contemporary scholarship
and to the relation they bear to my thought.
For the Greek original, I used the Novum Testamentum Graece, in
Nestle-Aland's critical edition, published by Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft
111
1993.
The basic French text, whose formulations I have sometimes al
tered, is that by Louis Segond, Le Nouveau Testament, published by the
Trinitarian Bible Society (1993 edition).
References to the epistles follow the customary arrangement by
chapter and verse. Thus, Rom. 1.25 means: epistle to the Romans, chap
ter I, verse 25. Similarly, we will say Gal. for the epistle to the Galatians,
Cor. I and Cor. II for the rwo epistles to the Corinthians, Philipp. for the
Prologue
3
epistle to the Philippians, and Thess. I for the first epistle to the Thessa
lonians.
For anyone interested in further reading, I would at least like to in
dicate rwo works from among the colossal secondary literature on Paul:
Stanislas Breton's robust little book, Saint Paul (Paris: Presses Uni
versitaire de France, 2000).
Gunther Bornkamm's P
aul, translated by D.M.G. Stalker (Min
neapolis: Fortress Press, 1995).
A Catholic, a Protestant. May they form a triangle with the atheist.
1
Paul: Our Contemporary
Why Saint Paul? Why solicit this "apostle" who is all the more sus
pect for having, it seems, proclaimed himself such and whose name is fre
quently tied to Christianity's least open, most institutional aspects: the
Church, moral discipline, social conservatism, suspiciousness toward
Jews? How are we to inscribe this name into the development of
our proj
ect: to refound a tlleory of the Subject that subordinates its existence to
the aleatory dimension of
tile event as well as to the pure contingency of
multiple-being without sacrificing the theme of
freedom?
Similarly, one will ask: What use do we claim to make of
the appa
ratus of
Christian faith, an apparatus from which it seems strictly impos
sible to dissociate the figure and texts of Paul? Why invoke and analyze
this fable? Let us be perfectly clear: so far as we are concerned, what we
are dealing with here is precisely a fable. And singularly so in the case of
Paul, who for crucial reasons reduces Christianity to a single statement:
Jesus is resurrected. Yet this is precisely a fabulous element [point
fabu
leux], since all the rest, birth, teachings, death, might after all be upheld.
A "fable" is that part of a narrative that, so far as we are concerned, fails
to touch on any Real, unless it be by virtue of that invisible and indirectly
accessible residue sticking to every obvious imaginary. In this regard, it is
to its element of fabulation [point de
fable] alone that Paul reduces the
Christian narrative, with the strength of one who knows that in holding
Paul: Our Contemporary
5
fast to this point as real, one is unburdened of all the imaginary that sur
rounds it. If it is possible for us to speak of belief from the outset (but
Paul's entire problem concerns the question of belief or faith, or of that
which is presupposed beneath the word pistis), let us say that so far as we
are concerned it is rigorously impossible to believe in the resurrection of
the crucified.
Paul is a distant figure in a threefold sense: his historical site; his
role as Church founder; and his provocative centering of thought upon
its fabulous element.
We are duty-bound to explain why we are investing this distance
with the weight of
a philosophical proximity, why the fabulous forcing of
the real provides us with mediation when it is a question of restoring the
universal to its pure secularity, here and now.
We are doubtless assisted in this by the fact that-for example
Hegel, Auguste Comte, Nietzsche, Freud, Heidegger, and again in our
own time, Jean-Franyois Lyotard, have also found it necessary to examine
the figure of Paul and have done so, moreover, always in terms of some
extreme dispositions (foundational or regressive, destinal or forgetful, ex
emplary or catastrophic) in order to organize their own speculative dis
courses.
For our own parr, what we shall focus on in Paul's work is a singu
lar connection, which it is formally possible to disjoin from the fable and
of which Paul is, strictly speaking, the inventor: the connection that es
tablishes a passage between a proposition concerning the subject and an
interrogation concerning the law. Let us say that, for Paul, it is a matter
of
investigating which law is capable of
structuring a subject devoid of
all
identity and suspended to an event whose only "proof" lies precisely in
its having been declared by a subject.
What is essential for us is that this paradoxical connection between
a subject withom identity and a law without support provides the foun
dation for the possibility of a universal teaching within history itself.
Paul's unprecedented gesture consists in subtracting truth from the com
munitarian grasp, be it that of
a people, a city, an empire, a territory, or a
social class. What is true (or just; they are the same in this case) cannot be
reduced to any objective aggregate, either by its cause or by its destina
tion.
6
Paul: Our Contemporary
It will be objected that, in the present case, for us "truth" designates
a mere fable. Granted, but what is important is the subjective gesture
grasped in its founding power with respect to the generic conditions of
universality. That the content of
the fable must be abandoned leaves as its
remainder the form of these conditions and, in particular, the ruin of
every attempt to assign the discourse of truth to preconstituted historical
aggregates.
To sharply separate each truth procedure from the cultural "his
toricity" wherein opinion presumes to dissolve it: such is the operation in
which Paul is our guide.
To rethink this gesture, to unravel its twists and turns, to enliven
its singularity, its instituting force, is without doubt a contemporary ne
cessity.
What, in effect, does our contemporary situation consist of? The
progressive reduction of the question of truth (and hence, of thought) to
a linguistic form, judgment-a point on which Anglophone analytical
ideology and the hermeneutical tradition both concur (the analytic!
hermeneutic doublet is the straightjacket of contemporary academic phi
losophy)-ends up in a cultural and historical relativism that today con
stitutes at once a topic of public opinion, a "political" motivation, and a
framework for research in the human sciences. The extreme forms of this
relativism, already at work, claim to relegate mathematics itself to an
"Occidental" setup, to which any number of obscurantist or symbolically
trivial apparatuses could be rendered equivalent, provided one is able to
name the subset of humanity that supports this apparatus, and, better
still, that one has reasons for believing this subset to be made up of vic
tims. All access to the universal, which neither tolerates assignation to
the particular, nor maintains any direct relation with the status
whether it be that of dominator or victim-of the sites from which its
proposition emerges, collapses when confronted with this intersection
between culturalist ideology and the "victimise" [victimairel conception
of man.
What is the real unifying factor behind this attempt to promote the
cultural virtue of oppressed subsets, this invocation of language in order
to extol communitarian particularisms (which, besides language, always
ultimately refer back to race, religion, or gender)? It is, evidently, mone-
-
---
----
Paul: Our Contemporary
7
tary abstraction, whose false universality has absolutely no difficulty ac
commodating the kaleidoscope of communitarianisms. The lengthy years
of communist dictatorship will have had the merit of showing that fi
nancial globalization, the absolute sovereignty of capital's empty univer
sality, had as its only genuine enemy another universal project, albeit a
corrupt and bloodstained one: that only Lenin and Mao truly frightened
those who proposed to boast unreservedly about the merits of liberalism
and the general equivalent, or the democratic virtues of commercial com
munication. The senescent collapse of the USSR, the paradigm of social
ist States, provisionally suspended fear, unleashed empty abstraction, de
based thought in general. And it is certainly not by renouncing the
concrete universality of truths in order to affirm the rights of "minori
ties," be they racial, religious, national, or sexual, that the devastation will
be slowed down. No, we will not allow the rights of true-thought to have
as their only instance monetarist free exchange and its mediocre political
appendage, capitalist-parliamentarianism, whose squalor is ever more
poorly dissimulated behind the fine word "democracy."
This is why Paul, himself the contemporary of a monumental fig
ure of the destruction of all politics (the beginnings of that military des
potism known as "the Roman Empire"), interests us in the highest de
gree. He is the one who, assigning to the universal a specific connection
of law and the subject, asks himself with the most extreme rigor what
price is to be paid for this assignment, by the law as well as by the subject.
This interrogation is precisely our own. Supposing we were able to re
found the connection between truth and the subject, then what conse
quences must we have the strength to hold fast to, on the side of truth
(evental [evenementiellel and hazardous) as well as on the side of the sub
ject (rare and heroic)?
It is by confronting this question, and no other, that philosophy
can assume its temporal condition without becoming a means of cover
ing up the worst. That it can measure up to the times in which we live
otherwise than by Battering their savage inertia.
In the case of our own country, France, of the public destiny of its
State, what can we point to in the way of a noticeable tendency of the last
fifteen years? Notwithstanding, of course, the constant expansion of cap
ital's automatic functioning that shelters behind the signifiers of Europe
8
Paul: Our Contemporary
and liberalism, an expansion that, being the law of the world-market,
cannot be taken as specific to our site.
Alas, the only thing we can point to by way of reply to this question
is the permanent installation of Le Pen's party,* a truly national singular
ity, whose equivalent we have to go all the way to Austria to find, hardly
a flattering comparison. And what constitutes this party's unique maxim?
The maxim that none of the parliamentary parties dare directly oppose,
so that they all vote for or tolerate those increasingly villainous laws that
are implacably deduced from it? The maxim in question is: "France for
the French." In the case of the State, this leads back to what served as the
paradoxical name given by Petain to a puppet state, zealous servant of the
Nazi occupier: the French State. How does the noxious question "What
is a French person?" come to install itself at the heart of the public
sphere? But everyone knows there is no tenable answer to this question
other than through the persecution of those people arbitrarily designated
as the non-French. The unique political
real proper to the word "French,"
when the latter is upheld as a founding category in the State, is the in
creasingly insistent installation of relentlessly discriminatory measures
targeting people who are here, or who are trying to live here. And it is
particularly striking that this persecutory real proper to identitarian logic
(the Law is only valid for the French) gathers under the same banner-as
is shown by the sorry affair of the flulard**
-resigned advocates of capi
talist devastation (persecution is inevitable because unemployment pre
cludes all hospitality) and advocates of a "French republic" as ghostly as
it is exceptional (foreigners are only tolerable so long as they "integrate"
themselves into the magnificent model presented to them by our pure in-
*A reference to Jean-Marie Le Pen's Front National, an extreme right-wing
party that continues to enjoy significant electoral success in France.-Trans.
**
L'affaire du
foulard refers to a controversy over the wearing of the tradi
tional Muslim headscarf (foulard) by young Arab women in French secondary
schools. Since the French educational system explicitly prohibits the wearing of
religious garb or paraphernalia in class, some teachers protested and refused to
teach students who insisted on wearing the headscarf, arguing that tolerating the
infraction of one ethnic group provided a dangerous precedent that could only
incite students of other religious denominations to follow suit, thereby under
mining the French educational system's secular ethos.-Trans.
Paul: Our Contemporary
9
stitutions, our astonishing systems of education and representation).
Proof that, so far as peoples' real lives and what happens to them is con
cerned, there exists a despicable complicity berween the globalized logic
of capital and French identitarian fanaticism.
What is being constructed before our very eyes is the communita
rization of the public sphere, the renunciation of the law's transcendent
neutrality. The State is supposed to assure itself primarily and perma
nently of the genealogically, religiously, and racially verifiable identity of
those for whom it is responsible. It is required to define rwo, perhaps
even three, distinct regions of the law, according to whether the latter are
truly French, integrated or integratable foreigners, or finally foreigners
who are declared to be un
integrated, or even unintegratable. The law
thereby falls under the control of a "national" model devoid of any real
principle, unless it be that of the persecutions it initiates. Abandoning all
universal principle, identitarian verification-which is never anything
but police monitoring-comes to take precedence over the definition or
application of the law. This means that, just as under Petain, when min
isters saw nothing wrong in surreptitiously defining the Jew as prototype
of the non-French, all legislation would be accompanied by the required
identitarian protocols, and subsets of the population would come to be
defined each time by their special status. This arrangement is taking its
course, as successive governments each bring to it their own special
touch. We are dealing with a rampant "Petainization" of the State.
How clearly Paul's statement rings out under these conditions! A
genuinely stupefying statement when one lmows the rules of the ancient
world: "There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither slave nor free,
there is neither male nor female" (Gal. 3.28)! And how appropriate, for
we who will unproblematically replace God by this or that truth, and
Good by the service this truth requires, the maxim "Glory, honor, and
peace for every one that does good, to the Jew first and also to the Greek.
For God shows no partiality" (Rom. 2.10).
Our world is in no way as "complex" as those who wish to ensure
its perpetuation claim. It is even, in its broad outline, perfectly simple.
On the one hand, there is an extension of
the automatisms of cap
ital, fulfilling one of Marx's inspired predictions: the world finally config
ured, but as a market, as a world-market. This configuration imposes the
10
Paul: Our Contemporary
rule of an abstract homogenization. Everything that circulates falls under
the unity of a count, while inversely, only what lets itself be counted in
this way can circulate. Moreover, this is the norm that illuminates a par
adox few have pointed out: in the hour of
generalized circulation and the
phantasm of
instantaneous cultural communication, laws and regulations
forbidding the circulation of
persons are being multiplied everywhere. So
it is that in France, never have fewer foreigners settled than in the recent
period! Free circulation of what lets itself be counted, yes, and above all
of capital, which is the count of the count. Free circulation of that un
countable infinity constituted by a singular human life, never! For capi
talist monetary abstraction is certainly a singularity, but a singularity that
has no consideration for any singularity whatsoever: singularity as indiffer
ent to the persistent infinity of existence as it is to the evental becoming
of truths.
On the other side, there is a process of fragmentation into closed
identities, and the culturalist and relativist ideology that accompanies this
fragmentation.
Both processes are perfectly intertwined. For each identification
(the creation or cobbling together of identity) creates a figure that pro
vides a material for its investment by the market. There is nothing more
captive, so far as commercial investment is concerned, nothing more
amenable to the invention of new figures of
monetary homogeneity, than
a community and its territory or territories. The semblance of a non
equivalence is required so that equivalence itself can constitute a process.
What inexhaustible potential for mercantile investments in this up
surge-taking the form of communities demanding recognition and so
called cultural singularities-of women, homosexuals, the disabled,
Arabs! And these infinite combinations of
predicative traits, what a god
send! Black homosexuals, disabled Serbs, Catholic pedophiles, moderate
Muslims, married priests, ecologist yuppies, the submissive unemployed,
prematurely aged youth! Each time, a social image authorizes new prod
ucts, specialized magazines, improved shopping malls, "free" radio sta
tions, targeted advertising networks, and finally, heady "public debates"
at peak viewing times. Deleuze put it perfectly: capitalist deterritorializa
tion requires a constant reterritorialization. Capital demands a perma
nent creation of subjective and territorial identities in order for its prin-
Paul: Our Contem
porar
y
II
ciple of movement to homogenize its space of action; identities, more
over, that never demand anything but the right to be exposed in the same
way as others to the uniform prerogatives of the market. The capitalist
logic of the general equivalent and the identitarian and cultural logic of
communities or minorities form an articulated whole.
This articulation plays a constraining role relative to every truth
procedure. It is organically without truth.
On the one hand, every truth procedure breaks with the axiomatic
principle that governs the situation and organizes its repetitive series. A
truth procedure interrupts repetition and can theref
ore not be supported
by the abstract permanence proper to a unity of the count. A truth is al
ways, according to the dominant law of the count, subtracted from the
count. Consequently, no truth can be sustained through capital's homo
geneous expansion.
But, on the other hand, neither can a truth procedure take root in
the element of
identity. For if
it is true that every truth erupts as singular,
its singularity is immediately universalizable. Universalizable singularity
necessarily breaks with identitarian singularity.
That there are intertwined histories, different cultures and, more
generally, differences already abundant in one and the "same" individual,
that the world is multicolored, that one must let people live, eat, dress,
imagine, love in whichever way they please, is not the issue, whatever cer
tain disingenuous simpletons may want us to think. Such liberal truisms
are cheap, and one would only like to see those who proclaim them not
react so violently whenever confronted with the slightest serious attempt
to dissent from their own puny liberal diff
erence. Contemporary cos
mopolitanism is a beneficent reality. We simply ask that its partisans not
get themselves worked up at the sight of a young veiled woman, lest we
begin to fear that what they really desire, far from a real web of
shifting
differences, is the uniform dictatorship of what they take to be "moder
nity."
It is a question of knowing what identitarian and communitarian
categories have to do with truth procedures, with political procedures for
example. We reply: these categories must be absented from the process,
failing which no truth has the slightest chance of establishing its persist
ence and accruing its immanent infinity. We know, moreover, that the
12
Paul: Our Contemporar
y
most consequential instances of identitarian politics, such as Nazism, are
bellicose and criminal. The idea that one can wield such categories inno
cently, even in the form of French "republican" identity, is inconsistent.
One will, of necessity, end up oscillating between the abstract universal of
capital and localized persecutions.
The contemporary world is thus doubly hostile to truth procedures.
This hostility betrays itself though nominal occlusions: where the name
of a truth procedure should obtain, another, which represses it, holds
sway. The name "culture" comes to obliterate that of "art." The word
"technology" obliterates the word "science." The word "management"
obliterates the word "politics."
The word "sexuality" obliterates love. The
"culture-technology-management-sexuality" system, which has the im
mense merit of being homogeneous to the market, and all of whose terms
designate a category of commercial presentation, constitutes the modern
nominal occlusion of the "art-science-politics-Iove" system, which identi
fies truth procedures typologically.
Now, far from returning toward an appropriation of this typology,
identitarian or minoritarian logic merely proposes a variant on its nomi
nal occlusion by capital. It inveighs against every generic concept of at·t,
putting the concept of culture in its place, conceived as culture of the
group, as the subjective or representative glue for the group's existence, a
culture that addresses only itself and remains potentially nonuniversaliz
able. Moreover, it does not hesitate to posit that this culture's constitutive
elements are only fully comprehensible on the condition that one belong
to the subset in question. Whence catastrophic pronouncements of the
sort: only a homosexual can "understand" what a homosexual is, only an
Arab can understand what an Arab is, and so forth. If, as we believe, only
truths (thought) allow man to be distinguished from the human animal
that underlies him, it is no exaggeration to say that such minoritarian
pronouncements are genuinely barbaric. In the case of science, cultural
ism promotes the technical particularity of subsets to the equivalent of
scientific thought, so that antibiotics, Shamanism, the laying on of
hands, or emollient herbal teas all become of equal worth. In the case of
politics, the consideration of identitarian traits provides the basis for de
termination, be it the state's or the protestor's, and finally it is a matter of
stipulating, through law or brute force, an authoritarian management of
Paul: Our Contemporary
13
these traits (national, religious, sexual, and so on) considered as dominant
political operators. Lastly, in the case of love, there will be the comple
mentary demands, either for the genetic right to have such and such a
form of specialized sexual behavior recognized as a minoritarian identity;
or for the return, pure and simple, to archaic, culturally established con
ceptions, such as that of strict conjugality, the confinement of women,
and so forth. It is perfectly possible to combine the two, as becomes ap
parent when homosexual protest concerns the right to be reincluded in
the grand traditionalism of marriage and the family, or to take responsi
bility for the defrocking of a priest with the Pope's blessing.
The two components of the articulated whole (abstract homogene
ity of capital and identitarian protest) are in a relation of reciprocal main
tenance and mirroring. Who will maintain the self-evident superiority of
the competent-cultivated-sexually liberated manager? But who will de
fend the corrupt-religious-polygamist terrorist? Or eulogize the cultural
marginal-homeopathic-media-friendly transsexual? Each figure gains its
Fotating legitimacy from the other's discredit. Yet at the same time, each
draws on the resources of the other, since the transformation of the most
typical, most recent communitarian identities into advertising selling
points and salable images has for its counterpart the ever more refined
competence that the most insular or most violent groups display when it
comes to speculating on the financial markets or maintaining a large-scale
arms commerce.
Breaking with all this (neither monetary homogeneity nor identi
tarian protest; neither the abstract universality of capital nor the particu
larity of interests proper to a subset), our question can be clearly formu
lated: What are the conditions for a universal singularity?
It is on this point that we invoke Saint Paul, for this is precisely his
question. What does Paul want? Probably to drag the Good News (the
Gospels) out from the rigid enclosure within which its restriction to the
Jewish community would confine it. But equally, never to let it be deter
mined by the available generalities, be they statist [hatiquesJ or ideologi
cal. Statist generality belongs to Roman legalism, and to Roman citizen
ship in particular, to its conditions and the rights associated with it.
Although himself a Roman citizen, and proud of it, Paul will never allow
any legal categories to identifY the Christian subject. Slaves, women, peo-
14
Paul: Our Contemporary
pie of every profession and nationality will therefore be admitted without
restriction or privilege. As for ideological generality, it is obviously repre
sented by the philosophical and moral discourse of the Greeks. Paul will
establish a resolute distance to this discourse, which is for him the coun
terpoise to a conservative vision of
Jewish law. Ultimately, it is a case of
mobilizing a universal singularity both against the prevailing abstractions
(legal then, economic now), and against communitarian or particularist
protest.
Paul's general procedure is the following: if
there has been an event,
and if
truth consists in declaring it and then in being faithful to this dec
laration, two consequences ensue. First, since truth is evental, or of the
order of
what occurs, it is singular. It is neither structural, nor axiomatic,
nor legal. No available generality can account for it, nor structure the
subject who claims to follow in its wal(e. Consequently, there cannot be
a law of
truth. Second, truth being inscribed on the basis of
a declaration
that is in essence subjective, no preconstituted subset can support it;
nothing communitarian or historically established can lend its substance
to the process of
truth. T
ruth is diagonal relative to every communitarian
subset; it neither claims authority f
rom, nor (this is obviously the most
delicate point) constitutes any identity. It is offered to all, or addressed to
everyone, without a condition of
belonging being able to limit this off
er,
or this address.
Once the texts transmitted to us are all seen as local interventions,
and hence governed by localized tactical stakes, Paul's problematic, how
ever sinewy its articulation, implacably follows the requirements of truth
as universal singularity:
1. The Christian subject does not preexist the event he declares
(Christ's resurrection). Thus, the extrinsic conditions of his exis
tence or identity will be argued against. He will be required to be
neither Jewish (or circumcised), nor Greek (or wise) . This is the
theory of discourses (there are three: the Jewish, the Greek, the
new) . No more than he will be required to be from this or that so
cial class (theory of equality before truth), or this or that sex (the
ory of
women).
2. T
ruth is entirely subjective (it is of the order of a declaration that
testifies to a conviction relative to the event). Thus, every sub-
Paul: Our Contemporar
y
15
sumption of
its becoming under a law will be
argued against. It
will
be necessary to proceed at once via a radical critique ofJewish law,
which has become obsolete and harmful, and of Greek law as the
subordination of
destiny to the cosmic order, which has never been
anything but a "learned" ignorance of the paths of salvation.
3. Fidelity to the declaration is crucial, for truth is a process, and
not an illumination. In order to think it, one requires three con
cepts: one that names the subject at the point of declaration (pistis,
generally translated as "faith," but which is more appropriately ren
dered as "conviction"); one that names the subject at the point of
his conviction's militant address (agape, generally translated as
"charity," but more appropriately rendered as "love"); lastly, one
that names the subject according to the force of displacement con
ferred upon him through the assumption of the truth procedure's
completed [acheve] character (eLpis, generally translated as "hope,"
but more appropriately rendered as "certainty") .
4. A truth is of itself indifferent to the state of the situation, to the
Roman State for example. This means that it is subtracted f
rom the
organization of subsets prescribed by that state. The subjectivity
corresponding to this subtraction constitutes a necessary distance
from the State and from what corresponds to the State in people's
consciousness: the apparatus of opinion. One must not argue about
opinions, Paul says. A truth is a concentrated and serious proce
dure, which must never enter into competition with established
opllllOns.
There is not one of these maxims which, setting aside the content
of the event, cannot be appropriated for our situation and our philo
sophical tasks. All that remains is to deploy their underlying conceptual
organization, while giving credit to him who, deciding that none was ex
empt from what a truth demands and disjoining the true f
rom the Law,
provoked-entirely alone-a cultural revolution upon which we still de
pend.
2
Who Is Paul?
We could begin in the sanctimonious style of the usual biographies.
Paul (actually Saul, the name of the first king of Israel) is born in Tarsus
between 1 and 5 A.D. (impossible, from a strictly scholarly perspective, to
be more precise) . Thus, he is of the same generation as Jesus, who, as
everyone knows-but the circularity is interesting-is born and concur
rently establishes his own date of birth by instituting year I of "our" era
("his," rather) . Paul's father is an artisan-retailer, a tent maker. He is a Ro
man citizen, and hence so is Paul. How did this f
ather obtain citizenship?
It is simplest to suppose, despite the absence of evidence, that he bought
it. It would not be beyond the means of
an affluent retailer to bribe a Ro
man civil servant. Paul is a Jew of the Pharisaical tendency. He is an ar
dent participant in the persecution of Christians, who are considered
heretics by the orthodox Jews and, as a result, legally prosecuted but also
beaten, stoned, and driven out, in accordance with the varying power
struggles between different factions in the Jewish communities.
Christ's execution dates approximately from the year 30. We are in
the reign of
Tiberi
us. In the year 33 or 34, on the road to Damascus Paul
is struck by a divine apparition and converts to Christianity. He begins
his famous missionary voyages. And so on.
What use is all this? You can consult the books. Let's cut straight to
the doctrine.
W
ho Is Paul?
17
And yet, no, let us pause instead. Paul is a major figure of antiphi
losophy. But it is of the essence of
antiphilosophy that the subjective po
sition figure as a decisive factor in discourse. Existential fragments, some
times anecdotal in appearance, are elevated to the rank of guarantor of
truth. Can one imagine Rousseau without the Con
fessions, Kierkegaard
without our being informed of
the detail of
his engagement to Regine, or
Nietzsche not inviting us to pay witness, throughout Ecce Homo, to the
reasons entitling him to ask the question "Why am I a destiny"? For an
anti
philosopher, the enunciative position is obviously part of the state
ment's protocol. No discourse can lay claim to truth if
it does not contain
an explicit answer to the question: Who speaks?
Whenever Paul addresses his writings, he always draws attention to
the fact that he has been entitled to speak as a subject. And he became this
subject. He became it suddenly, on the road to Damascus (if, as we be
lieve, in this particular instance one can, for once and once only, trust
that fabricated biography of
Paul that the New Testament presents under
the title Acts of
the Apostles) . The story is well known: while traveling to
Damascus as a zealous Pharisee in order to persecute Christians, Paul
hears a mysterious voice revealing to him both the truth and his vocation.
Is the term "conversion" appropriate to what happened on the road
to Damascus? It was a thunderbolt, a caesura, and not a dialectical rever
sal. It was a conscription instituting a new subject: "By the grace of God
I am what I am [eimi ho eimz]" (Cor. 1.15-10). What this absolutely alea
tory intervention on the road to Damascus summons is the "I am" as
such.
In a certain sense, this conversion isn't carried out by anyone: Paul
has not been converted by representatives of "the Church"; he has not
been won over. He has not been presented with the gospel. Clearly, the
encounter on the road mimics the founding event. Just as the Resurrec
tion remains totally incalculable and it is from there that one must begin,
Paul's faith is that from which he begins as a subject, and nothing leads
up to it. The event-"it happened," purely and simply, in the anonymity
of a road-is the subjective sign of the event proper that is the Resurrec
tion of Christ. Within Paul himself, it is the (re)surgence [(re
}surrectionl
of the subject. This is the exemplary matrix of the link between existence
and doctrine, for Paul draws from the conditions of his "conversion" the
18
Who Is Paul?
consequence that one can only begin from faith, from the declaration of
faith. The sudden appearance of the Christian subject is unconditioned.
Accordingly, if we are to grasp his message, we can in no way neg
lect the circumstances of Paul's life. In this regard, it is fortunate that
those circumstances to which we accord the highest importance are the
ones he himself incorporates into his epistles. For reliable independent
evidence is extremely rare. The narrative of the Acts of the Apostles is, as
we have already mentioned, a retrospective construction whose inten
tions modern criticism has clearly brought to light, and whose form is
frequently borrowed from the rhetoric of Greek fables. To distinguish its
real elements from the edifying (and politically charged) fable in which
they are enveloped requires an exceptional and suspicious rigor. And we
have practically nothing else to go on, unless it be the ability to verify
such and such a detail through the intermediary of Roman historiogra
phy, which couldn't have cared less about these little groups of Jewish
heretics. Moreover, one must be suspicious even of "Paul's epistles,"
canonically gathered together in the New Testament at least a century af
ter the apostle's death. Scholarly exegesis has demonstrated the apoc
ryphal nature of many of them, to the extent that the corpus of this fun
damental author must, in the final analysis, be reduced to six rather brief
texts: Romans, Corinthians I and II, Galatians, Philippians, and Thessa
lonians 1. This is nonetheless enough to establish certain major subjective
traits and guarantee certain decisive episodes.
Thus, for example, a point of the highest importance, which Paul
relates to us with noticeable pride (Paul is certainly neither introverted,
nor f
alsely modest): What does he do after the Damascus experience? We
know in any case what he does not do. He does not go to Jerusalem; he
does not go to see the authorities, the institutional apostles, those who
knew Christ. He does not seek "confirmation" for the event that appoints
him in his own eyes as an apostle. He leaves this subjective upsurge out
side every official seal. The unshakable conviction as to his own destiny
probably dates from here, a conviction that will on several occasions
cause him to come into conflict with the core of historical apostles,
among whom Peter is the central figure. Turning away from all authority
other than that of the Voice that personally summoned him to his be
coming-subject, Paul leaves for Arabia in order to proclaim the gospel, to
W
ho Is Paul?
19
declare that what took place did take place. A man who, armed with a
personal event, has grounds for declaring that impersonal event that is
the Resurrection.
Paul stays in Arabia for three years. Doubtless, in his own eyes, his
militant efficacy provides a sufficient guarantee, so that having endured
this delay he is finally entitled to meet the Church's "historic leaders." We
shall see later that although stubborn, even violent, where matters of
principle are concerned, Paul is also a politician, one who knows the
value of reasonable compromise,
and particularly of verbal compromises,
which only slightly impede his freedom of action in the places and terri
tories he chooses (preferably those where his opponent has the least foot
ing). Thus,
Paul goes to Jerusalem, where he meets Peter and the apostles,
then leaves again. We know nothing of the issues debated in this first
meeting. It seems it did not convince Paul of the necessity of frequently
consulting with the Jerusalemite "center," because his second period of
militant voyage will last f
ourteen years! Cilicia, Syria,
Turkey, Macedonia,
Greece. The ex-centered dimension of Paul's action is the practical sub
structure of his thought, which posits that all true universality is devoid
of a center.
We lmow roughly how these militant peregrinations functioned. At
that time Judaism was still a proselytizing religion. To address oneself to
Gentiles was not, as is often thought, an invention of Paul's. Jewish pros
elytism was substantial and developed. It divided its audience into two
circles that could be called, using a risky political anachronism, the sym
pathizers and the adherents:
(a) The "God-fearing" recognize monotheism's global legitimacy
but are exempt from the prescriptions of the law, and notably from
ClrcumC1SlOn.
(b) The converted are committed to following the prescriptions of
the law, and must be circumcised. Circumcision here indexes its
function as a form of branding, of primary initiation.
Thus, it is not primarily the fact that he addresses Gentiles that iso
lates Paul from the Jewish community. Moreover, Paul begins his teach
ing by basing himself on that community's institutions. When he arrives
in a town, he first intervenes in the synagogue. Unsurprisingly, things go
20
Who Is Paul?
badly with the orthodox, for reasons of doctrine: the stubborn persistence
in affirming that Jesus is the Messiah (remember that "Christ" is simply
the Greek word for "messiah," so that the only continuity between the
Good News according to Paul and prophetic Judaism is the equation Je
sus = Christ), an affirmation that, in the eyes of
the majority ofJews, and
for extremely powerful and legitimate reasons, propounds a fraud. Fol
lowing incidents that, in the conditions of the time, could be extremely
violent, and where, basically, one risks one's life, Paul abandons the syna
gogue and withdraws to the home of a local sympathizer. There he tries
to set up a group comprising Judeo-Christians and Gentile-Christians. It
seems that very quickly the Gentile-Christians will constitute the major
ity among the adherents of
the group. In light of
the minimal concession
Paul makes to the Jewish heritage, particularly so far as rites are con
cerned, this is not in the least surprising. Once the group has been suffi
ciently consolidated in his eyes (it will then be called an ekl
desia, from
which e
glise [church] undoubtedly derives, although the former should be
envisioned in terms of a small group of militants), Paul entrusts its run
ning to those whose conviction he holds in high regard, and who will be
come his lieutenants. Then he continues on his voyage.
Nothing bears witness to Paul's certainty concerning the future of
his action so much as the identification, toward which he is constantly
proceeding, between a small core of the constituted faithful in a town and
the entire region. Who are these Thessalonians, these Corinthians, to say
nothing of these Romans, to whom Paul addresses, in an animated and
majestic tone, his epistles? Probably a few "brothers"-which is an ar
chaic form of our "comrades"-lost in the city. Through their commen
surability with a truth, anonymous individuals are always transformed
into vectors of
humanity as a whole. Let's just say that the handful of
Re
sistance fighters in the year 1940 or 1941 occupy the same position as
Paul's Corinthians: it is to them, and to them alone, that it is legitimate
to address oneself if
seeking to indicate a real proper to France.
However far away, Paul never loses sight of these enclaves of the
faithful whose existence he has played midwife to. His epistles are noth
ing but interventions in the lives of
these enclaves, and these are possessed
of
all the political passion proper to such interventions. Struggles against
internecine divisions, reminders of fundamental principles, reassertions
Who I
s
Paul?
21
of
trust in local organizers, examinations of
litigious points, pressing de
mands for continuing proselytizing activity, organization of finances . . .
Nothing that an activist for any organized cause would not recognize as
fundamental to the concerns and passions of
collective intervention.
After fourteen years of
organizational wandering, of
which no writ
ten trace remains, we are roughly in the year 50. About twenty years have
passed since the death of
Christ. It has been seventeen years since Paul re
ceived the Damascus convocation. He is in his fifties and refers to him
self
as "the old PauL" His earliest texts that have been handed down to us
date from this period. Why? A few hypotheses can be proposed.
Since he is responsible for several groups largely comprised of
Gen
tile-Christians, Paul resides in Antioch, a very large city, the third city of
the empire after Rome and Alexandria. Recall that Paul was born into a
well-off family in Tarsus, that he is a man of the city rather than a man of
the country. This is more than a detail. His style owes nothing to those
rural images and metaphors that, on the contrary, abound in the parables
of Christ. If
his vision of things fervently embraces the dimension of
the
world and extends to the extreme limits of the empire (his dearest wish is
to go to Spain, as if he, the Oriental, could only accomplish his mission
at the extreme edge of the Occident), it is because urban cosmopoli
tanism and lengthy voyages have shaped its amplitude. Paul's universal
ism also comprises an internal geography, which is not that of the peren
nial little landowner.
If Paul begins to write about points of doctrine, if his texts are
copied and circulated, we believe it is because he becomes aware of the
necessity of engaging in a large-scale struggle. The situation forces him to
conceive of himself as leader of a party or faction.
During Paul's stay in Antioch, some Judeo-Christians of
strict ob
servance arrive. They confront the apostle, sow discord, demand the cir
cumcision of all the faithful. Once again, it is not proselytism toward
non-Jews that is in question. The point is that Paul cannot consent to the
distinction between two circles among those whom he has rallied, the
doctrinal sympathizers and the "true" converts, initiated and circumcised.
For him (and we shall grant him this point), a truth procedure does not
comprise degrees. Either one participates in it, declaring the founding
event and drawing its consequences, or one remains foreign to it. This
22
Who Is Paul?
distinction, without intermediary or mediation, is entirely subjective.
Rites and external markings can provide neither a foundation, nor even a
qualification f
or it. Such is the price for truth's status as a universal sin
gularity. A truth procedure is only universal insofar as it is supported, at
that point through which it indexes the real, by an immediate subjective
recognition of
its singularity. Failing which, one resorts to observances or
particular signs, which can only fix the Good News within the commu
nitarian space, blocking its universal deployment. Thus, Paul considers all
converts as fully practicing f
ollowers, whatever their background, and re
gardless of whether they are circumcised. Judeo-Christians of strict ob
servance maintain the practice of distinguishing between degrees of be
longing and find it genuinely scandalous that individuals possessing
neither the markings nor the ritual practices of the community can be
considered as equals. People who, in a word, have neither the slightest
knowledge of, nor respect for, the Law.
A grave dispute ensues. It is finally decided that the issue be settled
with the historical apostles in Jerusalem. It is Paul's second encounter
with Peter, and this time we have inf
ormation about what
was at stal(e. It
concerns a major conflict, one in which the destiny of the new doctrine
is at issue. To what extent does the latter remain dependent on its origin
in the Jewish community? In my own language: What is the exact rela
tion between the supposed universality of the postevental truth (that is,
what is inferred from Christ's resurrection) and the evental site, which is,
indubitably, the nation bound together by the Old Testament? Of what
import are the traditional marks of belonging to the Jewish community
for the construction of
this truth, f
or its deployment in the people of
the
empire?
The Jerusalem conference (in 50? in 51?) is of
decisive importance
for these questions, which coordinate the binding of singularity and uni
versality. Specifically at stake in it is circumcision, and Paul deliberately
comes to Jerusalem accompanied by Titus, an uncircumcised follower.
But in the background the question is: Who is called? What is it to be
called? Is the call indexed by visible signs? And finally: Who is a subject?
What marks a subject?
The Judeo-Christian faction, which maintains strict observance, as
serts that the Christ-event does not abolish the old order. Its conception
Who I
s
Paul?
23
of the subject is dialectical. It is not a question of
denying the power of
the event. It is a question of
asserting that its novelty conserves and sub
lates the traditional site of faith, that it incorporates it by exceeding it.
The Christ-event accomplishes the Law; it does not terminate it. Thus
the marks inherited from tradition (circumcision, for example) are still
necessary. One might even say that, tal<en up and elevated by the new an
nouncement, the latter become transfigured and are all the more active
for it.
Paul finds himself leading the second faction. In his eyes, the event
renders prior markings obsolete, and the new universality bears no privi
leged relation to the Jewish community. Certainly, the components of the
event, its location, everything it mobilizes, have this communit
y as their
site. Paul himself is entirely ofJewish culture and cites the Old Testament
far more frequently than the putative words of the living Christ. But al
though the event depends on its site in its being, it must be independent
of it in its truth effects. Thus, it is not that communitarian marking (cir
cumcision, rites, the meticulous observance of the Law) is indefensible or
erroneous. It is that the postevental imperative of
truth renders the latter
indifferent (which is worse) . It has no signification, whether positive or
negative. Paul is not opposed to circumcision. His rigorous assertion is
"Circumcision is nothing, and uncircumcision is nothing" (Cor. 1.7.19).
This assertion is obviously sacrilegious for Judeo-Christians. But note
that it is not, for all that, a Gentile-Christian assertion, since uncircum
cision acquires no particular value through it, so that it is in no way to be
insisted upon.
The debate, philosophically reconstructed, bears upon three con
cepts: interruption (what does an event interrupt, what does it preserve?);
fidelity (what is it to be f
aithful to an evental interruption?); and marking
(are there visible marks or signs of fidelity?). The f
undamental interroga
tion is crystallized at the intersection of these three concepts: Who is the
subject of the truth procedure?
We know of the Jerusalem conference's existence and stakes only
through Paul's own brief narrative, and through its staging in the Acts.
That it ended in compromise, in a sort of delimitation of spheres of in
fluence, is certain. The formula for that compromise is: there are apostles
working in the Jewish environment, and others working in the Gentile
W
ho Is Paul?
environment. Peter is apostle of the Jews; Paul, apostle of the Gentiles,
the ethne (translated as "nations," and in fact designating all peoples other
than the Jewish people) .
Paul relates the episode in his epistle to the Galatians, 2.1.10:
Then after fourteen years I went up again to
Jerusalem with Barnabas, taking Ti
tus along with me. I went up by revelation; and laid before them (but privately,
before those who were of reputation) the gospel that I preach among the Gen
tiles, lest somehow I should be running or had run in vain. But even Titus, who
was with me, was not compelled to be circumcised, though he was a Greek. But
because of
false brethren secretly brought in, who slipped in to spy out our free
dom which we have in Christ Jesus, that they might bring us into bondage-to
them we did not yield submission even for a moment, that the truth of the
gospel might be preserved for you. And from those who were most esteemed
(what they were malces no diff
erence to me; God shows no partiality)-those, I
say, who were of repute added nothing to me. But on the contrary, when they
saw that I had been entrusted with the gospel of the uncircumcised, JUSt as Peter
had been entrusted the gospel of the circumcised (for he who worked through
Peter for the mission to the circumcised, worked through me also for the Gen
tiles), and when they perceived the grace that was given to me, James and
Cephas and John, who were reputed to be pillars, gave to me and Barnabas the
right hands of fellowship, that we should go to the Gentiles and they to the cir
cumcised, only they would have us remember the poor, which very thing I was
eager to do.
This is an entirely political text, from which we must retain at least
three points:
1. Whatever the ponderous character of this discourse, we deduce
that the struggle was a fierce one. The Judeo-Christians of
strict ob
servance (probably those who were behind the disturbances at An
tioch) are denounced as "false brethren," and it is clearly a question
of knowing whether one is going to give in to pressure. There was
an intercession by the historical apostles, Peter (Cephas), James,
and John, who, carrying out their symbolic governing role in a
spirit of rational compromise, approved some kind of
empirical du
ality in the militant f
unction. Nevertheless, we notice that nothing
in this conclusion provides a clear indication as to which side has
been talcen on the fundamental issues. That Paul concern himself
W
ho Is Paul?
25
with the Gentiles is one thing that he impose on them neither rites
nor marks is another, one which the conference apparently does not
decide.
2. The key moment in the text is the one in which Paul declares
that his opponents spied out the "f
reedom which we have in Christ
Jesus, that they might bring us into bondage." For freedom puts
into play the question of the law, a question that will be central in
Paul's discourse. What, in the final analysis, is the relation between
law.an subject? Is every subject configured in the form of a legal
subJectlon? The Jerusalem conf
erence resolves nothing, but lets
conflicting experiences develop.
3· Everything, including Paul's defensive tone (he is visibly plead
ing for the recognized right to pursue his action), shows that the
compromise was unstable, which is not to say it was without his
torical influence. On the contrary, that influence is considerable. By
allowing Paul's action to develop at the same time as that of
Judeo
Christians of
strict observance, the Jerusalem conference ultimately
prevents Christianity from becoming a Jewish ect, another precar
ious scission (in the wake of many others). But in curbing the zeal
of those Gentile-Christians hostile to Judaism, and perhaps that of
Paul himself, it prevented Christianity from being merely a new il
luminism, one just as precarious because devoid of all basis in his
torical Judaism. The Jerusalem conference is genui n ely founda
tional, because it endows Christianity with a twofold principle of
opening and historicity. It thereby holds tight to the thread of the
event as initiation of a truth procedure. That the event is new
should never let us f
orget that it is such only with respect to a de
terminate situation, wherein it mobilizes the elements of its site.
Admittedly, the conf
erence does not seem able to fix the content of
this difficult match between eventality and immanence to a situa
tion. But that it manages to coordinate the possibility of this match
empirically is already a lot. If
it is true that Peter [Pierre] was the ar
chitect of the Jerusalem compromise, he deserves his title of cor
nerstone [pierre angulaire] of the Church.
That the situation remained tense even after the conference is at
tested to by the famous "incident at Antioch," which Paul mentions just
after his narrative of
the conference and which seems to have occurred at
Who Is Paul?
the end of the same year. This incident is passed over in silence in the
Acts, which supports the view that the latter is an official document,
whose function is to provide an account of the first decades of
Christian
ity that would be as uniform, organizational, and "Roman" as possible.
What
was this incident about? Peter is in Antioch (a tour of
inspec
tion?) , where Paul has returned. The issue concerns whether one can
share ritual meals with non-Jews. Peter begins by doing so, but seeing dis
ciples ofJames entering, leaves the table. Paul takes it very badly. There is
no doubt that he sees in Peter's behavior a betrayal of
the initial compro
mise and a hypocritical position. The text still bears the imprint of gen
uine fury:
But when Peter came to Antioch, I opposed him face to face, because he stood
condemned. For before certain men came from James, he ate with the Gentiles;
but when they came he drew back and separated himself
, fearing the circumci
sion party. And with him the rest of the Jews acted insincerely
, so that even Bar
nabas was carried away by their insincerity. But when I saw that they were not
straightf
orward about the truth of the gospel, I said to Peter bef
ore them all, "If
you, though a Jew, live like a Gentile, and not like a Jew, how can YOLl compel
the Gentiles to live like Jews?" (Gal. 2.1I.I4)
Paul will immediately break with Barnabas, who has been led astray by
Peter. Everything indicates that he refused any compromise when it came
to fidelity to principles.
The apparent enigma is the following: Why does Paul say to Peter
that he (Peter), who is a Jew, lives in the manner of
Gentiles? The answer
supposes an implicit reference to the Jerusalem agreements. With respect
to these agreements, what Peter did is tantamount to duplicity. It shows
a hypocritical disrespect for a convention. For someone who claims to
follow the Law, it amounts to a grave failing. One might say that Paul re
proaches Peter with acting in a manner that fails to correspond to the im
age Peter himself claims to give of what it is to be a Jew. He thereby de
prives himself of the right to force the Gentiles to conform to this image
and to practice foreign rites.
It is impossible to overestimate the importance of the incident at
Antioch. That Peter could display such inconsistency with regard to his
own principles, such disloyalty to a past compromise, instills in Paul the
W
ho Is Paul?
27
idea that what is required are new principles. The incident reveals to him
that the Law, in its previous imperative, is not, is no longer, tenable, even
for those who claim to follow it. This will nourish one of Paul's essential
theses, which is that the Law has become a figure of death: Peter's situa
tion, at the very heart of the meager Christian "apparatus," a precarious,
hypocritical, "reprehensible," and basically moribund situation so far as
the requirements of action are concerned, furnished him with concrete
proof of this. For Paul, it is no longer possible to maintain an equal bal
ance between the Law, which is a principle of death for the suddenly as
cendant truth, and the evental declaration, which is its principle of life.
Now the leader of a faction, and having learned from these major,
"summit" confrontations, Paul sets of
f on his travels once again (Mace
donia, Greece) . The Acts presents us with the Hollywood version of these
travels. One episode, as famous as it is unlikely, is that of the great speech
Paul is said to have given before the Athenian philosophers (Stoics and
Epicureans) "in the midst of the Areopagus." Perhaps we may retain, at
least in its spirit, the episode's sorry conclusion: hearing Paul speak of
the
resurrection of the dead, the Greek philosophers burst out laughing and
leave. It is in fact likely that Paul's discourse met with little success in
Athens. The evidence is that Paul founded no group there. We find our
selves here on the second of Paul's major fronts (the first being the con
flict with the Judeo-Christians): the contempt in which he holds philo
sophical wisdom. Basically, what gets him into difficulty in Athens is his
antiphilosophy. In Corinthians I, we find a clear, albeit indirect, appraisal
of these expeditions into philosophical territory by an anti
philosopher:
When I came to you, brethren, I did not come proclaiming to you the testimony
of God in lofty words or wisdom. For I decided to know nothing among you ex
cept Jesus Christ and him crucified. And I was with YOLl in weakness, and in
much f
ear and trembling; and my speech and my message were not in persuasive
words of wisdom, but i n demonstration of the Spi rit and power, that your f
aith
might not rest in the wisdom of men, but in the power of God. (Cor. 1.2.1-5)
The problem lies in knowing how, armed only with the conviction
that declares the Christ-event, one is to taclde the Greek intellectual mi
lieu, whose essential category is that of wisdom (sophia), and whose in
strument is that of rhetorical superiority (huperokhe logou).
Who Is PauL?
Speaking of logos, we should note that Paul writes in Greek, the
Greek commonly spoken in the Orient of those days, which is a sort of
international language (a bit like English today). It is in no way a con
trived or esoteric language, but the Greek of
traders and writers. We must
restore to Paul's words, whose translations have become worn by cen
turies of obscurantism (all this "faith"! "charity"! "Holy Spirit"! What an
extravagant waste of energy!), their contemporary, everyday currency; for
bid ourselves from seeing them as a Church dialect. When Paul speal<s of
the subtleties of Greek, one must remember not only that the language of
the literate, of the philosophers, is frozen, almost dead already, but also
that the debate cannot be carried on from outside, according to the labo
rious transit between idioms. Conflict occurs within the same living lan
guage.
Paul opposes a show of spirit (pneuma, breath) and power
(dunamis) to the armed wisdom of rhetoric. The wisdom of men is op
posed to the power of God. It is thus a question of intervening ou!
;: en
sophiai Logou, "without the wisdom of language." This maxim envelops a
radical antiphilosophy; it is not a proposition capable of
being supported
by a philosophia. The essence of all this is that a subjective upsurge can
not be given as the rhetorical construction of a personal adjustment to
the laws of the universe or nature.
Paul's appraisal seems sincere. There was a failure before the
"Greeks." The Jews raise the question of the Law; the Greeks, that of
Wisdom, of philosophy. Such are the two historical referents for Paul's
enterprise. One must find the path for a thought that avoids both these
referents. In public circumstances, this attempt at a diagonal trajectory
rarely meets with success, rallying only a few anonymous companions. So
begins every truth.
We are now under Nero' reign, and Paul's wish-we mentioned it
earlier-is to go to Spain, which at the time represents the edge of the
world. At the moment of departure, a new militant question arises, that
of the collection.
In all the groups affiliated with the Christian declaration, funds
destined for the Jerusalem community are collected. What does this con
tribution signify? Here, we encounter once again the conflict between
tendencies refereed by the Jerusalem conference's feeble compromise.
Who Is Paul?
29
The Judeo-Christians see in this paying of tribute an acknowledg
ment of the primacy of the historical apostles (Peter and the others), as
well as the sign that elects Jerusalem-obvious center, along with the
Temple, of the Jewish community-as natural center of the Christian
movement. The collection thereby affirms a continuity between Jewish
communitarianism and Christian expansionism. Lastly, through the col
lection, external groups recognize that they amount to a diaspora.
Paul gives an interpretation of the collection that is the exact oppo
site. By accepting their donations, the center ratifies the legitimacy of the
Gentile-Christian groups. It demonstrates that neither membership of
the Jewish community, nor the marks of that membership, nor being sit
uated on the land of Israel are pertinent criteria for deciding whether a
constituted group does or does not belong within the Christian sphere of
influence.
Because he wishes to keep a watch on the collection's future devel
opment, as well as the meaning ascribed to it, Paul decides to accompany
the funds to Jerusalem rather than go to Spain.
What happens next can only be conjectured. The most plausible ac
count is the following. In Jerusalem, Paul is, in a sense, in the lion's den.
He is required to conform to certain Jewish rites. Paul accepts, because,
as he has written, he knows how to be "a Jew among Jews," just as he
knows how to be a Greek among Greeb: subjective truth is indifferent to
customs. He goes to the Temple. Subsequently, he becomes the target of
an angry mob, because he has been accused of
having smuggled a Gentile
into the Temple. In the eyes of the Jewish religious administration, sec
onded on this point by the Roman occupier, who is in the habit of
main
taining local customs, such an action is worthy of the death penalty.
Did Paul really commit the crime of
which he is accused? The ma
jority of historians think not. The truth is, no one knows. Paul is an ac
tivist, and nothing rules out the possibility that he believed such a provo
cation to be both possible and useful. In any case, he is arrested by a
detachment of Roman soldiers at the moment when he is about to be
lynched. It is the Romans who will initiate proceedings against him. Paul
is taken to the garrison at Caesarea. Around 59, he appears before the
governor, Festus (this much is certain). Since the accusation can lead to
the death penalty, he claims his rights as a Roman citizen: a citizen
30
Who Is P
aul?
charged with a capital offense has the right to be judged in Rome. Thus,
he is transferred there, and it seems he remained prisoner there from 60
to 62. A brief allusion by Clement, around 90, leads one to think he was
finally executed-whether following a formal trial, or during a persecu
tion, no one can know.
None of Paul's texts refer to these episodes, and for good reason: all
the authentic texts that have been handed down to us were certainly writ
ten prior to his arrest, which is to say that, so far as the final years of
Paul's
life are concerned, we remain, in reality, utterly ignorant. The voyage to
Rome is recounted with a great wealth of
detail in the Acts, following the
familiar conventions of the seafaring adventure yarn. It is impossible to
distinguish berween the true and the false. The Acts ends strangely, not,
as one might expect, with Paul's martyrdom, but with the edifYing spec
tacle of an apostle continuing his proselytizing activity in Rome in per
fect tranquility, which, along with many other details, testifies to the pro
Roman benevolence harbored by the author of the Acts.
Yet after all, Paul himself teaches us that it is not the signs of power
that count, nor exemplary lives, but what a conviction is capable of, here,
now, and forever.
3
Texts and Contexts
Paul's texts are letters, written by a leader to the groups he has
started or backed. They cover a very brief period (from 50 to 58). They are
militant documents sent to small groups of
the converted. In no way are
they narratives, in the manner of the Gospels, or theoretical treatises, of
the kind later written by the Church Fathers, or lyrical prophecies, such
as the Apocalypse attributed to John. They are interventions. From this
point of view, they are more akin to the texts of Lenin than to Marx's
Capita4 or to the majority of texts by Lacan than to Freud's Inter
pretation
o
f
Dreams, or to Wittgenstein's lectures than to Russell's Principia Math
ematica. This format, in which the opportunity for action takes precedent
over the preoccupation with making a name for oneself through publica
tions ("poubellications,"* as Lacan used to say), evinces one of the an
tiphilosopher's characteristic traits: he writes neither system nor treatise,
nor even really a book. He propounds a speech of rupture, and writing
ensues when necessary.
The enigma lies mainly in knowing how these topical texts were be
queathed to us, and what was responsible for their solemn and suspicious
inclusion within that untouchable corpus known as the New Testament.
The canonical collection of
"Paul's epistles" is late. It probably dates
*Portmanreau word combining poubelles, "trash cans," and publications,
"publications."-Trans.
32
Texts and Contexts
from the end of the second century. The oldest copies we possess come
from the beginning of the third century and consist only of fragments.
Moreover, as we indicated earlier, out of the thirteen letters contained in
the New Testament at least six are certainly apocryphal, even if it seems
probable that some of these originated from within Paul's "entourage."
Why and how did this corpus come to be canonized? Remember
that Paul has no obvious historical legitimacy. He is not one of the twelve
apostles. He knew nothing of the Lord's life. He caused many problems
for the historical center in Jerusalem.
Four important remarks may illuminate this oddity.
1. Contrary to the persistent illusion harbored by the New T
esta
ment's canonical, multisecular order, and imposed on our spontaneous
opinion, we will never tire of repeating that Paul's epistles predate, by a
long way, the composit
ion of the Gospels. Better still: Paul's epistles are,
quite simply, the oldest Christian texts to be handed down to us. Of
course,
oral accounts of Christ's life, of
his miracles, of
his death, must have been
abundantly propagated at the time of
Paul's preaching. But no document
establishing the details of that history has come down to us written prior
to the year 70, which is to say, about ten years after Paul's death. If one
dates the first epistle to the Thessalonians from 50, which is plausible, a
twenty-year gap separates it from the writing of the first gospel (Mark's).
Consequently, Paul enjoys a palpable anteriority so far as the written
propagation of the Christian doctrine is concerned. And because his let
ters were copied and circulated very early on, it would probably have
been difficult to simply ignore them when the time came (much later, at
the end of the third century) to collect the new religion's founding docu
ments.
2. With the partial exception oEJohn's (which was written last, pos
sibly around 90), the Gospels provide a genuine contrast to Paul's epis
tles, one to which we shall have occasion to return. Their aim is obviously
to emphasize Jesus' ex
ploits, his life's exceptional singularity. All the
trusted staples of religious thaumaturgy and charlatanism are abundantly
mobilized: miraculous cures, walking on water, divinations and an
nouncements, resuscitation of the dead, abnormal meteorological phe
nomena, laying on of
hands, instantaneous multiplication of
victuals . . .
Jesus' style, as recounted to us by the Gospels, is in complete accordance
Texts and Contexts
33
with this itinerant magician's paraphernalia. Certainly, the choiceness of
its aphorisms, and its shaping of the will to rupture, render it brilliant.
Yet for all that, it is no less marked by the conventions of
the genre: para
bles with a double meaning, obscure metaphors, apocalyptic imagery,
carefully constructed undecidability as to the character's identity
(Prophet? Messiah? Messenger of
God? Son of
God? New God descended
on earth?).
Paul's texts retain almost nothing of all this, in spite of the fact that
it must have been recounted in abundant detail among Christians of
the
first generation. It has often been noted that the empirical life of Jesus
practically goes unmentioned in the epistles, as do all of the master's fa
mous parables. Jesus' teachings, like his miracles, are splendidly ignored.
Everything is brought back to a single point: Jesus, son of God (we shall
see what this means), and Christ in virtue of this, died on the cross and
was resurrected. The rest, all the rest, is of no real importance. Let us go
further: the rest (what Jesus said and did) is not what is real in conviction,
but obstructs, or even falsifies it. Only a concentrated style, shorn of the
mannerisms of prophetic and thaumaturgical literature, can be appropri
ate to such a reduction. There is no doubt that Paul is a superlative
writer: condensed, lapidary, knowing just when to unleash unusual and
powerful images. Certain passages, as the poet Henry Bachau pointed out
to us, combining a kind of violent abstraction with ruptures in tone de
signed to put pressure on the reader, to deprive him of all respite, resem
ble Shakespearean declamations. But ultimately, what matters so far as
this prose is concerned is argumentation and delimitation, the forceful
extraction of an essential core of thought. Consequently, there will be no
parables, no learned obscurities, no subjective indecision, no veiling of
truth. The paradox of faith must be brought out as it is, borne by prose
into the light of its radical novelty.
The result of all this is that Paul's epistles are the only truly doctri
nal texts in the New Testament. One understands why, for example,
Luther considered that Paul's epistles, and they alone, contained the
meaning of the Revelation, and he did not hide his low opinion of the
synoptic Gospels, especially Luke's.
Without Paul's texts, the Christian message would remain ambigu
ous, with little to distinguish it from the overabundant prophetic and
34
Texts and Contexts
---
----
apocalyptic literature of
the time. This is an important reason for their in
clusion within the canonical corpus.
3. What happened between the writing of Paul's texts and that of
the Gospels? A crucial event: the Jewish uprising against the Roman oc
cupier, erupting in 66 (very probably after Paul's death), and culminating
with Titus's destruction of the temple ofJerusalem in 70. This marks the
true beginning of Jewish diaspora. Above all, it marks the end of
Jerusalem's "central" significance for the Christian movement. Hence
forth begins the process that will, little by little, turn Rome into the true
capital of
Christianity and historically erase that Jewish and Oriental ori
gin of
which Jerusalem, where the historic apostles resided, was the sym
bol.
Now, in several regards, it is Paul who, by virtue of
his universal and
de-centered vision of the construction of Christian enclaves, can be con
sidered the genuine precursor for this displacement. There is no doubt
that, for him, the structure of the Roman Empire, which means the
world between the Orient and Spain, is more important than the preem
inence of Jerusalem. That the most developed, most carefully crafted,
most decisive of all his texts, especially so f
ar as the brealc with Jewish law
is concerned, was an epistle to the Romans, is an instance of the kind of
fortuitousness whose symbolic function is irrecusable. Another major rea
son f
or inscribing Paul within the official corpus.
4. It is common knowledge that an organization puts together the
compendium of its canonical texts when the time has come f
or it to se
cure its orientation against dangerous deviations, or struggle against
threatening divisions. In this regard, the first centuries of Christianity are
particularly fraught. So far as the question preoccupying us here is con
cerned, it is essential to talee into account the upsurge of
a heresy that one
could call ultra-Pauline, that of Marcion, at the beginning of the second
century.
Marcion, providing the cue f
or the long succession of heresies of
Manichean tendency, maintains that the break between Christianity and
Judaism, between (what we call) the Old Testament and the New Testa
ment, must be considered to be absolute in a precise sense: it is not the
same God who is in question in these two religions. The Old Testament
deals with the God who created the world, and that God, as a considera-
----
Texts and Contexts
3 5
tion o f
the world as it is clearly establishes, is a malevolent being. Above
this creator God, there exists a genuinely good God whose character is
that of
a Father and not a creator. We can say that, for Marcion, it is nec
essary to distinguish the symbolic Father (revealed through Christianity
alone) from the creator, or real, father. The God of
Christianity (the sym
bolic Father) is not known in the same sense as the God of the Old Tes
tament (the progenitor) . The latter is directly apprehensible through the
narrative of his dark and capricious misdeeds. The former, which the
world provides no trace of, and who for that reason cannot be known di
rectly, or known according to the style of narrative, is accessible only
through the coming of
his Son. The result is that the Christian News is,
purely and simply, the true God's mediating revelation, the event of the
Father, which, at the same time, denounces the deception of that creator
God whom the Old Testament tells LlS about.
Marcion's treatise, which has not been handed down to us, was
called The Anti-theses. A crucial point: in it he maintained that Paul was
the only authentic apostle; the other so-called apostles, with Peter at their
head, remained under the allspice of the dark creator God. There were
certainly good reasons why the heretic could enlist the "apostle of na
tions" in this way: chief among them Paul's struggle against the strictly
observant Judea-Christians, his even
tal conception of Christianity, and
his polemic about the deathly aspect of the law. By pushing a little, one
could arrive at Marcion's conception: the new gospel is an absolute be
gll1nll1g.
Nevertheless, there is no question but that this was an instance of
manipulation. There is no text of Paul's from which one could draw any
thing resembling Marcion's doctrine. That the God whose son is JesLls
Christ is the God spoken of in the Old Testament, the God of the Jews,
is, for Paul, a ceaselessly reiterated and obvious fact. If there is a figure
with whom Paul feels an affinity, and one whom he subtly uses to his
own ends, it is that of Abraham. That Paul emphasizes rupture rather
than continuity with Judaism is not in doubt. But this is a militant, and
not an ontological, thesis. Divine unicity [uniciteJ bridges the two situa
tions separated by the Christ-event, and at no moment is it cast into
doubt.
In order to combat Marcion's dangerous heresy (which, in fact,
Texts and Contexts
abruptly backtracked on the Jerusalem compromise and threatened to
turn Christianity into a sect devoid of
all historical depth) the Church Fa
thers must have set out a reasonable and "centrist" version of Paul in op
position to ultra-Paulinism. The construction of the official Paul proba
bly dates from here, a construction that is not devoid of various
doctorings and deviations. The truth is that we know Marcion only
through his orthodox opponents, either Irenaeus or Jerome. And corre
spondingly, Paul came to be known through this image of Paul that it
was
necessary to construct in opposition to those who, in accordance with an
extremist vision of the Christian rupture, appropriated the founder's
most radical statements. Herein lies a partial explanation for the inclu
sion of Paul's epistles within the final corpus: better for the Church,
which was in the process of
consolidating itself, to have a reasonable Paul
on its side, than to have a Paul entirely turned over to the side of heresy.
Nevertheless, this does not exclude the possibility that, on behalf of the
cause, and by doctoring the genuine texts and fabricating f
alse ones, the
apostle came to be more or less "rectified," or his radicalism tempered, at
the very least. An operation in which, as we saw earlier, the author 'of the
Acts was already engaged at the end of the first century.
But in spite of everything, when one reads Paul, one is stupefied by
the paucity of traces left in his prose by the era, genres, and circum
stances. There is in this prose, under the imperative of the event, some
thing solid and timeless, something that, precisely because it is a question
of orienting a thought toward the universal in its suddenly emerging sin
gularity, but independently of all anecdote, is intelligible to us without
having to reson to cumbersome historical mediations (which is f
ar from
being the case f
or many passages in the Gospels, let alone for the opaque
Apocalypse) .
No one has better illuminated the uninterrupted contemporane
ousness of Paul's prose than one of the greatest poets of our time, Pier
Paolo Pasolini, who, it must be said, with his two first names was at the
heart of the problem, through the signifier alone.
Pasolini, for whom the question of Christianity intersected with
that of communism, or alternatively, the question of saintliness inter
sected with that of the militant, wanted to mal<e a film about Saint Paul
transplanted into the contemporary world. The film was never made, but
Texts and Contexts
37
we possess a detailed script for it, one that was translated into French and
published by Flammarion.
Pasolini's aim was to turn Paul into a contemporary without modi
fying any of his statements. He wanted to restore, in the most direct,
most violent way, the conviction of Paul's intrinsic actuality. It was a
question of explicitly telling the spectator that it was possible to imagine
Paul among us, here, today, in his full physical existence. That it is our so
ciety Paul is addressing, that it is for us he weeps, threatens and forgives,
attacks and tenderly embraces. He wanted to say: Paul is our fictional
contemporary because the universal content of his preaching, obstacles
and failures included, remains absolutely real.
For Pasolini, Paul, in revolutionary fashion, wanted to destroy a
model of society based on social inequality, imperialism, and slavery.
There resides in him the holy will to destruction. Certainly, in the film as
envisioned, Paul fails, and this failure is even more internal than public.
But he pronounces the truth of
the world, and does so in the same unal
tered terms in which he spoke almost two thousand years ago.
Pasolini's thesis is threefold:
1. Paul is our contemporary because the sudden eruption of
chance, the event, the pure encounter, are always at the origin of a
saintliness. Moreover, today, the figure of the saint is necessary, even
if the contents of the initiating encounter may vary.
2. By transplanting Paul, along with all his statements, into our
century, one sees them encountering there a real society every bit as
criminal and corrupt, but infinitely more supple and resistant, than
that of the Roman Empire.
3. Paul's statements are endowed with a timeless legitimacy.
The central theme is situated in the relation between actuality and
saintliness. Whenever the world of History tends to escape into mystery,
:rbstraction, pure interrogation, it is the world of the divine (of saintli
ness) which, eventally [evenementiellement] descended among humans,
becomes concrete, operative.
The film script charts the trajectory of a saintliness within an actu
ality. How is the transposition effected?
Rome is New York, capital of American imperialism. Jerusalem,
Texts and Contexts
cultural seat occupied by the Romans, seat also of intellectual conform
ity, is Paris under the German heel. The small, nascent Christian com
munity is represented by the Resistance, while the Pharisees are the Pe
tainists.
Paul is French, from a comfortable bourgeois background, a collab
orator, hunting members of
the Resistance.
Damascus is the Barcelona of Franco's Spain. The fascist Paul goes
on a mission to see supporters of
Franco. On the road to Barcelona, trav
eling through southwestern France, he has an illumination. He joins the
camp of the antif
ascist Resistance.
We then follow him as he travels around preaching resistance, in
Italy, in Spain, in Germany. Athens, the Athens of the sophists who re
fused to listen to Paul, is represented by contemporary Rome, by those
petty Italian intellectuals and critics whom Pasolini detested. Finally, Paul
goes to New York, where he is betrayed, arrested, and executed in sordid
circumstances.
The principal aspect in this trajectory gradually becomes that of
be
trayal, its wellspring being that what Paul creates (the Church, the Orga
nization, the Party) turns against his own inner saintliness. Here, Pasolini
finds support in a major tradition (one we shall examine later) that sees
in Paul not so much a theoretician of the Christian event as the tireless
creator of the Church. A man of the institution: in short, a militant of
the Third International. For Pasolini, reflecting on communism through
Paul, the Party is what, little by little, inverts saintliness into priesthood
through the narrow requirements of militantism. How does genuine
saintliness (which Pasolini unhesitatingly recognizes in Paul) bear the or
deal of a History that is at once fleeting and monumental, one in which
it constitutes an exception rather than an operation? It can only do so by
hardening itself, by becoming authoritarian and organized. But that
hardness, which is supposed to preserve it from all corruption by HistolY,
reveals itself to be an essential corruption, that of the saint by the priest.
It is the almost necessary movement of an internal betrayal. And this in
ternal betrayal is captured by an external betrayal, so that Paul will be de
nounced. The traitor is Saint Luke, portrayed as an agent of the Devil,
writing the Acts of the Apostles in an unctuous and emphatic style with
the aim of
eradicating saintliness. Such is Pasolini's interpretation of the
Texts and Contexts
39
Acts: it is a question of
writing Paul's lif
e as if all he had ever been was a
priest. The Acts, and more generally, the of
ficial image of Paul, present us
with the saint erased by the priest. This is a falsification, because Paul is a
saint. But the film script allows us to understand the truth behind this
deception: in Paul, the immanent dialectic of saintliness and actuality
constructs a subjective figure of the priest. Paul also dies to the extent that
saintliness has darkened within him.
A saintliness immersed in an actuality such as that of the Roman
Empire, or equally, that of contemporary capitalism, can protect itself
only by creating, with all requisite severity, a Church. But this Church
turns saintliness into priesthood.
The most surprising thing in all this is the way in which Paul's texts
are transplanted unaltered, and with an almost unfathomable natural
ness, into the situations in which Pasolini deploys them: war, fascism,
American capitalism, the petty debates of the Italian intelligentsia . . .
The universal value of the core of Paul's thought, as well as of the time
lessness of his prose, successfully undergoes this artistic trial, and Paul
emerges strangely victorious.
4
Theory of Discourses
When Paul is designated by the Jerusalem conf
erence as apostle of
the ethne (rather inaccurately translated as "nations"), one might think
that, henceforth, his preaching is to relate to an absolutely open multiple
of peoples and customs, in fact, to all the human subsets of the empire,
which are extremely numerous. Yet consistently, Paul only explicitly men
tions two entities-the Jews and the Greeks-as if this metonymic rep
resentation sufficed, or as if, with these two referents, the multiple of the
ethne had been exhausted so far as the Christian revelation and its uni
versal destination is concerned. What is the status of
this Jew/Greek cou
ple, which single-handedly stands in for the empire's "national" complex
ity?
One basic reply consists in saying that "Greek" is equivalent to
"Gentile," and that ultimately the multiplicity of nations is covered by
the straightforward opposition between Jewish monotheism and official
polytheism. However, this reply is unconvincing, because when Paul talks
about the Greeks, or about Greek, he only very rarely associates these
words with a religious belief. As a rule, he is talking about wisdom, and
hence about philosophy.
It is essential to understand that in Paul's lexicon, "Jew" and
"Greek" do not designate anything we might spontaneously understand
by means of the word "nation," which is to say an objective human set
Theory o
f
Discourses
41
grasped in terms of its belief
s, customs, language, territory, and so forth.
Neither is it constituted, legalized religions that are being referred to. In
reality, "Jew" and "Greek" are sub
jective dis
positions. More precisely, they
refer to what Paul considers to be the two coherent intellectual figures of
the world he inhabits, or what could be called regimes o
f
discourse. When
theorizing about the Jew and the Greek, Paul is in fact presenting us with
a schema of discourses. And this schema is designed to position a third
discourse, his own, in such a way as to render its complete originality ap
parent. Like Lacan, who considers analytical discourse only in order to
inscribe it within a mobile schema wherein it is connected to the dis
courses of the master, the hysteric, and the university, Paul institutes
"Christian discourse" only by distinguishing its operations from those of
Jewish discourse and Greek discourse. And the analogy is all the more
striking in that, as we shall see, Paul accomplishes his objective only by
defining a fourth discourse, which could be called mystical, as the mar
gin for his own. As if
every schema of
discourses had to configure a quad
rangle. But is it not Hegel who illuminates this point when, at the end of
his Logic, he shows that the absolute Knowledge of a ternary dialectic re
quires a fourth term?
What is Jewish discourse? The subjective figure constituted by it is
that of
the prophet. But a prophet is one who abides in the requisition of
signs, one who signals, testifying to transcendence by exposing the ob
scure to its deciphering. Thus, Jewish discourse will be held to be, above
all, the discourse of the sign.
What then is Greek discourse? The subjective figure constituted by
it is that of
the wise man. But wisdom consists in appropriating the fixed
order of the world, in the matching of the logos to being. Greek discourse
is cosmic, deploying the subject within the reason of a natural totality.
Greek discourse is essentially the discourse of totality, insofar as it up
holds the sophia (wisdom as internal state) of a knowledge of
phusis (na
ture as ordered and accomplished deployment of being).
Jewish discourse is a discourse of exception, because the prophetic
sign, the miracle, election, designate transcendence as that which lies be
yond the natural totality. The Jewish nation itself
is at once sign, miracle,
and election. It is constitutively exceptional. Greek discourse bases itself
on the cosmic order so as to adjust itself to it, while Jewish discourse
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bases itself on the exception to this order so as to turn divine transcen
dence into a sign.
Paul's profound idea is that Jewish discourse and Greek discourse
are the two aspects of the same figure of mastery. For the miraculous ex
ception of the sign is only the "minus-one," the point of incoherence,
which the cosmic totality requires in order to sustain itself. In the eyes of
Paul the Jew, the weakness of Jewish discourse is that its logic of the ex
ceptional sign is only valid
for
the Greek cosmic totality. The Jew is in ex
ception to the Greek. The result is, firstly, that neither of the two dis
courses can be universal, because each supposes the persistence of the
other; and secondly, that the two discourses share the presupposition that
the key to salvation is given to us within the universe, whether it be
through direct mastery of the totality (Greek wisdom), or through mas
tery of a literal tradition and the deciphering of signs (Jewish ritualism
and prophetism) . For Paul, whether the cosmic totality be envisaged as
such or whether it be deciphered on the basis of the sign's exception, in
stitutes in every case a theory of
salvation tied to mastery (to a law), along
with the grave additional inconvenience that the mastery of
the wise man
and that of
the prophet, necessarily unaware of their identity, divide hu
manity in two (the Jew and the Greek), thereby blocking the universality
of the Announcement.
Paul's project is to show that a universal logic of
salvation cannot be
reconciled with any law, be it one that ties thought to the cosmos, or one
that fixes the effects of an exceptional election. It is impossible that the
starting point be the Whole, but just as impossible that it be an exception
to the Whole. Neither totality nor the sign will do. One must proceed
from the event as such, which is a-cosmic and illegal, refusing integration
into any totality and signaling nothing. But proceeding from the event
delivers no law, no form of mastery, be it that of the wise man or the
prophet.
One may also say: Greek and Jewish discourse are both discourses
o
f
the Father. That is why they bind communities in a form of obedience
(to the Cosmos, the Empire, God, or the Law). Only that which will
present itself
as a discourse of the Son has the potential to be universal, de
tached from every particularism.
This figure of the son evidently fascinated Freud, just as it under-
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lies Pasolini's identification with the apostle Paul. In the case of the for
mer, with regard to that Jewish monotheism for which Moses is the de
centered founding figure (the Egyptian as Other of the origin), Chris
tianity raises the question of the relation that sons have to the Law, with
the symbolic murder of the Father in the background. In the case of the
latter, the power of thought intrinsic to homosexual desire is turned to
ward the advent of an egalitarian humanity, wherein the concordance of
the sons cancels, to the benefit of the love of the mother, the crushing
symbolism of the fathers, which is embodied in institutions (the
Church, or the Communist Party). In addition, Pasolini's Paul is as
though torn between the saintliness of
the son-linked, given the law of
the world, to abjection and death-and the ideal of power proper to the
father, which drives him to create a coercive apparatus in order to dom
inate History.
For Paul, the emergence of the instance of the son is essentially tied
to the conviction that "Christian discourse" is absolutely new. The for
mula according to which God sent us his Son signifies primarily an in
tervention within History, one through which it is, as Nietzsche will put
it, "broken in two," rather than governed by a transcendent reckoning in
conformity with the laws of an epoch. The sending (birth) of the son
names this rupture. That it is the son, not the father, who is exemplary,
enjoins us not to put our trust any longer in any discourse laying claim to
the form of mastery.
That discourse has to be that of the son means that one must be
neither Judeo-Christian (prophetic mastery), nor Greco-Christian (philo
sophical mastery), nor even a synthesis of the two. The opposing of a di
agonalization of discourses to their synthesis is a constant preoccupation
of Paul's. It is John who, by turning the logos into a principle, will syn
thetically inscribe Christianity within the space of the Greek logos,
thereby subordinating it to anti-Judaism. This is certainly not the way
Paul proceeds. For him, Christian discourse can maintain fidelity to the
son only by delineating a third figure, equidistant from Jewish prophecy
and the Greek logos.
This attempt can only be accomplished through a sort of
decline of
the figure of
the Master. And since there are two figures of the master, the
one that legitimates itself on the basis of the cosmos, the master in wis-
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dom, the Greek master, and the one that legitimates itself according to
the power of exception, the master of the letter and of signs, the Jewish
master, Paul will be neither a prophet nor a philosopher. Accordingly, the
triangulation he proposes is: prophet, philosopher, apostle.
What exactly does "apostle" (a
postolos) mean? Nothing empirical or
historical in any case. In order to be an apostle, it is not necessary to have
been a companion of Christ, a witness to the event. Paul, who claims his
legitimacy only from himself, and who, according to his own expression,
has been "called to be an apostle," explicitly challenges the pretension of
those who, in the name of
what they
were and saw, believe themselves to
be guarantors of truth. He calls them "those who are most esteemed,"
and seems, for his own part, not to share this esteem. He also adds,
"What they were makes no difference to me; God shows no partiality"
(Gal. 2.6) . An apostle is neither a material witness, nor a memory.
At a time when the importance of "memory" as the guardian of
meaning and of historical consciousness as a substitute for politics is be
ing urged on us from all sides, the strength of Paul's position cannot fail
to escape us. For it is certainly true that memory does not prevent anyone
from prescribing time, including the past, according to its present deter
mination. I do not doubt the necessity of remembering the extermina
tion of the Jews, or the action of Resistance fighters. But I note that the
neo-Nazi maniac harbors a collector's memory for the period he reveres,
and that, remembering Nazi atrocities in minute detail, he relishes and
wishes he could repeat them. I see a number of informed people, some of
them historians, conclude on the basis of their memory of the Occupa
tion and the documents they have accumulated, that Petain had many
virtues. Whence the obvious conclusion that "memory" cannot settle any
issue. There invariably comes a moment when what matters is to declare
in one's own name that what took place took place, and to do so because
what one envisages with regard to the actual
possibilities of
a situation re
quires it. This is certainly Paul's conviction: the debate about the Resur
rection is no more a debate between historians and witnesses in his eyes
than that about the existence of
the gas chambers is in mine. We will not
ask for proofs and counterproof
s. We will not enter into debate with eru
dite anti-Semites, Nazis under the skin, with their superabundance of
"proofs" that no Jew was ever mistreated by Hitler.
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To which it is necessary to add that the Resurrection-which is the
point at which our comparison obviously collapses-is not, in Paul's own
eyes, of the order of fact, falsifiable or demonstrable. It is pure event,
opening of an epoch, transformation of the relations between the possi
ble and the impossible. For the interest of Christ's resurrection does not
lie in itself, as it would in the case of a particular, or miraculous, fact. Its
genuine meaning is that it testifies to the possible victory over death, a
death that Paul envisages, as we shall see later in detail, not in terms of
facti
city, but in terms of subjective disposition. Whence the necessity of
constantly linking resurrection to our resurrection, of proceeding from
singularity to universality and vice versa: "If the dead do not resurrect,
Christ is not resurrected either. And if Christ is not resurrected, your
faith is in vain" (Cor. 1.15.16). In contrast to the fact, the event is measur
able only in accordance with the universal multiplicity whose possibility
it prescribes. It is in this sense that it is grace, and not history.
The apostle is then he who names this possibility (the Gospels, the
Good News, comes down to this: we can vanquish death). His discourse
is one of pure fidelity to the possibility opened by the event. It cannot,
therefore, in any way (and this is the upshot of
Paul's antiphilosophy) fall
under the remit of
knowledge. The philosopher knows eternal truths; the
prophet knows the univocal sense of
what will come (even if he delivers
it only through figures, through signs) . The apostle, who declares an
unheard-of possibility, one dependent on an evental grace, properly
speaking knows nothing. To imagine that one knows, when it is a ques
tion of subjective possibilities, is fraudulent: "He who thinks he knows
something [egnokenai ti] , does not yet know as he ought to know" (Cor.
1.8.2) . How is one to know when one is an apostle? According to the
truth of a declaration and its consequences, which, being without proof
or visibility, emerges at that point where lmowledge, be it empirical or
conceptual, breaks down. In characterizing Christian discourse from the
point of
salvation, Paul does not hesitate to say: "Knowledge [gnosis] will
disappear"(Cor. 1.13.8).
The text wherein the characteristics of Christian discourse, insofar
as it delineates the subjective figute of the apostle, are recapitulated under
the sign of an evental disappearance of the virtues of knowledge, can be
found in the first epistle to the Corinthians:
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For Christ did not send me to baptize but to preach the gospel, and not with elo
quent wisdom, lest the cross of Christ be emptied of its power. For the preach
ing of the cross is folly to those who are perishing, but to us who are saved it is
the power of God. For it is written, "I will destroy the wisdom of the wise, and
thwart the cleverness of the clever." Where is the wise man? Where is the scribe?
Where is the debater of this age? Has not God made foolish the wisdom of the
world? For since, in the wisdom of God, the world did not know God through
wisdom, it pleased God through the folly of
what we preach to save those who
believe. For Jews demand signs and Greeks seek wisdom, but we preach Christ
crucified, a stumbling block to Jews and a folly to Gentiles, but to those who are
called, both Jews and Greeks, Christ the power of God, and the wisdom of
God.
For the foolishness of God is wiser than men, and the weakness of God is
stronger than men.
For consider your call, brethren; not many of
you were wise according to
worldly standards, not many were powerful, not many
were of
noble birth, but
God chose the foolish things of
the world to conf
ound the wise, and God chose
the weak things of the world to confound the strong; God chose what is base
and despised in the world, and even things that are not, to bring to nought
things that are, so that no one might glorify himself
in his presence. (Cor. 1.1.17-
29)
The announcement of the gospel is made without the wisdom of
language "lest the cross of Christ be emptied of its power." What does it
mean for the event whose sign is the cross to be emptied of its power?
Simply, that this event is of such a character as to render the philosophi
cal logos incapable of
declaring it. The underlying thesis is that one of
the
phenomena by which one recognizes an event is that the former is like a
point of
the real [point de ree{j that
puts language into deadlock. This dead
lock is folly (moria) for Greek discourse, which is a discourse of reason,
and it is a scandal (skandalon) for Jewish discourse, which insists on a sign
of divine power and sees in Christ nothing but weakness, abjection, and
contemptible peripeteia. What imposes the invention of
a new discourse,
and of
a subjectivity that is neither philosophical nor prophetic (the apos
tle), is precisely that it is only by means of such invention that the event
finds a welcome and an existence in language. For established languages,
it is inadmissible because it is genuinely unnamable.
From a more ontological viewpoint, it is necessary to maintain that
Christian discourse legitimates neither the God of
wisdom (because God
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has chosen the foolish things), nor the God of
power (because God has
chosen the weak and base things). But what unites these two traditional
determinations, and provides the basis for their rejection, is deeper still.
Wisdom and power are attributes of God to the extent that they are at
tributes of being. God is said to be the sovereign intellect, or to govern
the world and men's destiny to the precise extent that pure intellect is the
supreme point of being specified by a wisdom, and universal power that
whose innumerable signs-equally signs of Being as that which is beyond
beings-can be distributed or applied to the becoming of men. One
must, in Paul's logic, go so far as to say that the Christ-event testifies that
God is not the god of Being, is not Being. Paul prescribes an anticipatory
critique of
what Heidegger calls onto-theology, wherein God is thought
as supreme being, and hence as the measure for what being as such is ca
pable of
The most radical statement in the text we are commenting on is in
ef
fect the following: "God has chosen the things that are not [ta me ontaJ
in order to bring to nought those that are [ta ontaJ." That the Christ
event causes non
beings rather than beings to arise as attesting to God;
that it consists in the abolition of
what all previous discourses held as ex
isting, or being, gives a measure of the ontological subversion to which
Paul's antiphilosophy invites the declarant or militant.
It is through the invention of
a language wherein folly, scandal, and
weakness supplant Imowing reason, order, and power, and wherein non
being is the only legitimizable affirmation of being, that Christian dis
course is articulated. In Paul's eyes, this articulation is incompatible with
any prospect (and there has been no shortage of them, almost from the
time of
his death onward) of a "Christian philosophy."
Paul's position on the newness of Christian discourse relative to all
forms of knowledge and the incompatibility between Christianity and
philosophy is so radical that it unsettles even Pascal. Yes, Pascal, that
other great figure of antiphilosophy, he who, under the modern condi
tions of
the subject of science, seeks to identifY the Christian subject, he
who condemns Descartes ("useless and uncertain"), he who explicitly op
poses the God of
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, to the God of
the philoso
phers and scientists; Pascal does not manage to understand Paul.
Consider for example fragment 547 of the Pensees:
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We know God only through Jesus Christ. Without this mediator, all communi
cation with God is withdrawn; through Jesus Christ, we know God. All those
who claimed to know God and sought to prove it without Jesus Christ furnished
only impotent proof
s. But in order to prove
Jesus Christ, we have the prophecies,
which are solid and palpable proof
s. And these prophecies, having been accom
plished, and proved true by the event, mark the certainty of those truths, and
hence, the proof of
Jesus Christ's divinity. By him and through him, we thus
know God. Without that and without Scripture, without original sin, without
the promise and advent of a necessary Mediator, one cannot furnish absolute
proof of God, or teach either sound doctrine or sound morality. But by Jesus
Christ and through Jesus Christ, one furnishes proof of God, and one teaches
morality and doctrine. Thus, Jesus Christ is men's true God.
But at the same time, we recognize our misery, for this God is nothing but
the Redressor of our misery. Thus, we may properly know God only by recog
nizing our iniquities. And those who have known God without knowing their
misery have not glorified him but glorified themselves. Quia . . .
non cognovit
per
sapientiam . . .
placuit Deo per stultitiam praedicationis salvos
facere.
This text easily allows us to identify what Pascal and Paul have in
common: the conviction that the fundamental declaration has to do with
Christ. But from that point on, things begin to diverge from a twofold
point of view.
1. With Paul, we notice a complete absence of the theme of media
tion. Christ is not a mediation; he is not that through which we know
God. Jesus Christ is the pure event, and as such is not a function, even
were it to be a function of knowledge, or revelation.
We are confronted here with a prof
ound general problem: Can one
conceive of the event as a function, as a mediation? We should mention
in passing that this question ran through the entire epoch of revolution
ary politics. For many of
those faithful to it, the revolution is not what ar
rives, but what must arrive so that there can be something else; it is com
munism's mediation, the moment of the negative. Similarly, for Pascal,
Christ is a mediating figure, ensuring that we do not remain in a state of
abandonment and ignorance. For Paul, by contrast, just as for those who
think a revolution is a self
-sufficient sequence of
political truth, Christ is
a coming [une venue]; he is what interrupts the previous regime of dis
courses. Christ is, in himself and f
or himself, what happens to us. And
what is it that happens to us thus? We are relieved of
the law. But the idea
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49
of
mediation remains legal; it enters into composition with wisdom, with
philosophy. This question is decisive for Paul, because it is only by being
relieved of
the law that one truly becomes a son. And an event is falsified
if it does not give rise to a universal becoming-son. Through the event,
we enter into filial equality. For Paul, one is either a slave, or a son. He
would certainly have considered the Pascalian idea of mediation as still
bound to the legality of the Father, and hence as a muted negation of
evental radicality.
2. Only reluctantly does Pascal admit that Christian discourse is a
discourse of
weakness, folly, and nonbeing. Paul says "folly of our preach
ing"; Pascal translates it as "knowledge of
our own ignorance." This is not
a Pauline theme; misery for Paul always consisting in a subjection to law.
Pascalian antiphilosophy is classical in that it remains bound to the con
ditions for knowledge. For Paul, it is not a question of
knowledge, but of
the advent of
a subject. Can there be another subject, a subjective path
other than the one we know, and which Paul calls the subjective path of
the flesh? This is the one and only question, which no protocol of
knowl
edge can help settle.
Because of his desire to convince the modern libertine, Pascal is
haunted by the question of
knowledge. His strategy requires that one be
able to reasonably prove the superiority of the Christian religion. It is nec
essary to establish that the event fulfills the prophecies-singularly so in
the case of
Christ's coming-that the New Testament legitimates the ra
tional deciphering of the Old one (via the doctrine of manifest and hid
den meaning). Correspondingly, the Old Testament draws its coherence
from that which, within it, signals toward the New.
Paul would have seen in tlle Pascalian theory of
the sign and of
dou
ble meaning an unacceptable concession to Jewish discourse, just as he
would have seen in the probabilistic argumentation of
the wager, as well
as in the dialectical ratiocinations about the two infinites, an unacceptable
concession to philosophical discourse. For Paul, the event has not come
to prove something; it is pure beginning. Christ's resurrection is neither
an argument nor an accomplishment. There is no proof
of
the event; nor
is the event a proof Knowledge comes for Pascal where, for Paul, there is
only faith. As a result, unlike Paul, Pascal considers it important to bal
ance Christian "folly" with a classical apparatus of
wisdom:
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Our religion is wise and foolish. Wise, because it is the most knowledgeable, and
the most well-based in miracles, prophecies, and so on. Foolish, because none of
this makes one belong to it; it serves as a pretext for the condemnation of those
who do not belong, but not for the belief of those who do belong. It is the cross
that makes them believe, ne evacuata sit crux. And thus Saint Paul, who came in
wisdom and signs, says he came neither in wisdom nor signs, because he came to
convert. But those who come only to convince can say that they come in wis
dom and signs.
We have here a perfect, entirely non-Pauline example of the Pas
calian technique. Let us give it a name: balanced contradiction. Pascal
opposes conversion and conviction. In order to convert, it is doubtless
necessary to be on the side of folly, of the preaching of the cross. But in
order to convince, it is necessary to install oneself in the element of
proof
(miracles, prophecies, and so on). For Pascal, Paul hides his true identity.
He acts through signs and wisdom, but because he wishes to convert, he
claims not to.
This Pascalian reconstruction of Paul is in fact indicative of
Pascal's
reticence in the face of Pauline radicalism. For Paul expressly rejects.signs,
which belong to the order of
Jewish discourse, as well as wisdom, which
belongs to Greek discourse. He presents himself as deploying a subjective
figure that has been subtracted from both, which means that neither mir
acles, nor the rational exegesis of prophecies, nor the order of the world
have any value when it comes to instituting the Christian subject. But for
Pascal, miracles and prophecies are at the heart of the question: "It is not
possible to reasonably believe against miracles" (frag. 815); "The greatest
of
Christ's proofs are prophecies" (frag. 706). Without prophecies or mir
acles, we would have no proof, and the superiority of Christianity could
not be upheld before the tribunal of
reason, which means that we would
have no chance of
convincing the modern libertine.
For Paul, on the contrary, it is precisely the absence of proof that
constrains faith, which is constitutive of the Christian subject.
So far as the prophecies are concerned, whether the Christ-event is
their realization is practically absent from Paul's preaching considered as
a whole. Christ is precisely incalculable.
So far as miracles are concerned, Paul, subtle politician, does not
risk denying their existence. One even finds him occasionally hinting
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that, like such and such among his rival thaumaturges, he is capable of
performing them. He too could glory in supernatural raptures, if he so
wished. But this is what he will not do, exhibiting instead the subject's
weakness and the absence of signs and proof
s, as supreme proof. The de
cisive passage is in Corinthians. II.I2.I-II:
I must glory; there is nothing to be gained by it, but I will come to visions and
revelations of the Lord. I know a man in Christ who fourteen years ago was
caught up to the third heaven . . .
and he heard things that cannot be told, which
it is not lawful for man to utter
. . . .
Though if I wish to glorifY myself
, I shall not
be a fool, for I shall be spealcing the truth. But I refrain from it, so that no one
may think more of me than he sees in me or hears from me
. . . .
The Lord said
to me: "My grace is sufficient for you, for my strength is made perf
ect in weak
ness." I will all the more gladly glory in my wealmess, that the power of Christ
may rest upon me . . .
for when I am weal<, then I am strong.
Clearly then, for Paul, miracles exist and have concerned him. He
delineates a particular subjective figure, that of the "exalted" man, who
has perhaps been summoned out of
his body during the course of his life.
But this figure is precisely not the one the apostle is going to present. The
apostle must be accountable only for what others see and hear, which is
to say, his declaration. He has no need to glorify himself in the name of
that other subject who has spoken with God, and who is like an Other
within himself ("On behalf of such a man as this I will glory, but I will
not glory on my own behalf, except in my wealmesses" [Cor. II.I2.5]).
Christian discourse must, unwaveringly, refuse to be the discourse of
mir
acle, so as to be the discourse of the conviction that bears a weakness
within itself.
Let us note in passing that Paul delineates, as if
in shadowy outline,
a fourth possible discourse, besides the Greek (wisdom), the Jew (signs),
and the Christian (evental declaration). This discourse, which Pascal tries
to bring into the light of classical reason, would be that of the miracle,
and Paul gives it a name: subjective discourse of
glorification. It is the dis
course of the ineffable, the discourse of nondiscourse. It is the subject as
silent and mystical intimacy, inhabited by "things that cannot be told
[arrheta rhemata] ," which would be better translated as "unutterable ut
terances" (dires indifibles), only experienced by the subject who has been
visited by miracle. But this fourth subjective figure, splitting the apostle
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again, must not enter into the declaration, which, on the contrary, nour
ishes itself on the inglorious evidence of weakness. It is kept off to one
side, and unlike Pascal, Paul is convinced that Christian discourse has
nothing to gain by using it to glorify itself. The fourth discourse (mirac
ulous, or mystical) must remain unaddressed, which is to say that it can
not enter into the realm of
preaching. Paul is thereby ultimately more ra
tional than Pascal: it is vain to want to justify a declaratory stance
through the apparel of
miracle.
For Paul, the fourth discourse will remain a mute supplement, en
closing the Other's share in the subject. He refuses to let addressed dis
course, which is that of the declaration of faith, justify itself through an
unaddressed discourse, whose substance consists in unutterable utter
ances.
I believe this to be an important indication, one that concerns every
militant of a truth. There is never occasion to try to legitimate a declara
tion through the private resource of a miraculous communication with
truth. Let us leave truth to its subjective "voicelessness," for only the
work of its declaration constitutes it.
I shall call "obscurantist" every discourse that presumes to legiti
mate itself
on the basis of an unaddressed discourse. It has to be said that
Pascal, when he wants to establish the preeminence of Christianity on the
basis of miracles, is more obscurantist than Paul, probably because he
wants to mask the pure event behind the (libertine's) f
ascination with a
reckoning of chances.
Obviously, there is an element of cunning in Paul when he lets it be
understood, without boasting about it, but without keeping silent about
it either, that he is internally torn between the man of glorification, the
"ravished" subject, and the man of declaration and weakness. But it can
not be denied that there is in him, and he is alone in this among the rec
ognized apostles, an ethical dimension of
antiobscurantism. For Paul will
not permit the Christian declaration to justify itself through the ineffa
ble. He will not allow the Christian subject to base his speech on the un
utterable.
Paul is profoundly convinced that weakness will not be relieved
through a hidden force. Power is fulfilled in weakness itself. Let us say
that, for Paul, the ethics of discourse consists in never suturing the third
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53
discourse (the public declaration of the Christ-event) to the fourth (the
glorification of
the subject personally visited by miracle).
This ethics is profoundly coherent. Supposing I invoke (as Pascal
does) the f
ourth discourse ("joys, tears of
joy . . .
"), and hence the private,
unutterable utterances, in order to j ustify the third (that of Christian
faith), I relapse inevitably into the second discourse, that of the sign, the
Jewish discourse. For what is a prophecy if not a sign of
what is to come?
And what is a miracle if not a sign of the transcendence of the True? By
granting to the fourth discourse (mysticism) no more than a marginal
and inactive position, Paul keeps the radical novelty of
the Christian dec
laration from relapsing into the logic of
signs and proof
s.
Paul firmly holds to the militant discourse of wealmess. The decla
ration will have no other force than the one it declares and will not pre
sume to convince through the apparel of prophetic reckoning, of the
miraculous exception, or of
the ineffable personal revelation. It is not the
singularity of
the subject that validates what the subject says; it is what he
says that f
ounds the singularity of the subject.
Pascal, by way of
contrast, opts simultaneously f
or convincing exe
gesis, for the certainty of miracles, and for private meaning. He cannot
relinquish proof, in the existential sense of the term, because he is of the
classical era, and because his question is that of the Christian subject in
the age of
positive science.
Paul's antiphilosophy is nonclassical, because he accepts that there
is no proof, even miraculous. Discourse's power of conviction is of an
other order, and it is capable of shattering the form of reasoning:
For the weapons of
our warfare are not carnal, but they have divine power to pull
down strongholds. Through them, we destroy arguments and every proud ob
stacle to the knowledge of
God and tal<e every thought captive to obey Christ.
(Cor. II.r0-4-5)
It is with this regime of a discourse without proof, without mira
cles, without convincing signs, with this language of the naked event,
which alone captures thought, that the magnificent and famous
metaphor in Corinthians II-4-7 resonates: "But we have this treasure in
earthen vessels, to show that the greatness of this power belongs to God
and not to us."
54
Theory 0
/
Discourses
The treasure is nothing but the event as such, which is to say a
completely precarious having-taken-place. It must be borne humbly, with
a precariousness appropriate to it. The third discourse must be accom
plished in weakness, for therein lies its strength. It shall be neither logos,
nor sign, nor ravishment by the unutterable. It shall have the rude harsh
ness of public action, of naked declaration, without apparel other than
that of its real content. There will be nothing but what each can see and
hear. This is the earthen vessel.
Whoever is the subject of
a truth (oflove, of art, or science, or pol
itics) knows that, in ef
fect, he bears a treasure, that he is traversed by an
infinite power. Whether or not this truth, so precarious, continues to de
ploy itself depends solely on his subjective weakness. Thus, one may jus
tifiably say that he bears it only in an earthen vessel, day after day endur
ing the imperative-delicacy and subtle thought-to ensure that nothing
shatters it. For with the vessel, and with the dissipation into smoke of
the
treasure it contains, it is he, the subject, the anonymous bearer, the her
ald, who is equally shattered.
5
The Division of the Subject
For Paul to maintain that, under the condition of
the Christ-event,
there has been a choice for things that are not against things that are, in
dicates in an exemplary way that in his eyes Christian discourse bears an
absolutely new relation to its object. It is truly another figure of the real
that is in question. This figure will deploy itself through the revelation
that what constitutes the subject in its relation to this unheard-of real is
not its unity, but its
'division. For, in reality, one subject is the weaving to
gether of
t
wo subjective paths, which Paul names the flesh (sarx) and the
spirit (pneuma). And the real in turn, insofar as it is in some way
"grasped" by the two paths that constitute the subject, can be inflected
according to two names: death (thanatos), or life (zoe). Insofar as the real
is that which is thought in a subjectivating thought, it will be possible to
maintain, according to a difficult, central aphorism, that to gar
phronema
tes sarkos thanatos, to de phronema tou pneumatos zoe (Rom. 8.6), which,
in spite of the difficulty of identifying death as a thought, one must not
hesitate to translate as: "The thought of
the flesh is death; the thought of
the spirit is lif
e."
After centuries during which this theme has been subjected to Pla
tonizing (and therefore Greek) amendment, it has become almost im
possible to grasp what is nevertheless a crucial point: The opposition be
tween s
pirit and
flesh has nothing to do with the opposition between the soul
The Division o
f
the Sub
ject
and the bod
y. That is precisely why both the one and the other are
thoughts, each identifying its real through an opposed name. If, evoking
his existence as a persecutor prior to the Damascus conversion, Paul can
af
firm that "the very commandment which promised life, proved to be
death to me" (Rom. 7.lO), it is because a subjective maxim is always taken
up in two possible senses, according to the flesh or according to the spirit,
without it being possible for any substantial distinction of
the Greek kind
(soul and body, thought and sensibility) to unravel the subjective weav
ing. It is of the essence of the Christian subject to be divided, through its
fidelity to the Christ-evenr, into two paths that affect every subject in
thought.
The theory of
subjective division disqualifies what other discourses
identify as their object. It is, in the guise of the even
tal character of the
real, the upsurge (surrection) of
an other object.
In Greek discourse, the object is the finite cosmic totality as so
journ of thought. The real causes the (philosophical) desire to occupy
the place allotted to you in adequate fashion, an allocation of places
whose principle thought can recover. What thought identifies as properly
real is a place, a sojourn, which the wise man knows it is necessary to
consent to.
For Paul, the Christ-event, which shears and undoes the cosmic to
tality, is precisely what indicates the vanity of places. The real is attested
to rather as the refuse from every place, there where the subject rehearses
his weakness: "We have become, and are now, as the refuse of the world,
the off
scouring of
all things" (Cor. 1-4.13). One must therefore assume the
subjectivity of refuse, and it is in the face of this abasement that the ob
ject of Christian discourse suddenly appears.
One will note the consonance with certain Lacanian themes con
cerning the ethics of the analyst: at the end of the treatment, the latter
must, similarly, consent to occupy the position of refuse so that the
analysand may endure some encounter with his or her real. By virtue of
which, as Lacan notes, the analyst comes very close to saintliness.
For Jewish discourse, the object is elective belonging, exceptional
alliance between God and his people. The entirety of the real is marked
by the seal of that alliance and is gathered and manifested through the
observance of the law. The real is set out on the basis of commandment.
The Division o
f
the Sub
ject
57
The exception that constitutes it is conceivable only through the imme
morial dimension of the law.
For Paul, the Christ-event is heterogeneous to the law, pure excess
over every prescription, grace without concept or appropriate rite. The
real can no more be what in elective exception becomes literalized in
stone as timeless law (Jewish discourse), than it is what comes or returns
to its place (Greek discourse). The "folly of
our preaching" will exempt us
from Greek wisdom by discontinuing the regime of
places and totality. It
will exempt us from the Jewish law by discontinuing observances and
rites. The pure event can be reconciled neither with the natural Whole,
nor with the imperative of
the letter.
For him who considers that the real is pure event, Jewish and Greek
discourses no longer present, as they continue to do in the work of
Levi
nas, the paradigm of a major difference for thought. This is the driving
force behind Paul's universalist conviction: that "ethnic" or cultural dif
ference, of which the opposition between Greek and Jew is in his time,
and in the empire as a whole, the prototype, is no longer significant with
regard to the real, or to the new object that sets out a new discourse. No
real distinguishes the first two discourses any longer, and their distinction
collapses into rhetoric. As Paul declares, defying the evidence: "There is
no distinction between Jew and Greek" (Rom. lO.n).
More generally, the moment the real is identified as event, malcing
way for the division of
the subject, the figures of distinction in discourse
are terminated, because the position of the real instituted by them is re
vealed, through the retroaction of the event, to be illusory. Similarly, for
the subject divided according to the paths through which the real is
grasped-that of the flesh and that of the spirit-the "ethnic" subjects
brought aboLlt by Jewish law just as by Greek wisdom become disquali
fied to the extent that they lay claim to the perpetuation of a full or un
divided subject, whose particular predicates it would be possible to enu
merate: genealogy, origin, territory, rituals, and so on.
To declare the nondifference between Jew and Greek establishes
Christianity's potential universality; to found the subject as division,
rather than as perpetuation of a tradition, renders the subjective element
adequate to this universality by terminating the predicative particularity
of
cultural subjects.
T
he Division o
f
the Sub
ject
There is no doubt that universalism, and hence the existence of any
truth whatsoever, requires the destitution of established dif
ferences and
the initiation of a subject divided in itself by the challenge of having
nothing but the vanished event to face up to.
The whole challenge is that a discourse configuring the real as pure
event be consistent. Is this possible? Paul tries to pursue this path.
Let us emphasize once more that, since the event that he takes co
identify the real is not
real (because the Resurrection is a fable), he is able
to do so only by abolishing philosophy. This is probably what distin
guishes Paul from contemporary anti
philosophers
, who circumscribe the
real-event within the realm of
effective truths: "grand politics" f
or Nietz
sche; the archi-scientific analytic act for Lacan; mystical aesthetics for
Wittgenstein. The result is that, so f
ar as philosophy is concerned, Paul's
subjective position is far more abrupt than the therapeutic approach of
the moderns, who all want to cure thought from the philosophical sick
ness. Paul's thesis is not that philosophy is an error, a necessary illusion, a
phantasm, and so f
orth, but that there is no longer an admissible place
for its pretension. The discourse of wisdom is definitively obsolete. This
is what, manufactured though it probably is, is symbolized by the acԯ
count in the Acts of the Apostles of Paul's encounter with the Greek
philosophers on the Areopagus. It seems that the philosophers burst out
laughing as soon as Paul's harangue touched on the only real of any im
port, which is the Resurrection. This Nietzschean laughter, in the sense
of the Antichrist, expresses a disjunction, and not an opposition. The dis
junctive formula is "the foolishness of God is wiser than men, and the
wealmess of God is stronger than men" (Cor. 1.1.25). The primacy of
f
ool
ishness over wisdom, and of
wealmess over strength, commands the dis
sipation of
the formula of mastery, without which philosophy cannot ex
ist. Henceforth, it is no longer even possible to discuss philosophy; one
must declare its e
ffective expiration, along with that of every figure of
mastery.
Paul never stops telling us that the Jews are looking f
or signs and
"demanding miracles," that the Greeks are "looking f
or wisdom" and ask
ing questions, that the Christians declare Christ crucified. T
o
demand
to question-to declare: such are the verbal f
orms proper to the three dis
courses, their subjective postures.
The Division o
f
the Sub
ject
59
If one demands signs, he who performs them in abundance be
comes a master for him who demands them. If one questions philosoph
ically, he who can reply becomes a master for the perplexed subject. But
he who declares without prophetic or miraculous guarantees, without ar
guments or proofs, does not enter into the logic of the master. Declara
tion, in ef
fect, is not affected by the emptiness (of the demand) wherein
the master installs himself. He who declares does not attest to any lack
and remains withdrawn from its fulfillment by the figure of the master.
This is why it is possible for him to occupy the place of the son. To de
clare an event is to become the son of that event. That Christ is Son is
emblematic of the way in which the evental declaration filiates the de
clarant.
Philosophy lmows only disciples. But a son-subject is the opposite
of a disciple-subject, because he is one whose lif
e is beginning. The pos
sibility of
such a beginning requires that God the Father has filiated him
self, that he has assumed the form of the son. It is by consenting to the
figure of the son, as expressed by the enigmatic term "sending," that the
Father causes us ourselves to come forth universally as sons. The son is he
for whom nothing is lacking, f
or he is nothing but beginning. "So
through God you are no longer a slave but a son, and if a son then an
heir" (Gal. 4.7).
The f
ather, always particular, withdraws behind his son's universal
evidence. It is quite true that all postevental universality equalizes sons
through the dissipation of the particularity of the f
athers. Whence the
way in which every truth is marked by an indestructible youthfuLness.
Later, theology will indulge in all sorts of contortions in order to es
tablish the substantial identity of Father and Son. Paul has no interest at
all in such Trinitarian questions. The antiphilosophical metaphor of the
"sending of
the son" is enough for him, for he requires only the event and
refuses all philosophical reinscription of this pure occurrence by means of
the philosophical vocabulary of
substance and identity.
The resurrected Son filiates all of humanity. This constitutes the
uselessness of the figure of knowledge and its transmission. For Paul, the
figure of knowledge is itself a figure of slavery, like that of the law. The
figure of mastery is in reality a fraud. One must depose the master and
found the equality of sons.
60
The Division o
f
the Sub
ject
The most powerful expression of this equality, necessary correlate of
this universality, can be found in Corinthians 1.3.9. We are all theou
sunergoi, God's coworkers. This is a magnificent maxim. Where the figure
of
the master breaks down come those of the worker and of
equality, con
joined. All equality is that of belonging together to a work. Indubitably,
those participating in a truth procedure are coworkers in its becoming.
This is what the metaphor of the son designates: a son is he whom an
event relieves of the law and everything related to it for the benefit of
a
shared egalitarian endeavor.
It is nevertheless necessary to return to the event, upon which
everything depends, and particularly the sons, coworkers in the enterprise
of
Truth. What must the event be for universality and equality to belong
together under the aegis of
the universal son?
For Paul, the event is certainly not the biography, teachings, re
counting of miracles, aphorisms with a double meaning, of a particular
individual: to wit, Jesus. The rule that applies to the divided Christian
subject, and which privileges the active real of the declaration over private
illumination, impersonal faith over particular exploits, also applies to Je
sus. In the case of the latter, Paul, once again, will not deny that the Son ·
enjoyed internal communication with the divine, that he was inhabited
by unutterable utterances, and that, so f
ar as miraculous cures, multipli
cation of loaves, walking on water, and other amazing feats are con
cerned, he was the equal of any of the charlatans that abounded in the
empire's eastern provinces. He simply reminds us, even if only by delib
erately neglecting to mention these extraneous virtuosities, that none of
this is enough to found a new era of
Truth. What the particular individ
ual named Jesus said and did is only the contingent material seized upon
by the event in view of an entirely different destiny. In this sense, Jesus is
neither a master nor an example. He is the name for what happens to us
universally.
Nietzsche, f
or whom Paul approaches the gospel accounts with "the
cynicism of a rabbi," perfectly perceived the apostle's complete indiffer
ence to the anecdotal gentleness with which these accounts are filled. For
Nietzsche, this is an instance of deliberate falsification, one wherein the
hatred of
life and the lust for power are given free rein:
The Division o
f
the Sub
ject
61
The life, the example, the teaching, the death, the meaning and the right of the
entire Gospel-nothing was left once this hate-obsessed counterfeiter had
grasped what alone he could make us of. N
ot the reality, not the historical truth!
. . .
Paul simply shif
ted the centre of gravity of that entire existence beyond
this
existence-into the lie of the "resurrected" Jesus. In f
act, he could make no use
at all of the redeemer's life-he needed the death on the Cross and
something in
addition. ( T
he Anti-Christ, §42)
This is not inaccurate. Like every genuine theoretician of truth,
Paul, as we have seen, does not believe that there can be a "historical
truth." Or rather, he does not believe truth to be a matter of history, of
witnessing, of memory. Nietzsche, for his part, did not believe it either,
for his genealogical doctrine is in no way historical. And it is true that, in
Paul's eyes, without the motif of the Resurrection, Christ's existence
would have been of little more importance than that of any other Orien
tal mystic, however talented.
But Nietzsche is not precise enough. When he writes that Paul
needs only Christ's death "and something in addition," he should em
phasize that this "something" is not "in addition" to death, that it is for
Paul the unique point of the real onto which his thought fastens. And
thus that, if he "shifted the center of
gravity of
that [Christ's] entire exis
tence beyond this existence," it is neither in accordance with death, nor
in accordance with hate, but in accordance with a principle of overexis
tence on the basis of which lif
e, affirmative life, was restored and re
founded for all.
Does not Nietzsche himself
want to "shift the center of gravity" of
men's life beyond their contemporary nihilist decadence? And does he
not require for this operation three closely related themes of
which Paul
is the inventor: to wit, that of the self-legitimating subjective declaration
(the character of Zarathustra), the breaking of History in two ("grand
politics"), and the new man as the end of guilty slavery and affirmation
oflife (the Overman)? If Nietzsche is so violent toward Paul, it is because
he is his rival far more than his opponent. The result being that he "falsi
fies" Paul at least as much as, if not more than, Paul "falsified" Jesus.
To say that Paul shifted "the center of
gravity of life out of life into
the 'Beyond'-into Nothingness," and that in so doing he "deprived lif
e
The Division o
f
the Sub
ject
as such of its centre of gravity" ( The Anti-Christ, §43), is to maintain the
very opposite of the apostle's teaching, for whom it is here and now that
life takes revenges on death, here and now that we can live af
firmatively,
according to the spirit, rather than negatively, according to the flesh,
which is the thought of death. For Paul, the Resurrection is that on the
basis of
which life's center of
gravity resides in life, whereas previously, be
ing situated in the Law, it organized lif
e's subsumption by death.
In reality, the core of the problem is that Nietzsche harbors a gen
uine loathing for universalism. Not always: this mad saint is a violent liv
ing contradiction, a brealcing in two of himself. But where Paul is con
cerned, yes: "The poison of the doctrine 'equal rights for all'-this has
been more thoroughly sowed by Christianity than by anything else" ( The
Anti-Christ, §43). Where God is concerned, Nietzsche extols the virtues
of
the most obstinate particularism, the most unbridled racial communi
tarianism: "Formerly he [God] represented a people, the strength of a
people, everything aggressive and thirsting for power in the soul of
a peo
ple
. . . .
There is in f
act no other alternative f
or Gods: either they are the
will to power-and so long as they are that they will be national Gods
or else the impotence for power" ( The Anti-Christ, §r6) . What Nietz
sche-on this point remaining a German "mythologue" (in Lacoue
Labarthe's sense of the term)-cannot forgive Paul for is not so much to
have willed Nothingness, but to have rid us of these sinister "national
Gods" and to have formulated a theory of
a subject who, as Nietzsche ad
mirably, albeit disgustedly, puts it, is universally, "a rebel . . .
against
everything privileged" ( T
he Anti-Christ; §46).
Moreover, while protesting against Paul in the name of "historical
truth," Nietzsche does not seem to have appropriately situated the apos
tle's preaching relative to the canonical shaping of the gospel narratives.
He pays little attention to the fact that these narratives, wherein he claims
to discern the "psychology of the Redeemer" (a Buddha of decadence, a
partisan of the quiet, empty life, "the last man"), were composed and or
ganized long af
ter Paul fiercely seized upon the only point that is super
numerary relative to this "Buddhist" edification: the Resurrection.
But nothing is more indispensable than to keep in mind the tem
poral relation between the synoptic Gospels, in which the edifYing anec
dote is essential, and Paul's epistles, charged from beginning to end with
The Division of the Sub
ject
63
the revolutionary announcement of
a spiritual history that has been bro
ken in t
wo. The Gospels literally come twenty years later. The Pauline
reference is of
a different substance. The event is not a teaching; Christ is
not a master; disciples are out of the question. Jesus is certainly "lord"
(kurios), and Paul his "servant" (doulos). But the Christ-event establishes
the authority of a new subjective path over future eras. The fact that we
must serve a truth procedure is not to be confused with slavery, which is
precisely that from which we are forever released insof
ar as we all become
sons of
what has happened to us. The relation between lord and servant
differs absolutely from that between master and disciple, as well as from
that between owner and slave. It is not a relation of
personal, or legal, de
pendence. It is a community of
destiny in that moment in which we have
to become a "new creature." That is why we need retain of Christ only
what ordains this destiny, which is indif
ferent to the particularities of
the
living person: Jesus is resurrected; nothing else matters, so that Jesus be
comes like an anonymous variable, a "someone" devoid of predicative
traits, entirely absorbed by his resurrection.
The pure event is reducible to this: Jesus died on the cross and res
urrected. This event is "grace" (kharis). Thus, it is neither a bequest, nor
a tradition, nor a teaching. It is supernumerary relative to all this and
presents itself
as pure givenness.
As subject to the ordeal of
the real, we are hencef
orth constituted by
evental grace. The crucial f
ormula-which, it must be noted, is simulta
neously a universal address-is: ou gar este hupo nomon alL'
hupo kharin,
"for you are not under law, but under grace" (Rom. 6.14) . A structuring
of
the subject according to a "not . . .
but" through which it must be un
derstood as a becoming rather than a state. For the "not being under law"
l'legatively indicates the path of the flesh as suspension of the subject's
destiny, while "being under grace" indicates the path of the spirit as fi
delity to the event. The subject of the new epoch is a "not . . .
but." The
event is at once the suspension of the path of the flesh through a prob
lematic "not," and the affirmation of the path of the spirit through a
"but" of exception. Law and grace are for the subject the name of the
constituting weave through which he is related to the situation as it is and
to the ef
fects of
the event as they have to become.
We shall maintain, in effect, that an evental rupture always consti-
64
T
he Division o
f
the Sub
ject
tutes its subject in the divided f
orm of a "not . . .
but," and that it is pre
cisely this form that bears the universal. For the "not" is the potential dis
solution of closed particularities (whose name is "law"), while the "but"
indicates the task, the faithful labor, in which the subjects of the process
opened up by the event (whose name is "grace") are the coworkers. The
universal is neither on the side of
the flesh as conventional lawfulness and
particular state of the world, nor on the side of the pure spirit, as private
inhabitation by grace and truth. The Jewish discourse of the rite and the
law is undermined by the event's superabundance, but, equally, the arro
gant discourse of
internal revelation and the unutterable is abolished. The
second and f
ourth discourses must be revoked because they unify the sub
ject. Only the third discourse holds to its division as a guarantee of uni
versality. If the event is able to enter into the constitution of the subject
declaring it, it is precisely because through it, and irrespective of the par
ticularity of persons, it ceaselessly redivides the two paths, distributing
the "not . . .
but," which, through an endless process, sets aside the law
the better to enter into grace.
6
The Antidialectic of Death
and Resurrection
We said: the event consists in Jesus, the Christ, dying on the cross
and coming back to life. What is death's function in this affair? Does
Paul's thought ultimately constitute, as Nietzsche believed, a moribund
paradigm, an eventalization of
the hatred of life?
Or again: Is the Pauline conception of the event dialectical? Is the
path of affirmation always that of the labor of the negative, so that "the
life of the spirit is the lif
e that withstands death and maintains itself in
it"? We know how much the Hegelian apparatus owes to Christianity,
and how dialectical philosophy incorporates the theme of a Calvary of
the Absolute. In that case, resurrection is nothing but the negation of
the
negation, death is the decisive time of the Infinite's self-externalization,
and suffering and martyrdom possess an intrinsically redemptive func
tion, which, it has to be said, corresponds to a Christian imagery that has
been omnipresent for centuries.
If the theme of resurrection becomes caught up in the dialectical
apparatus, it must be conceded that the event as supernumerary given
ness and incalculable grace is dissolved into an auto-foundational and
necessarily deployed rational protocol. It is certainly true that Hegelian
philosophy, which is the rational edge of German romanticism, effects a
capture of the Christ-event. In Hegel, grace becomes a moment in the
self-development of the Absolute, and the material of death and suffering
66
T
he Antidialectic of Death and Resurrection
is the due required so that spirituality, externalizing itself in finitude, can
return into itself through the experienced intensity of
self-consciousness.
I shall maintain that Paul's position is anti
dialectical, and that for it
death is in no way the obligatory exercise of the negative's immanent
power. Grace, consequently, is not a "moment" of the Absolute. It is af
firmation without preliminary negation; it is what comes upon us in
caesura of
the law. It is pure and simple encounter.
This de-dialectization of the Christ-event allows us to extract a for
mal, wholly secularized conception of grace from the mythological core.
Everything hinges on knowing whether an ordinary existence, breaking
with time's cruel routine, encounters the material chance of serving a
truth, thereby becoming, through subjective division and beyond the
human animal's survival imperatives, an immortal.
If
Paul helps us to seize the link between evental grace and the uni
versality of the True, it is so that we can tear the lexicon of grace and en
counter away from its religious confinement. That materialism is never
anything but the ideology of the determination of the subjective by the
objective disqualified it philosophically. Or let us posit that it is incum
bent upon us to found a materialism of grace through the strong, simple
idea that every existence can one day be seized by what happens to it and
subsequently devote itself to that which is valid for all, or as Paul mag
nificently puts it, "become all things to all men [tois pasi gegona ta
pantaJ"
(Cor. 1.9.22).
Yes, we are the beneficiaries of certain graces, ones for which there
is no need to invoke an All-Powerful.
For Paul himself, who certainly upholds and exalts the transcendent
machinery, the event is not death, it is resurrection.
Let us, on this delicate point, provide a few indications.
Suffering plays no role in Paul's apologetic, not even in the case of
Christ's death. The weak, abject character of that death is certainly im
portant for him, insofar as the treasure of
the event-we have already said
why-has to reside in an earthen vessel. But for Paul, that the force of a
truth is immanent to that which is weakness and folly so far as the estab
lished discourses are concerned, never entails that suffering possesses an
intrinsically redemptive function. The share of suffering is inevitable;
such is the law of the world. But hope, wagered by the event and the sub-
The Antidialectic o
f
Death and Resurrection
ject who binds himself to it, distributes consolation as that suffering's
only real, here and now: "Or hope for you is unshaken, for we know that
as you share in our sufferings, you will also share in our consolation"
(Cor. II.I.?). In fact, the glory tied to the thought of "invisible things" is
incommensurable with the inevitable suf
ferings inflicted by the ordinary
world: "For these slight momentary afflictions are preparing for us an
eternal weight of glory beyond all comparison" (Cor. 1I.4.17).
When Paul speaks of
his own suf
ferings it is in accordance with a
strictly militant logic. It is a matter of convincing dissident groups, or
ones tempted by the adversary, that he, Paul, is well and truly the risk
taking, disinterested man of
action he claims to be. This is particularly so
in the second epistle to the Corinthians, marked by a very noticeable po
litical anxiety, in which Paul alternates flattery and threats ("I beg of
you
that when I am present I may not have to show boldness with such con
fidence as I count on showing against some" [Cor. II.lO.2]). At this point,
deployed as part of a tactic in which pleas are combined with rivalry,
there comes the powerful description of the hardships endured by the no
madic leader:
Often near death, five times I have received at the hands of the Jews the forty
lashes less one. Three times I have been beaten with rods; once I was stoned.
Three times I have been shipwrecked; a night and a day I have been adrift at sea;
on frequent journeys, in danger from rivers, danger from robbers . . .
danger in
the city, danger in the wilderness, danger at sea, danger from false brethren, in
toil and hardship, through many a sleepless night, in hunger and thirst, often
without food, in cold and exposure. (Cor. II.II.23-27)
But the conclusion of this biographical passage, entirely designed to
confound those who "when they measure themselves by one another and
compare themselves with one another, are without understanding" (Cor.
II.lO.l2), ascribes no redemptive signification to the apostle's tribulations.
Here again, as always, it is a question of the earthen vessel, of the
postevental bearing of
wealcness, of
the destitution of
the worldly criteria
of glory: "If I must glory, I will glory in the things that show my weak
ness" (Cor. ILI1.3o) .
Let us propose the formula: in Paul, there is certainly the Cross, but
no path of the Cross. There is Calvary, but no ascent to Calvary. Ener-
68
The AntidiaLectic o
f
Death and
Resurrection
getic and urgent, Paul's preaching includes no masochistic propaganda
extolling the virtues of suffering, no pathos of the crown of thorns, flag
ellation, oozing blood, or the gall-soaked sponge.
We come now to the Cross.
For Paul, death cannot be the operation of
salvation. For it is on the
side of flesh and the law. It is, as we have seen, the configuration of the
real through the subjective path of the flesh. Not only has it no sacred
function, no spiritual assignation; it cannot have one.
To understand its function, it is once more necessary to forget the
Platonic apparatus of the soul and the body, of the soul's survival, or its
immortality. Paul's thought ignores these parameters. The death about
which Paul tells us, which is ours as much as Christ's, has nothing bio
logical about it, no more so for that matter than life. Death and life are
thoughts, interwoven dimensions of the global subject, wherein "body"
and "soul" are indiscernible (which is why, for Paul, the Resurrection is
necessarily resurrection of
the body-that is to say, resurrection of the di
vided subject in its entirety). Grasped as thought, as subjective path, as
way of being in the world, death is that part of the divided subject that
must, again and always, say "no" to the flesh and maintain itself in the
precarious becoming of the spirit's "but."
Death, which is the thought of (= according to) the flesh cannot be
constitutive of the Christ-event. Death is, moreover, an Adamic phe
nomenon. It was, properly speaking, invented by Adam, the first man.
Corinthians 1.I5.22 is perfectly clear on this point: "For as by a man came
death, by a man has come also the resurrection of the dead. For as in
Adam all die, so also in Christ shall all be made alive." Death is as ancient
as the first man's choice of a rebellious freedom. What constitutes an
event in Christ is exclusively the Resurrection, that anastasis nekron that
should be translated as the raising up of
the dead, their uprising, which is
the uprising of life.
Why then must Christ die, and to what ends does Paul expand on
the symbol of the cross?
In the text above, one must pay careful attention to the fact that
only the resurrection of a man can in a certain sense accord with or be sit
uated on the same level as the invention of death by a man. Christ in
vents lif
e, but can do so only insofar as he, just like the inventor of
death,
The AntidiaLectic o
f
Death and Resurrection
is a man, a thought, an existence. Ultimately, Adam and Jesus, the first
Adam and the second Adam, incarnate, at the scale of
humanity's destiny,
the subjective weave rhat composes, as constituting division, any singular
subject whatsoever. Christ dies simply in order to attest that it well and
truly is a man who, capable of inventing death, is also capable of invent
ing life. Or: Christ dies in order to manifest that, in spite of his also be
ing caught up in rhe human invention of
death, it is from this very point
(indexing what humanity is capable of) that he invents life.
In sum, death is only required insof
ar as, with Christ, divine inter
vention must, in its very principle, become strictly equal to the human
ity of man, and hence to the thought that dominates him, which as sub
ject is called "flesh," and as object "death. " When Christ dies, we,
mankind, shall cease to be separated from God, since by filiating Himself
with the sending of his Son, He enters into the most intimate proximity
to our thinking composition.
Such is the unique necessity of Christ's death: it is the means to an
equality with God himself. Through this thought of the flesh, whose real
is death, is dispensed to us in grace the fact of being in the same element
as God himself. Death here names a renunciation of transcendence. Let
us say that Christ's death sets up an immanentization o
f
the spirit.
Paul is perfectly aware that maintaining a radical transcendence of
the Father allows neither the event, nor the rupture with the legal order.
For only the deathly immobility of the Law, that "minister of death,
carved in letters on stone" (Cor. 11.3.7), can occupy the abyss separating
us from God.
In Romans 6-4-9, Paul establishes that a doctrine of the real as
event has conditions of immanence, and that we can enter into relation
with death only insofar as God enters into relation with it. The operation
of
death thereby constructs the site of
our divine equality within human
ity itself:
We were buried theref
ore with him by baptism into death, so that as Christ was
raised from the dead by the glory of the Father, we too might walk in newness of
life.
For if
we have been united with him in a death like his, we shall certainly
be united with him in a resurrection like his. We know that our old self
was cru
cified with him so that the sinf
ul body might be destroyed, and we might no
70
The Antidialectic o
f
Death and Resurrection
longer be enslaved to sin. For he who has died is free from sin. But if we have
died with Christ, we believe that we shall also live with him. For we know that
Christ being raised from the dead will never die again.
The text is explicit: death as such counts for nothing in the opera
tion of
salvation. It functions as a condition of immanence. We conf
orm
to Christ insofar as he conforms to us. The cross (we have been crucified
with Christ) is the symbol of
that identity. And this conformity is possi
ble because death is not a biological fact but a thought of the flesh, one
of whose names-an extremely complex one, to which we shall come
back-is "sin." Paul calls this immanentization a "reconciliation" (katal
lage): "For if while we were enemies of God we were reconciled to him by
the death of his Son, much more, now that we are reconciled, shall we be
saved by his life" (Rom. 5.10).
It is imperative not to confuse katallage, reconciliation, which is the
operation of
death, with soteria, salvation, which is the even
tal operation
of resurrection. The f
ormer immanentizes the conditions of the latter
without thereby rendering the latter necessary. Through Christ's death,
God renounces his transcendent separation; he unseparates himself
through filiation and shares in a constitutive dimension of the divided
human subject. In so doing he creates, not the event, but what I call its
site. The evental site is that datum that is immanent to a situation and
enters into the composition of the event itself, addressing it to this singu
lar situation, rather than another. Death is construction of
the evental site
insofar as it brings it about that resurrection (which cannot be inf
erred
from it) wi!! have been addressed to men, to their subjective situation.
Reconciliation is a given of the site, a virtual indication-inoperative by
itself
-of the extent to which Christ's resurrection consists in the inven
tion of a new life by man. Resurrection alone is a given of the event,
which mobilizes the site and whose operation is salvation.
Ultimately, to understand the relation between kata!!age and
soteria, which is just as much the relation between death and life, is to
understand that, for Paul, there is an absolute disjunction between
Christ's death and his resurrection. For death is an operation in the situ
ation, an operation that immanentizes the evental site, while resurrection
is the event as such. Hence the fact that Paul's argument is f
oreign to all
The Antidia!ectic o
f
Death and Resurrection
7I
dialectics. Resurrection is neither a sublation, nor an overcoming of
death. They are two distinct functions, whose articulation contains no
necessity. For the event's sudden emergence never follows from the exis
tence of an evental site. Although it requires conditions of immanence,
that sudden emergence nevertheless remains of
the order of
grace.
This is why Nietzsche goes completely astray when he turns Paul
into the archetypal priest, power subordinated to the hatred of life. We
are all familiar with the diatribe:
Then Paul appeared
. . . .
Paul, Chandala hatred against Rome, against "the
world," become flesh and genius, the Jew, the eternal Jew par excellence
. . . .
This
was his vision on the road to Damascus: he grasped that to disvalue "the world"
he needed the belief in immortality, that the concept "Hell" will master even
Rome-that with the "Beyond" one kills life
. . . .
Nihilist and Christian: they
rhyme, and do not merely rhyme. ( The Anti-Christ, §58)
Nothing in this text fits. We have already said enough to under
stand that "belief in immortality" is no concern of Paul's, who would f
ar
rather see affirmation triumph over negation, life over death, the new
man (the overman?) over the old man; that, in the case of
a man who was
particularly proud of his Roman citizenship, the hatred against Rome is
Nietzsche's invention; that "the world" that Paul declares has been cruci
fied with Jesus is the Greek cosmos, the reassuring totality that allots
places and orders thought to consent to those places, and that it is conse
quently a question of letting in the vital rights of the infinite and the un
totalizable event; that no mention is made of
hell in Paul's preaching, and
that it is a characteristic of
his manner never to appeal to fear and always
to courage; finally, that "to kill life" is certainly not the intent of he who
asks with a sort of savage joy: "0 death, where is thy victory?" (Cor.
1.15.55). Paul's program would be better summarized by the formula "to
kill death."
He who demanded Dionysian affirmation, him who, like Paul, be
lieved himself to be breaking the history of the world in two, and to be
everywhere substituting life's "yes" for nihilism's "no," would have f
ound
better inspiration by citing this passage:
For the Son of God, Jesus Christ, whom we preached among you, Silvanus and
Timothy and I, was not Yes and No; but in him it is always Yes. (Cor. ILI.I9)
The Antidialectic of Death and Resurrection
This is what Paul is about: not the cult of
death but the f
oundation of
a
universal "yes."
Similarly, he who wished that, beyond good and evil, beyond rites
and priests, the new man, the overhumanity of
which humanity is capa
ble, might come f
orth, could have invoked Paul in his f
avor, the Paul who
declares, in a very Nietzschean tone: "For neither circumcision counts for
anything, nor uncircumcision, but being a new creature" (Gal. 6.15).
Nietzsche is Paul's rival far more than his opponent. Both share the
same desire to initiate a new epoch in human history, the same convic
tion that man can and must be overcome, the same certainty that we
must have done with guilt and law. Is he not Nietzsche's brother, the Paul
who declares: "For if there was splendor in the dispensation of condem
nation, the dispensation of righteousness must far exceed it in splendor"
(Cor. II.3.9) ?
They share the same-sometimes brutal-combination of
vehemence and saintly gentleness. The same touchiness. The same cer
tainty as to being personally chosen. Nietzsche expounding the reasons
why he is "a destiny" is the counterpart to the Paul who knows he has
been "set apart for the gospel of God" (Rom. I.I). And finally, they share
the same universality of address, the same global wandering. In order to
f
ound a grand (and even, he says, a "very grand") politics, Nietzsche
questions the resources of all peoples, declares himself Polish, wants to
enter into alliance with the Jews, writes to Bismarck. . . .
And in order
not to become prisoner of
any local group or provincial sect, Paul travels
ideally throughout the empire and rebuts those who wish to pin him
down with: "I am under obligation both to the Greeks and to barbarians,
both to the wise and to the f
oolish" (Rom. 1.14).
The truth is that both brought anti
philosophy to the point where it
no longer consists in a "critique," however radical, of the whims and pet
tinesses of the metaphysician or sage. A much more serious matter is at
issue: that of
bringing about through the event an unqualified affirmation
oflife against the reign of
death and the negative. Of
being he who, Paul
or Zarathustra, anticipates without flinching the moment wherein "death
is engulf
ed in victory" (Cor. 1.15.54).
Despite being close to Nietzsche from this point of
view, Paul is ob
viously not the dialectician he is sometimes taken to be. It is not a ques
tion of denying death by preserving it, but of engulfing it, abolishing it.
The Antidialectic of Death and Resurrection
73
Neither is Paul, like the early Heidegger, a proponent of being-toward
death and finitude. In the divided subject, the part of being-to
ward-death
is that which still says "no," that which does not want to let itself be car
ried away by the exceptional "but" of grace, of the event, of
life.
Ultimately, for Paul, the Christ-event is nothing but resurrection. It
eradicates negativity, and if, as we have already said, death is required for
the construction of its site, it remains an af
firmative operation that is ir
reducible to death itself
Christ has been pulled ek nekriin, out from the dead. This extrac
tion from the mortal site establishes a point wherein death loses its power.
Extraction, subtraction, but not negation: "But if we have died with
Christ, we believe that we shall also live with him. For we know that
Christ being raised from the dead will never die again; death no longer
has dominion over him" (Rom. 6.8-9).
.
Death, as the Son's human site, is nothing but powerlessness when
subjected to the evental trial of resurrection. Resurrection suddenly
comes forth out
from the power of death, not through its negation.
One could say: the Christ-event, the f
act of there having been this
particular son, out from the power of
death, retroactively identifies death
as a path, a dimension of the subject, and not a state of af
fairs. Death is
not a destiny but a choice, as is shown by the f
act that we can be offered,
through the subtraction of death, the choice of life. And thus, strictly
speaking, there is no being-toward-death; there is only ever a path-of
death entering into the divided composition of every subject.
If
resurrection is af
firmative subtraction from the path of
death, we
have to understand why, in Paul's eyes, this-radically singular-event
provides the basis for a universalism. What is it in this resurrection, this
"out from the dead," that has the power to suspend differences? Why, if
a man is resurrected, does it follow that there is neither Greek nor Jew,
neither male nor female, neither slave nor free man?
The resurrected is what filiates us and includes itself in the generic
dimension of the son. It is essential to remember that for Paul, Christ is
not identical with God, that no Trinitarian or substantialist theology up
holds his preaching. Wholly f
aithful to the pure event, Paul restricts him
self
to the metaphor of
"the sending of
the son." As a result, for Paul, it is
not the infinite that died on the cross. Certainly, the construction of
the
74
The Antidialectic of
Death and Resurrection
evental site requires that the son who was sent to us, terminating the
abyss of transcendence, be immanent to the path of
the flesh, of
death, to
all the dimensions of the human subject. In no way does this entail that
Christ is the incarnation of a God, or that he must be thought of
as the
becoming-finite of the infinite. Paul's thought dissolves incarnation in res
urrection.
However, although resurrection is not the "Calvary of the Ab
solute," although it mobilizes no dialectic of the incarnation of Spirit, it
is nevertheless true that it suspends diff
erences f
or the benefit of
a radical
universality, and that the event is addressed to all without exception, or
definitively divides every subject. This is precisely what, in terms of the
Roman world, constitutes a staggering innovation. It can be illuminated
only by scrutinizing the names of death and the names of life. First
among the names of
death, however, is Law.
7 '-----
Paul Against the Law
T
wo statements seem jointly to concentrate, In a perilous
metonymy, Paul's teaching:
1 . Faith is what saves us, not works.
2. We are no longer under the rule of law, but of
grace.
There would thus seem to be four concepts coordinating a subject's fun
damental choices: pistis (f
aith) and er
gon (work) ; Maris (grace) and nomos
(law). The subjective path of the flesh (sarx), whose real i death, coordi
nates the pairing oflaw and works. While the path of
the spirit (pneuma),
whose real is lif
e, coordinates that of
grace and £'lith. Between the two lies
the new real object, the evental given, traversing "the redemption which
is in Christ Jesus," passing through dia tes apolutroseos tes en K
hristoi Iesou
(Rom. 3.24).
But why is it necessary to reject law onto the side of death? Because
considered in its particularity, that of the works it prescribes, the law
blocks the subjectivation of
grace's universal address as pure conviction,
or faith. The law "objectifies" salvation and forbids (me from relating it to
the gratuitousness of the Christ-event. In Romans 3.27-30, Paul clearly
indicates what is at issue, which is the essential link between event and
universality when it is a question of the One, or more simply of one truth:
Then what becomes of our boasting? It is excluded. On what principle? On the
principle of
works? No, but on the principle of faith. For we hold that a man is
Paul
Against the Law
justified by faith apart from works of law. Or is God the God of the Jews only?
Is he not the God of Gentiles also? Yes, of Gentiles also, since God is one; and he
will justify the circumcised on the grounds of their faith and the uncircumcised
through their faith.
The fundamental question is that of knowing precisely what it
means f
or there to be a single God. What does the "mono" in "monothe
ism" mean? Here Paul confronts-but also renews the terms of
-the f
or
midable question of the One. His genuinely revolutionary conviction is
that the sign o
f
the One is the "for all, " or the "without exce
ption. " That
there is but a single God must be understood not as a philosophical spec
ulation concerning substance or the supreme being, but on the basis of a
structure of address. The One is that which inscribes no difference in the
subjects to which it addresses itself. The One is only insof
ar as it is for all:
such is the maxim of universality when it has its root in the event.
Monotheism can be understood only by talcing into consideration the
whole of humanity. Unless addressed to all, the One crumbles and disap
pears.
But, for Paul, the law always designates a particularity, hence a dif
ference. It is not possible for it to be an operation of the One, because it
addresses its f
allacious "One" only to those who acknowledge and prac
tice the injunctions it specifies.
The ontological structure underlying this conviction (though Paul
has no interest whatsoever in ontology) is that no evental One can be the
One of a particularity. The universal is the only possible correlate f
or the
One. The general apparatus of a truth contains the One (divine tran
scendence, monotheism, according to the Pauline f
able), the universal
(the whole of humanity, both circumcised and uncircumcised), and the
singular (the Christ-event). The particular, which pertains to opinion,
custom, law, cannot be inscribed in it.
What can measure up to the universality of an address? Not legal
ity, in any case. The law is always predicative, particular, and partial.
Paul is perfectly aware of the law's unfailingly "statist" character. By "sta
tist" I mean that which enumerates, names, and controls the parts of a
situation. If a truth is to surge f
orth eventally, it must be nondenumer
able, impredicable, uncontrollable. This is precisely what Paul calls
grace: that which occurs without being couched in any predicate, that
Paul
Against the Law
77
which is translegal, that which happens to everyone without an assigna
ble reason. Grace is the opposite of law insof
ar as it is what comes with
out being due.
This is a profound insight of Paul's, which, through its universal
and illegal understanding of the One, undoes every particular or com
munitarian incorporation of the subject, as well as every juridical or con
tractual approach to its constitutive division. That which
founds a sub
ject
cannot be what is due to it. For this foundation binds itself to that which
s declared in : radical contingency. If one understands man's humanity
111
terms of hIS subjective capacity, there is, strictly speaking, nothing
whatsoever like a "right" of man.
The polemic against the "what is due," against the logic of right
and duty, lIes at the heart of
the Pauline refusal of
works and law: "T
o one
who works, his wages are not reckoned as a grace but as his due" (Rom.
4·4)· But for Paul, nothing is due. The salvation of the subject cannot
take. the .form of a reward or wage. The subjectivity of faith is unwaged
(whIch, 111
the final analysis, entitles us to call it communist). It pertains
to the granting of a gift, kharisma. Every subject is initiated on the basis
?f a charisma;. every subject is charismatic. Since the subjectivating point
IS the declaratlOn of
the event, rather than the work that demands a wage
or r9ward, the declaring subject exists according to the charisma proper
to hIm. Every subjectivity confronts its division within the element of an
esse8tial.gratuitousness proper to its purpose. The redemptive operation
conSIsts 111
the occurrence of
a charisma.
There is in Paul a fundamental link between universalism and
charisma, between the One's universal power of
address, and the absolute
gratuitousness of militantism. Thus, in Romans 3.22-24, he will state:
"For there is no distinction [diastole, which means "difference"] , since all
have sinn7d and f
all short of
the glory of
God, by his grace they are justi
fied as a gIft [dorean], through the redemption which is in Christ Jesus."
Dorean is a powerful word; it means "as a pure gift," "without
cause," and even "in vain." There is for Paul an essential link between the
"f
or all" of the universal and the "without cause." There is an address for
all on.ly according to that which is without cause. Only what is absolutely
gratuItous can be addressed to all. Only charisma and grace measure up
to a universal problem.
Paul Against the Law
The subject constituted by charisma through the gratuitous prac
tice of
the universal address necessarily maintains that there are no diff
er
ences. Only what is charismatic, thus absolutely without cause, possesses
this power of being in excess of the law, of collapsing established diff
er
ences.
This is the root of
the famous Pauline theme concerning the super
abundance of grace. The law governs a predicative, worldly multiplicity,
granting to each part of
the whole its due. Evental grace governs a multi
plicity in excess of
itself, one that is indescribable, superabundant relative
to itself as well as with respect to the fixed distributions of
the law.
The profound ontological thesis here is that universalism supposes
one be able to think the multiple not as a part, but as in excess of itself
,
as that which is out of
place, as a nomadism of
gratuitousness. If by "sin"
one understands the subjective exercise of
death as path of
existence, and
hence the legal cult of
particularity, one thereby understands that what is
maintained of the event (which is to say, a truth, whatever it may be) is
always in impredicable excess of everything circumscribed by "sin." This
is precisely what is said by the famous text of Romans 5.20-21:
Law came in, to increase the trespass; but where sin increased, grace abounded
all the more, so that, as sin reigned in death, grace also might reign through
righteousness to eternal life through Jesus Christ, our Lord.
The two subjective paths, death and life, whose nonrelation constitutes
the divided subject, are also two types of multiplicity:
• The particularizing multiplicity, the one accompanied by its own
limit, maJ.·ked by the predicate of its limit. The law is its cipher or
letter.
• The multiplicity that, exceeding itself
, upholds universality. Its be
ing in excess of
itself
precludes its being represented as a totality. Su
perabundance cannot be assigned to any Whole. That is precisely
why it legitimates the destitution of diff
erence, a destitution that is
the very process of excess.
What is called "grace" is the capacity of
a postevental multiplicity to
exceed its own limit, a limit that has a commandment of the law as its
dead cipher. The opposition grace/law encompasses two doctrines of the
multiple.
Paul
Against the Law
79
It remains to be understood why the subjective theme associated
with law is that of
sin. Here we face an extremely complex intrigue. Nev
ertheless, what entails that "law" is henceforth one of
the names of death
in subjective composition.
In fact, what is at issue is desire (e
pithumia), which there is no rea
son to translate here by a "concupiscence" that has far too strong a whif
f
of the confessional about ir. Bef
ore proceeding onto the subject's "new
lif
e," the most profound grasp of the connections between desire, law,
death, and lif
e is necessary.
Paul's fundamental thesis is that the law, and only the law, endows
desire with an autonomy sufficient for the subject of
this desire, from the
perspective of that autonomy, to come to occupy the place of the dead.
The law is what gives lif
e to desire. But in so doing, it constrains the
subject so that he wants to follow only the path of
death.
What is sin exactly? It is not desire as such, for if it were one would
not understand its link to the law and death. Sin is the life of desire as au
tonomy, as automatism. The law is required in order to unleash the auto
matic lif
e of desire, the automatism of repetition. For only the law fixes
the object of
desire, binding desire to it regardless of the subject's "will."
It is this objectal automatism of desire, inconceivable witho'ut the law,
that assigns the subject to the carnal path of death.
Clearly, what is at issue here is nothing less than the problem of
the
unconscious (Paul calls it the involuntary, what I do not want, ho ou the
lif). The life of
desire fixed and unleashed by the law is that which, de
centered from the subject, accomplishes itself as unconscious automa
tism, with respect to which the involuntary subject is capable only of
inventing death.
The law is what, by designating its object, delivers desire to its
repetitive autonomy. Desire thereby attains its automatism in the form of
a transgression. How are we to understand "transgression"? There is trans
gression when what is prohibited-which is to say, negatively named by
the law-becomes the object of
a desire that lives through itself in the site
and place of the subject. Paul condenses this intersecting of the impera
tive, desire, and subjective death, thus: "For sin, finding opportunity in
the commandment, seduced me and by it killed me" (Rom. 7.n).
Difficult to imagine a more anti-Kantian disposition than the one
80
Paul
Against the Law
which, by calling the autonomy of
desire "sin" when its object is fixed by
the law's commandment, designates the effect of the latter as the subject's
coming to occupy the place of the dead.
Up to now we have been anticipating. But everything is spelled out
in what is perhaps Paul's most famous, yet also most intricate text, Ro
mans 7.7-23, a text I will cite in its entirety before carrying on with its
elucidation.
What then shall we say? That the Law is sin? By no means! Yet if
it had not been
for the Law, I should not have known sin. I should not have known what it is to
covet if the Law had not said, "You shall not covet." But sin, finding opportunity
in the commandment, wrought in me all kinds of covetousness. Apart from the
Law sin lies dead. I was once alive apart from the Law, but when the command
ment came, sin revived and I died; the very commandment that promised life
proved to be death to me. For sin, finding opportunity in the commandment,
seduced me and by it killed me. So the Law is holy, and the commandment IS
holy and just and good.
.
Did that which is good, then, bring death to me? By no means! It was Sill,
working death in me through what is good, in order that sin might be shown to
be sin, and through the commandment might become sinful beyond measure.
We know that the Law is spiritual; but I am carnal, sold under sin. I do not un
derstand my own actions. For I do not do what I want, but I do the very thing I
hate. Now, if I do what I do not want, I agree that the Law is good. So then it is
no longer I that do it, but sin which dwells within me. For I know that nothing
good dwells within me, that is, in my flesh. I can will what is right, but I cannot
do it. For I do not do the good I want, but the evil I do not want is what I do.
Now ifI do what I do not want, it is no longer I that do it, but sin which dwells
111
me.
So I find it to be a law that when I want to do right, evil lies close at hand.
For I delight in the Jaw of God, in my inmost self, but I see in my members an
other law at war with the law of my mind and making me captive to the law of
sin that dwells in my members.
All of Paul's thinking here points toward a theory of the subjective
unconscious, structured through the opposition life/death. The law's pro
hibition is that through which the desire of the object can realize itself
"involuntarily," unconsciously-which is to say, as life of sin. As a result
of
which the subject, de-centered f
rom this desire, crosses over to the side
of death.
Paul
Agaimt the Law
8r
What matters to Paul is that this experience (he is manifestly speak
ing about himself, almost in the style of
Augustine's Con
fessiom) causes to
appear, under condition of
the law, a singular disposition, wherein, if the
subject is on the side of
death, life is on the side of sin.
If
the subject is to swing over into another disposition, one wherein
he would be on the side of
lif
e, and sin-that is to say, the automatism of
repetition-would occupy the place of the dead, it is necessary to break
with the law. Such is Paul's implacable conclusion.
How is the subject of
a universal truth structured, once his division
is no longer sustained by law? Resurrection summons the subject to iden
tifY himself
as such according to the name of
faith (pistis). This means: in
dependently of
the results, or prescribed forms, that will be called works.
In the guise of the event, the subject is subjectivation. The word pistis
(faith, or conviction) designates precisely this point: the absence of any
gap between subject and subjectivation. In this absence of a gap, which
constantly activates the subject in the service of truth, forbidding him
rest, the One-truth proceeds in the direction of all.
But perhaps we can, at this particular juncture, recapitulating and
generalizing the figures occasioned in Paul by the virulence of the fable,
arrange what is imbued with a materialist import by means of two theo
rems and thus delineate our materialism of grace.
Theorem 1. The One is only insofar as it is for all, and follows not
from the law, but f
rom the event.
It is in the retroaction of
the event that the universality of
a truth is
constituted. The law is inappropriate to the "for all" because it is always
the statist law, the law that controls parts, the particular law. The One is
only in default of the law. Universality is organically bound to the con
tingency of
what happens to us, which is the senseless superabundance of
grace.
Theorem 2. It is the event alone, as illegal contingency, which
causes a multiplicity in excess of itself to come forth and thus allows
f
or the possibility of overstepping finitude. The subjective corollary,
perfectly established by Paul, is that every law is the cipher of
a fini
tude. This is precisely what entails that it bind itself to the path of
82
Paul
Against the Law
the flesh and, ultimately, death. That which prohibits monotheism
by particularizing its address, also prohibits the infinite.
But let us, for a moment more, pursue the labyrinth of the epistle
to the Romans.
We have already pointed it out in the text: without the law, there is
no liberated, autonomous, automatic desire. There is an indistinct, undi
vided life, perhaps something like Adamic life, before the fall, before the
law. Paul is invoking a kind of inf
ancy when he says: "Once I was alive
apart from the Law." For this "lif
e" is not the one that constitutes the en
tire real that belongs to the path of the spirit in the divided subject.
Rather, it is a life that unseparates the two paths, the life of a subject who
is supposed as full, or undivided. If one supposes that there is this "be
fore" of
the law, one supposes an innocent subject, one who has not even
invented death. Or rather, death is on the side of desire: 'Apart from the
law sin lies dead." This means: apart from the law, there is no living au
tonomy of desire. In the indistinct subject, desire remains an empty, in
active category. That which will later be the path of death, or that which
makes the subject swing over into the place of the dead, is not living. "Be
fore the law," the path of death is dead. But by the same token, this in
nocent lif
e remains foreign to the question of
salvation.
"With the law," the subject has definitively exited from unity, from
innocence. His putative indistinction can no longer be maintained. De
sire, whose object is designated by the law, finds itself
determined-au
tonomized-as transgressive desire. With the law, desire regains lif
e; it be
comes a full, active category. There is a constitution of the carnal path
thanks to the objectal multiplicity that the law carves out through prohi
bition and nomination. Sin appears as the automation of
desire.
But the path of sin is that of
death. Consequently, it becomes pos
sible to say that (and this lies at the heart of
Paul's discourse) with the law,
the path o
f
death, which was itself
dead, becomes alive once more. The law
gives life to death, and the subject as life according to the spirit f
alls onto
the side of
death. The law distributes life on the side of
the path of
death,
and death on the side of the path of life.
The death of
life is the Self
(in the position of
the dead) . The life of
death is sin.
Note the powerful paradox in this disjunction between (dead) Self
Paul
Against the Law
and (living) sin. It signifies that it is never I who sin, it is sin that sins in
me: "Sin took hold of me through the commandment and by it killed
me." And "It is no longer I who act, but the sin that inhabits me." Sin as
such does not interest Paul, who is everything except a moralist. What
counts is its subjective position, its genealogy. Sin is the life of
death. It is
that of
which the law, and the law alone, is capable. The price paid for
this is that life occupies the place of the dead under the auspices of the
Self
The extreme tension running through this text comes from the fact
that Paul is striving to articulate a de-centering of the subject, a particu
larly contorted form of
its division. Since the subject of
life is in the place
of death and vice versa, it follows that knowledge and will, on the one
hand, agency and action, on the other, are entirely disconnected. This is
the empirically verifiable essence of
existence according to the law. More
over, a parallel can be drawn between this de-centering and the Lacanian
interpretation of the cogito (there where I think, I am not, and there
where I am, I do not think).
Let us generalize a little. For Paul, the man of the law is one in
whom doing is separated from thinking. Such is the consequence of se
duction by commandment. This figure of the subject, wherein the divi
sion lies between the dead Self and the involuntary automation of living
desire, is, for thought, a figure of powerlessness. Basically, sin is not so
much a fault as living thought's inability to prescribe action. Under the
effect of the law, thought disintegrates into powerlessness and endless
cogitation, because the subject (the dead Self) is disconnected from a
limitless power: that of desire's living automation.
Accordingly, we will posit that:
Theorem 3. The law is what constitutes the subject as powerlessness
of thought.
But the law consists above all in the letter's force of commandment. The
terrible formula in Corinthians 11.3.6 is well known: to gramma apoleten
nei, to de pneuma zoopoiei, "the letter kills, but the spirit gives lif
e." It is
followed by a mention of "the dispensation of
death, carved in letters on
stone" (Cor. I1.3.7). The letter mortifies the subject insofar as it separates
his thought from all power.
Paul
Against the Law
We shall define "salvation" (Paul says: justified life, or justification)
thus: that thought can be unseparated from doing and power. There is
salvation when the divided figure of
the subject maintains thought in the
power of
doing. This is what, for my part, I call a truth procedure.
Accordingly, we have:
Theorem 4. There is no letter of
salvation, or literal f
orm f
or a truth
procedure.
This means that there can be a letter only of automatism, of
calcu
lation. The corollary follows: there is calculation only of
the letter. There
is a reckoning only of death. Every letter is blind and operates blindly.
When the subject is under the letter, or literal, he presents himself
as a disconnected correlation between an automatism of doing and a
powerlessness of
thought.
If one defines "salvation" as the ruin of
this disjunction, it is clear
that it will depend on a lawless eruption, unchaining the point of power
lessness from automatism.
It is important to understand and recapitulate the anti
dialectic of
salvation and sin. Salvation is the unchaining of the subjective figure
whose name is sin. We have seen, in eff
ect, that sin is a subjective struc
ture, and not an evil act. Sin is nothing but the permutation of the places
of life and death under the effect of
the law, which is precisely why Paul,
dispensing with the need for a sophisticated doctrine of original sin, can
simply say: we are in sin. When salvation unblocks the subjective mech
anism of sin, it becomes apparent that this unchaining consists in a delit
eralization of the subject.
This deliteralization is conceivable only if one admits that one of
the paths of the divided subject is transliteral. So long as we are "under
the law," this path remains dead (it is in the posture of the Self). Resur
rection alone allows it to become active once more. The extrication of
death and life, in the case where life occupied the position of death's re
mainder, becomes perceptible solely on the basis of the excess of grace,
thus, of a pure act.
"Grace" means that thought cannot wholly account for the brutal
starting over on the path of life in the subject, which is to say, f
or the re
discovered conjunction between thinking and doing. Thought can be
Paul
Against the Law
raised up from its powerlessness only through something that exceeds the
order of thought. "Grace" names the event as condition for an active
thought. The condition is itself inevitably in excess of
what it conditions,
which is to say that grace is partly subtracted from the thought that it
gives lif
e to. Or, as Mallarme-that Paul of
the modern poem-will put
it: it is certain that every thought emits a dice-throw, but it is just as cer
tain that it will be unable to ultimately think the chance that has thus en
gendered it.
For Paul, the figure of the chiasmus death/lif
e, coordinated by the
law, can be raised up, which is to say, permutated once again, only
through an implacable operation bearing on death and life, and this op
eration is resurrection. Only a resurrection redistributes death and lif
e to
their places, by showing that lif
e does not necessarily occupy the place of
the dead.
- --K
8 L-
_
_
_
_
_
Love as Universal Power
It has been established that no morality-if one understands by
"morality" practical obedience to a law-can justify the existenc6 o
a
subject: "A man is not justified by works of the law but :hrough .falth m
Jesus Christ" (Gal. 2.16). What is more, the Christ-e5ent IS essentl ly te
abolition of the law, which was nothing but the empIre of death: ChrISt
redeemed us from the curse of the law" (Gal. 3-13). Just as, under the law,
the subject, de-centered from the automatic lif
e of desire, occupied the
place of the dead, and sin (or unconscious desire) enjoyed an autono
mous life in him, similarly, having been sprung from death by resurrec
tion, the subject participates in a new life, whose name is Christ. Christ's
resurrection is just as much OLlr resurrection, shattering that death
wherein the subject, under the law, had exiled himself in the closed form
of the Self: "If I live, it is no longer I who live, but Christ who lives in
me" (Gal. 2.20). By the same token, if one persists in supposing that
truth and justice can be obtained by observing legal commandments, oԮe
must return toward death, assert that no grace has been accorded us m
existence, and deny the Resurrection: "I do not nullify the grace of God;
for if
justification [dikaiosune] were through the law, then Christ died to
no purpose" (Gal. 2.21).
.
.
.
Is this to say that the subject who binds himself to Chnstlan dIS
course is absolutely LawLess? In the passage of the epistle to the Romans
Love as UniversaL Power
87
that we examined at length, various clues point toward the opposite,
obliging us to raise the extraordinarily difficult question concerning the
existence of
a transLiteraL Law, a Law of the s
pirit.
For at the very moment in which he sets out to depose the law and
elucidate its relation to unconscious avidity, Paul points out that "the law
is holy, and the commandment is holy and just and good [he entoLe hagia
kai dikaia kai agathel" (Rom. 7.12). What is more, apparently overturn
ing at a stroke all of
the foregoing dialectic, he asserts that "the law is spir
itual rho nomos
pneumatikos]" (Rom. 7.14).
Thus, it seems necessary to distinguish between a legalizing subjec
tivation, which is a power of
death, and a law raised up by faith, which
belongs to the spirit and to life.
Our task consists in thinking the apparent contradiction between
two statements:
1. "Christ is the end of
the law [teLos nomou K
hristos]" (Rom. lOA).
2. "Love is the fulfilling of the law [pLeroma nomou he agape]"
(Rom. 13.10).
Under the condition o f
faith, o f
a declared conviction, love names
a nonliteral law, one that gives to the faithful subject his consistency, and
eff
ectuates the postevental trutll in the world.
This, from my point of
view, is a thesis endowed with a general rel
evance. The trajectory of
a truth, which institutes its subject as detached
from the statist laws of the situation, is nonetheless consistent according
to another law: the one that, addressing the truth to everyone, universal
izes the subject.
Theorem 5. A subject turns the universal address of
the truth whose
procedure he maintains into a nonliteral law.
To this universal address that faith, or pure subjectivation, does not con
stitute on its own Paul gives the name "love," aga
pe
-translated for a
long time as "charity," a term that no longer means much to us.
Its principle is this: when the subject as thought accords with the
grace of the event-this is subjectivation (faith, conviction)-he, who
was dead, returns to the place of lif
e. He regains those attributes of
power that had fallen onto the side of the law and whose subjective fig-
88
Love as Universal Power
ure was sin. He rediscovers the living unity of thinking and doing. This
recovery turns life itself into a universal law. Law returns as life's articu
lation for everyone, path of faith, law beyond law. This is what Paul calls
love.
We already know that faith cannot be confused with mere private
conviction, which, as we have seen, when left to itself, coordinates the
fourth discourse, that of
unutterable utterances, the enclosure of
the mys
tical subject, rather than Christian discourse. Genuine subjectivation has
as its material evidence the public declaration of the event by its name,
which is "resurrection." It is of the essence of faith to publicly declare it
self Truth is either militant or is not. Citing Deuteronomy, Paul reminds
us that "The word is near you, on your lips, and in your heart" (Rom.
10.8). And certainly, private conviction, that of the heart, is required, but
only the public confession of faith installs the subject in the perspective
of salvation. It is not the heart that saves, but the lips:
Ie is the word of faith we preach. If
you conf
ess with your lips that
Jesus is Lord
and believe in your heart that God raised him from the dead, you will be saved.
For man believes with his heart and so is justified, and he confesses with his lips
and so is saved (Rom. 10.9-10).
The real of faith is an effective declaration, which, with the word
"resurrection," utters that life and death are not ineluctably distributed as
they are in the "old man." Faith publicly acknowledges that the subjective
apparatus commanded by the law is not the only possible one. But it be
comes apparent that faith, confessing the resurrection of one man, merely
declares a possibility for everyone. That a new assemblage of life and death
is possible is borne out by resurrection, and this is what must first be de
clared. But this conviction leaves the universalization of the "new man"
in suspense and says nothing as to the content of the reconciliation be
tween living thought and action. Faith says: We can
escape powerlessness
and rediscover that from which the law separated us. Faith prescribes a
new possibility, one that, although real in Christ, is not, as yet, in effect
for everyone.
It us incumbent upon love to become law so that truth's posteven
tal universality can continuously inscribe itself in the world, rallying sub
jects to the path of life. Faith is the declared thought of
a possible power
=
=-
Love as Universal Power
89
of thought. It is not yet this power as such. As Paul forcefully puts it, pis
tis di' agapes ener
goumene, "faith works only through love" (Gal. 5.6).
It is from this point of
view that, for the Christian subject, love un
derwrites the return of a law that, although nonliteral, nonetheless func
tions as principle and consistency for the subjective energy initiated by
the declaration of faith. For the new man, love is fulfillment of the break
that he accomplishes with the law; it is law of
the break with law, law of
the truth of
law. Conceived in this way, the law of
love can even be sup
ported by recollecting the content of the old law (Paul never misses an
opportunity for an extension of political alliances), a content that,
through love, is reduced to a single maxim that must not be carved Onto
stone, on pain of
relapsing into death, because it is entirely subordinated
to the subjectivation by faith:
Owe no one anything, except to love one another; for he who loves his neighbor
has fulfilled the law. The commandments, "You shall not commit adultery, You
shall not kill, You shall not steal, You shall not covet," and any other command
ment, are summed up in this sentence, "You shall love your neighbor as your
self" Love does no wrong to a neighbor; therefore love is the fulfilling of
the law.
(Rom. 13.8-10)
This passage expresses Paul's twofold attempt:
• To reduce the multiplicity of legal prescriptions, because it is to
this multiplicity of commandment that desire's moribund auton
omy relates in the form of
objects. A single, affirmative, and nonob
jectal maxim is required. One that will not arouse the infinity of
de
sire through the transgression of
the prohibition.
• To make the maxim such that it will require faith in order to be
understood.
The "love your neighbor as yourself" satisfies both conditions
(and, in addition, its injunction can be found in the Old Testament,
which is all to the good). This single imperative envelops no prohibition;
it is pure affirmation. And it requires faith, because prior to the Resurrec
tion, the sub
ject, having been given up to death, has no good reason to love
himself
Paul is in no way a theoretician of oblatory love, through which
90
Love as Universal Power
one would forget oneself in devotion to the Other. This false love, which
claims that the subject annihilates himself in a direct relation to the tran
scendence of the Other, is nothing more than narcissistic pretension. It
falls under the fourth discourse, that of the private, unspeakable word.
Paul knows full well that genuine love exists only to the extent that one
first be capable of loving oneself. But this relation of love the subject
bears to himself is never anything but love of
that living truth that insti
tutes the subject who declares it. Thus, love is under the authority of the
event and its subjectivation in faith, since only the event allows the sub
ject to be something other than a dead Self, which it is impossible to
love.
Thus, the new faith consists in deploying the power of self-love in
the direction of others, addressing it to everyone, in a way made possible
by subjectivation (conviction). Love is precisely what
faith is capable o
f
I call this universal power of subjectivation an evental fidelity, and
it is correct to say that fidelity is the law of
a truth. In Paul's thought, love
is precisely fidelity to the Christ-event, in accordance with a power that
addresses the love of self universally. Love is what malces of thought a
power, which is why love alone, and not faith, bears the
force of salvation.
What we have here is:
Theorem 6 What grants power to a truth, and determines subjec
tive fidelity, is the universal address of the relation to self instituted
by the event, and not this relation itself.
This could be called the theorem of the militant. No truth is ever solitary,
or particular.
To understand the Pauline version of the theorem of the militant, it
is useful to proceed on the basis of fWO apparently contradictory state
ments.
Paul seems to assign salvation exclusively to faith. This is even what
his thought is often reduced to. For instance (but the theme recurs
throughout the epistles):
Yet knowing that a man is not
justified by
works of
the law but through faith in
Jesus Christ, even we have believed in Christ Jesus, in order to be justified by
faith in Christ, and not
by
works of
the law, because by works of
the law shall no
one be justified. (Gal. 2.16)
....
....
Love as Universal Power
91
But Paul, with equal energy, assigns salvation to love alone, even going so
far as to maintain that faith without love is no more than hollow subjec
tivism. Thus:
IfI speak in the tongues of
men and angels, but have not love, I am a noisy gong
or a clanging cymbal. And if I have prophetic powers, and understand all mys
teries and ali lmowledge, and if I have all faith, so as to remove mountains, but
have not love, I am nothing. IfI give away all I have, and ifI deliver my body to
be burned, but have not love, I gain nothing. (Cor. 1.13.1-3)
And when it comes to classifying the three major subjective opera
tions proper to the new man-faith, love, and charity, or rather, convic
tion, certainty, and love-it is to love, without hesitation, 'that Paul as
signs pride of
place: "These three abide, faith, hope, love; but the greatest
of
these is love" (Cor. LIp3).
On the one hand, the evental declaration founds the subject; on the
other, without love, without fidelity, that declaration is useless. Let us say
that a subjectivation that does not discover the resource of
power proper
to its universal address misses the truth for whose sudden emergence it
seemed to be the sole witness.
In the case of the preeminence of love, which alone effectuates the
unity of
thought and action in the world, it is necessary to pay careful at
tention to Paul's lexicon, which is always extremely precise. When it is a
question of subjectivation through faith, Paul speaks not of salvation
(soteria), but of
justification (dikaioma). It is true that a man is "justified
by faith" (Rom. 3.28), but it is no less true that he is saved only by love.
We should recall in passing that if "justification" retains, at its root, the
legal motif of
justice, salvation means, quite simply, "liberation." Thus,
subjectivation creates, according to the possibility indicated by the resur
rection of
a single man, the just space of a liberation; but only love, which
implies the universality of
address, effectuates this liberation. Love alone
is the life of truth, the pleasure of truth. As Paul says: "Love . . .
rejoices
in the truth [he agape . . .
sunkairei tei aletheiai]" (Cor. 1.13.6).
Paul has the intuition that every subject is the articulation of
a sub
jectivation and a consistency. This also means there is no instantaneous
salvation; grace itself is no more than the indication of a possibility. The
subject has to be given in his labor, and not only in his sudden emer-
92
Love as U
niversal Power
gence. "Love" is the name of that labor. Truth for Paul is never anything
but "faith working through love" (Gal. 5·6) .
This is the same as saying that the impetus of a truth, what makes
it exist in the world, is identical to its universality, whose subjective form,
under the Pauline name of love, consists in its tirelessly addressing itself
to all the others, Greeks and Jews, men and women, free men and slaves.
Whence the consequence that "we have no power against the truth [ou
dunametha kata tes aletheias], but only for the truth [huper tes aletheias]"
(Cor. II.13.8).
Theorem 7. The subjective process of a truth is one and the same
thing as the love of that truth. And the militant real of that love is
the universal address of
what constitutes it. The materiality of uni
versalism is the militant dimension of every truth.
9
Hope
Paul claims that "These three abide, faith [pistis], hope [elpis] , love
[agape, charity]" (Cor. I.13-13). We have clarified the subjective correla
tion between faith and love. What about hope?
With Paul and his successors, hope is described as pertaining to jus
tice. Faith allows one to have hope in justice. Thus, in Romans 10.10:
"For man believes with his heart and so obtains justice."
But what kind of
justice are we talking about? Does Paul mean that
the hope in justice is the hope in a judgment, the Last Judgment? That
would be hope in an event to come, one that would separate the con
demned from the saved. Justice would be done, and it is in this final tri
bunal of truth that hope would put its trust.
Against this classic judicial eschatology, Paul seems instead to char
acterize hope as a simple imperative of
continuation, a principle of tenac
ity, of
obstinacy. In Thessalonians I, faith is compared to striving (ergon),
and love to grueling work, to the laborious, the troublesome. Hope, for
its part, pertains to endurance, to perseverance, to patience; it is the sub
jectivity proper to the continuation of the subjective ptocess.
Faith would be the opening to the true; love, the universalizing ef
fectiveness of its trajectory; hope, lastly, a maxim enjoining us to perse
vere in this trajectory.
How is the idea of
judgment, of
j ustice, finally rendered, connected
94
Hope
to that of perseverance, to that of the imperative "You must go on"? If
perseverance is privileged, one obtains a subjective figure that is entirely
disinterested, except for its being a coworker for a truth. Both tendencies
have a long history whose political resonances are still being felt. The
question is always one of knowing to what one ascribes the militant en
ergy of an anonymous subject.
If final retribution is privileged, the subject is aligned once more
with the object. Alternatively, if
hope is the principle of perseverance, one
remains within the realm of the purely subjective. Christianity has ad
vanced under cover of this tension, almost invariably privileging retribu
tion, which is more popular in the eyes of the Church, just as ordinary
syndicalism points to people's protests the better to be wary of
their "un
realistic" political enthusiasms.
The problem is that of knowing what relation hope has to power.
Does it reinforce power from outside, according to what one hopes for? Is
there an event to come that will reward us for our painstaking declara
tion of the event that constitutes us? Hope then becomes an even
tal con
nection; it deploys the subject in the interval between two events, and
the subject relies on his hope in the second in order to sustain his faith in
the first.
The classic objectivating doctrine says that the final Judgment will
legitimate believers by punishing unbelievers. Justice then becomes a di
viding up, as seen in those great paintings by
Tintoretto or Michelangelo,
visually luxuriating in the contrast between the luminous ascension of
the
rewarded militants and the dark f
all of the stricken evildoers.
Hell has always enjoyed greater artistic and public success than
heaven, because what the subject requires, according to this version of
hope, is the idea that the evildoer will be punished. The legitimation of
faith and love through hope is then entirely negative. Hope is traversed
by the hatred of others, by resentment. But thus conceived, hope seems
somewhat incompatible with that reconciliation of
thought and power in
the universal that Paul names love.
In fact, one does not find the judicial, objective conception of hope
in Paul. Certainly, because he is a violent, grudge-bearing man (for how
could the path of
death not persist in dividing the subject?), there are oc
casions in which he lets it be understood that the evildoers-which is to
Hope
95
say, primarily his political opponents in the construction of Christian
cells-will not be particularly well treated. Similarly, like any Jew living
in the early days of
the empire, he occasionally allows himself to imagine
that our days are numbered, that the end of the world will soon be upon
us: "Besides this you know
what hour it is, how it is full time now for you
to wake from sleep. For salvation is nearer to us now than when we first
believed; the night is far gone, the day is at hand. Let us then cast off the
works of darkness and put on the armor of light" (Rom. 13.n). But there
are very few concessions to this aggressive, apocalyptic atmosphere in
Paul. Still less does he tether hope to the satisfaction that feeds on the
punishment of the wicked.
For universalism is Paul's passion, and it is not by chance that he
was named the "apostle of
the nations." His clearest conviction is that the
evental figure of the Resurrection exceeds its real, contingent site, which
is the community of believers such as it exists at the moment. The work
of
love is still before us; the empire is vast. This man, or this people, who
are to all appearances impious and ignorant, must primarily be seen as
those to whom the militant must bring the Good News. Paul's universal
ism will not allow the content of hope to be a privilege accorded to the
faithful who happen to be living now. It is inappropriate to make distrib
utive justice the referent for hope.
Ultimately, in Paul's eyes, hope is not hope in an objective victory.
On the contrary, it is subjective victory that produces hope. We must try
to understand this difficult text, whose implications are far-reaching for
whoever is the militant of a truth: "And we rejoice in our hope of sharing
the glory of God. More than that, we rejoice in our sufferings, knowing
that suffering produces patience, and patience produces enduring fidelity,
and enduring fidelity produces hope, and hope does not disappoint"
(Rom. 502).
The subjective dimension named "hope" is the ordeal that has been
overcome, not that in the name of which it has been overcome. Hope is
"enduring fidelity," tenacity oflove through the ordeal, and in no way vi
sion of
a reward or punishment. Hope is the subjectivity of
a victorious fi
delity, fidelity to fidelity, and not the representation of
its future outcome.
Hope indicates the real of fidelity in the ordeal of its exercise, here
and now. This is how the enigmatic expression "hope does not disap-
Hope
point" should be understood. We will compare it to the statement by La
can, for whom "anxiety is what does not disappoint," precisely on ac
count of its being charged with the real, of the excess of the real from
which it results. One could say that hope is not the imaginary of
an ideal
justice dispensed at last, but what accompanies the patience of truth, or
the practical universality of
love, through the ordeal of
the real.
If Paul-quite apart from his general opposition to the idea that
faith has a "wage"
-cannot subordinate hope to the imaginary of a retri
bution, it is because resurrection has no meaning independently of the
universal character of its operation. As soon as it is a question of contin
gency and grace, all fixing of divisions or distributions is f
orbidden: "A
single act of righteousness leads to acquittal and life f
or all men" (Rom.
p8). The "all men" returns without exception: "For as in Adam all die,
so also in Christ shall all be made alive" (Cor. 1.15.22). There is no place
here for vengeance and resentment. Hell, the roasting spit of enemies,
holds no interest for Paul.
Nonetheless, one
enemy is identifiable, and its name is death. But it
is a generic name, one that is applicable to a path of thought. Of
this en
emy, Paul, on rare occasions, speaks in the future tense: "The last enemy
who will be destroyed is death" (Cor. 1.15.26). The justice that is in ques
tion in hope can doubtless be described as the death of death. But it is a
question of undertaking the def
eat of the subjective figure of death as of
now. Justice is copresent with love's universal address and does not lead to
any judicial separation between the saved and the condemned. Hope, as
confidence in the fidelity of the militant, affirms instead that every vic
tory is in reality a victory f
or everyone. Hope is the subjective modality
of
a victory of the universal: "And so all Israel will be saved" (Rom. 11.26).
Just as love is the general power of
self
-love turned toward everyone
as the construction of living thought, similarly, hope weaves the subjec
tivity of salvation, of the unity of thought and power, as a universality
that is present in each ordeal, in each victory. Each victory won, however
localized, is universal.
For Paul, it is of utmost importance to declare that I am justified
only insofar as everyone is. Of
course, hope concerns me. But this means
that I identifY myself in my singularity as subject of the economy of sal
vation only insofar as this economy is universal.
Hope
97
Hope indicates that I can persevere in love only because love inau
gurates the concrete universality of the true, and this universality sub
sumes me, affects me in return. This is the strong sense of the statement
"If I . . .
have not love, I am nothing" (Cor. 1.13.2). For Paul, universality
mediates identity. It is the "f
or all" that allows me to be counted as one.
Wherein we rediscover a major Pauline principle: the One is inaccessible
without the "for all." What designates and verifies my participation in
salvation-from the moment I become a patient worker for the univer
sality of the true-is called hope. From this point of
view, hope has noth
ing to do with the future. It is a figure of the present subject, who is af
fected in return by the universality for which he works.
T
heorem 8. Where the imperative of his own continuation is con
cerned, the subject supports himself through the fact that the tak
ing-place of the truth constituting him is universal and thereby ef
fectively concerns him. There is singularity only insofar as there is
universality. Failing that, there is, outside of truth, only particu
larity.
-
1 0
Universality and the Traversal
of Dif
ferences
That hope is the pure patience of the subject, the inclusion of self
in the universality of the address, in no way implies that differences
should be ignored or dismissed. For although it is true, so far as what
the event constitutes is concerned, that there is "neither Greek nor Jew,"
the
foet is that there are Greeks and Jews. That every truth procedure
collapses differences, infinitely deploying a purely generic multiplicity,
does not permit us to lose sight of the fact that, in the situation (call it:
the world), there are diffe
rences. One can even maintain that there is
nothing else.
The ontology underlying Paul's preaching valorizes nonbeings
against beings, or rather, it establishes that, for the subject of a truth,
what exists is generally held by established discourses to be nonexistent,
while the beings validated by these discourses are, for the subject, nonex
istent. Nevertheless, these fictitious beings, these opinions, customs, dif
ferences, are that to which universality is addressed; that toward which
love is clirected; finally, that which must be traversed in order for univer
sality itself to be constructed, or for the genericity (genericite) of the true
to be immanently deployed. Any other attitude would return truth, not to
the work of love (which is unity of thought and power), but to the en
closure of that mystical fourth discourse of illumination, which Paul,
who intends to ensure the transmission of the Good News throughout
Universality and the Traversal o
f
Diffe
rences
99
the entire extent of
the empire, does not want to see monopolizing and
sterilizing the event.
This is the reason
why Paul, apostle of
the nations, not only refuses
to stigmatize differences and customs, but also undertakes to accommo
date them so that the process of their subjective disqualification might
pass through them, within them. It is in fact the search for new differ
ences, new particularities to which the universal might be ex
posed, that
leads Paul beyond the evental site properly speaking (the Jewish site) and
encourages him to displace the experience historically, geographically, on
tologically. Whence a highly characteristic militant tonality, combining
the appropriation of
particularities with the immutability of principles,
the empirical existence of differences with their essential nonexistence,
according to a succession of problems requiring resolution, rather than
through an amorphous synthesis. The text is charged with a remarkable
intensity:
For though I am free from all men, I have made myself
a slave to all, that I might
win the more. To the Jews I became as a Jew, in order to win the Jews; to those
under the law, I became as one under the law--though not being myself under
the law--that I might win those under the law. To those outside the law I be
came as one outside the law--not being without law toward God but under the
law of Christ--that I might win those outside the law. To the weak I became
weal(, that I might win the wealc I have become all things to all men. (Cor.
1.9.19-22)
This is not an opportunist text, but an instance of what Chinese
communists will call "the mass line," pushed to its ultimate expression in
"serving the people." It consists in supposing that, whatever people's
opinions and customs, once gripped by a truth's postevental work, their
thought becomes capable of
traversing and transcending those opinions
and customs without having to give up the diff
erences that allow them to
recognize themselves in the world.
But in order for people to become gripped by truth, it is impera
tive that universality not present itself under the aspect of a particularity.
Differences can be transcended only if benevolence with regard to cus
toms and opinions presents itself as an indiffe
rence that tolerates diffe
r
ences, one whose sole material test lies, as Paul says, in being able and
knowing how to practice them oneself. Whence Paul's extreme wariness
100
Universality and the Traversal of Differences
with regard to every rule, every rite, that would assume the form of uni
versalist militantism by making of it a bearer of
differences and particu
larities in turn.
Of
course, the faithful belonging to small Christian cells incessantly
ask Paul what they should think about women's dress, sexual relations,
permissible or prohibited foods, the calendar, astrology, and so forth. For
it is in the nature of the human animal, as defined by networks of
differ
ences, to love asking questions of this type and even to think that they
alone are really important. Confronted with this barrage of problems far
removed from what, for him, identifies the Christian subject, Paul dis
plays an inflexible impatience: "If anyone is disposed to be contentious,
we do not recognize that practice" (Cor. I.n.I6). It is in fact of utmost
importance for the destiny of universalist labor that the latter be with
drawn from conflicts of opinion and confrontations between customary
differences. The fundamental maxim is me eis diakriseis dialogismon, "do
not argue about opinions" (Rom. I4.I).
This injunction is all the more striking in that diakrisis means
primarily "discernment of differences." Thus, it is to the imperative not
to compromise the truth procedure by entangling it in the web of opin
ions and differences that Paul is committed. It is certainly possible for a
philosophy to argue about opinions; for Socrates, this is even what de
fines it. But the Christian subject is not a philosopher, and f
aith is nei
ther an opinion, nor a critique of opinion. Christian militantism must
traverse worldly differences indifferently and avoid all casuistry over cus
toms.
Evidently impatient to return to the topic of resurrection, but also
concerned lest he alienate his comrades, Paul tal<es great pains to explain
that what one eats, the behavior of
a servant, astrological hypotheses, and
finally the fact of being Jewish, Greek, or anything else-all this can and
must be envisaged as simultaneously extrinsic to the trajectory of
a truth
and compatible with it:
One believes he may eat anything, while the weak man eats only vegetables. Let
not him who eats despise him who abstains, and let not him who abstains pass
judgment on him who eats
. . . .
One man esteems one day as better than an
other, while another man esteems all days alike. Let every one be fully convinced
in his own mind. (Rom. 14-2-5)
J
J
Universality and the Traversal of Diffe
rences
lOI
Paul goes very far in this direction, so it's very odd to see him ac
cused of sectarian moralism. The opposite is the case, for we constantly
observe him resisting demands in favor of prohibitions, rites, customs,
observances. He does nOot hesitate to say "in truth, all things are clean
[panta kathara]" (Rom. I4.20). And above all, he argues against moral
judgment, which in his eyes is an evasion before the event's "for all":
"You, why do you pass judgment on your brother? Or you, why do you
despise your brother? . . .
Then let us no more pass judgment on one an
other" (Rom. I4.1O-I3).
In the end, the astonishing principle proposed by this "moralist"
can be formulated as: everything is permitted (panta exestin, Cor. 1.10.23).
Yes, within the order of particularity, everything is permitted. For if dif
ferences are the material of the world, it is only so that the singularity
proper to the subject of truth-a singularity that is itself included in the
becoming of the universal-can puncture that material. No need to pre
sume to judge or reduce that material so far as this puncturing is con
cerned; indeed, quite the opposite.
That customary or particular differences are what we must let be
from the moment we bring to bear on them the universal address and the
militant consequences of
faith (which is to say only
inconsistency with re
spect to faith, or "whatever does not proceed from faith" [Rom. I4.23] ,
counts as sin) can be better evaluated by considering two examples, with
regard to which the accusation of sectarian moralism, or worse, has often
been made against Paul: women and Jews.
It has often been claimed that Pauline teaching inaugurated the era
of the Christian origins of anti-Semitism. But unless one considers that
brealcing with religious orthodoxy by maintaining a singular heresy from
within is a form of racism-which, all things considered, is an insuffer
able retrospective excess-it has to be said that there is nothing remotely
resembling any form of
anti-Semitic statement in Paul's writings.
The accusation of
"deicide,
" which, it is true, burdens the Jews with
a crushing mythological guilt, is entirely absent from Paul's discourse, for
reasons at once anecdotal and essential. Anecdotal because, in any case
we have already explained why-the historical and statist process ofJesus'
putting to death, and thus the allocation of
responsibilities in the matter,
are of absolutely no interest to Paul, for whom only the Resurrection
102
Universality and the T
r
aversal o
f
Differences
matters. Essential because, amply predating as it does Trinitarian theol
ogy, Paul's thought does not base itself in any way on the theme of a sub
stantial identity of Christ and God, and there is nothing in Paul corre
sponding to the sacrificial motif of
the crucified God.
It is rather in the Gospels, and above all in the last one, John's, that
Jewish particularity is set apart, and the separation between Christians
and Jews insisted upon. After the Jews' long war against Roman occupa
tion, this probably helped elicit the goodwill of the imperial authorities,
but it already serves to draw the Christian proposition away from its uni
versal destination, paving the way for the differentiating regime of excep
tions and exclusions.
We find nothing of the sort in Paul. His relation to Jewish particu
larity is essentially positive. Conscious of
the extent to which the even
tal
site remains, genealogically and ontologically, within the heritage of bib
lical monotheism, he even goes so far, when designating the universality
of the address, as to accord Jews a kind of priority. For instance, "Glory
and honor and peace for every one who does good, the Jew first and also
the Greek" (Rom. 2.10).
"For the Jew first [Ioudaioi proton] ": this is precisely what maries the
Jewish difference's pride of place in the movement traversing all differ
ences so that the universal can be constructed. This is why Paul not only
considers the necessity of making oneself "a Jew among Jews" obvious,
but also vigorously invokes his Jewishness so as to establish that the Jews
are included in the universality of the Announcement: "I ask then, has
God rejected his people? By no means! I myself am an Israelite, a descen
dant of Abraham, a member of the tribe of Benjamin. God has not re
jected his people, whom he foreknew" (Rom. II.I) .
Of course, Paul fights against all those who would submit posteven
tal universality to Jewish particularity. He fervently hopes to be "delivered
from the unbelievers in Judea" (Rom. 15031) . It is the least that could be
expected from him who identifies his faith only in being affected by the
collapse of
customary and communitarian differences. But in no way is it
a question of
judging the Jews as such, all the less so because, ultimately,
Paul's conviction, unlike John's, is that "all Israel will be saved" (Rom.
11.26).
The truth is that Paul mobilizes the new discourse in a constant,
Universality and the Traversal o
f
Differences
103
subtle strategy of displacement relative to Jewish discourse. We have al
ready remarked that references to the Old Testament are as abundant in
Paul's texts as those to the sayings of Christ are absent. The task Paul sets
for himself is obviously not that of abolishing Jewish particularity, which
he constantly acknowledges as the event's principle of
historicity, but that
of animating it internally by everything of which it is capable relative to
the new discourse, and hence the new subject. For Paul, being Jewish in
general, and the Book in particular, can and must be resub
jectivated.
This operation finds a basis in the opposition between the figure of
Moses and that of Abraham. Paul does not much like Moses, man of the
letter and the law. By contrast, he readily identifies with Abraham for two
very powerful reasons, both contained in a passage from the epistle to the
Galatians (3.6): "Thus Abraham 'believed God and it was reckoned to
him as righteousness.' So you see that it is men of faith who are the sons
of Abraham. And the scripture, foreseeing that God would justifY the
Gentiles by faith, preached the gospel beforehand to Abraham, saying,
'In you shall all the nations be blessed.' So then, those who are men of
faith are blessed with Abraham, who had faith."
One sees here that Abraham is decisive for Paul. First because he
was elected by
God solely by
virtue of
his faith, before the law (which was
engraved for Moses, Paul notes, "four hundred and thirty years later");
second because the promise that accompanies his election pertains to "all
the nations," rather than to Jewish descendants alone. Abraham thereby
anticipates what could be called a universalism of
the Jewish site; in other
words, he anticipates Paul. A Jew among Jews, and proud of it, Paul only
wishes to remind us that it is absurd to believe oneself a proprietor of
God, and that an event wherein what is at issue is life's triumph over
death, regardless of the communitarian forms assumed by one or the
other, activates the "for all" through which the One of
genuine monothe
ism sustains itself. This is a reminder in which, once again, the Book
plays a part in subjectivation: "He has called us not from the Jews only
but also from the Gentiles. As indeed he says in Hosea, 'Those who were
not my people I will call my people, and her who was not beloved I will
call my beloved'" (Rom. 9.24) .
Where women are concerned, it is equally false, albeit frequently
maintained, that Paul is the founder of a Christian misogyny. We shall
104
UniversaLity and the TraversaL of Differences
certainly not claim that Paul, who does not want interminable quibbling
over customs and opinions (this would involve compromising the tran
scendence of the universal through communitarian divisions), makes
pronouncements about women that would seem appropriate to us today.
But all things considered, there is something absurd about bringing him
to trial before the tribunal of
contemporary feminism. The only question
worth asking is whether Paul, given the conditions of his time, is a pro
gressive or a reactionary so far as the status of women is concerned.
One decisive factor in any case is that, in light of the fundamental
statement that maintains that, in the element of faith, "there is neither
male nor female," Paul clearly intends that women participate in gather
ings of the faithful and be able to declare the event. AB a visionary mili
tant, Paul understood the resource in energy and expansion that such
egalitarian participation would be able to mobilize. He had no wish to
deprive himself of the presence at his side of "beloved Persis, who has
worked hard for the Lord" (Rom. r6.12), or Julia, or Nereus's sister.
This suggests that the problem for Paul consists in reconciling-ac
cording to the circumstances-this requirement with the obvious and
massive inequality affecting women in the ancient world, without the de
bate over this point hindering the movement of universalization.
Paul's technique then becomes one of
what could be called subse
quent symmetrization. Initially, he will concede what no one at the time is
willing to call into question-for instance, the husband's authority over
his wife. Whence the formulation, "The wife does not rule over her own
body, but the husband does" (Cor. 1.7.4). Horror! Yes, but in order for a
reminder that what matters is a truth's universal becoming to be implic
itly slipped into this inegalitarian maxim, it will, so to speak, be neutral
ized through the subsequent mention of
its reversibility. For the text con
tinues, and this continuation should really always be cited aLso: ''And
likewise the husband does not rule over his own body, but the wife does"
(Cor. 1.7.4).
Ultimately, Paul's undertaking, which, in the final analysis, it is
right to consider as a progressive innovation, consists in making univer
saLizing egaLitarianism pass through the reversibility of an inegaLitarian ruLe.
This at once allows him to avoid irresolvable arguments over the rule
(which he assumes at the outset) and to arrange the global situation so
UniversaLity and
the TraversaL of Diffi
rences
r05
that universality is able to affect particularizing differences in return: in
this instance, the difference between the sexes.
Whence a technique of balancing, which, as soon as women are
concerned, marks all of
Paul's interventions without exception. Talce mar
riage, for example. Obviously, Paul begins with the inegalitarian rule "I
give charge . . .
that the wife should not separate from her husband"
(Cor. 1.7.10). But he immediately adds "and that the husband should not
divorce his wife" (Cor. h.1O).
Let us consider a question that, in what is known as its Islamic vari
ant, enjoys a certain topicality: Should women cover their hair when in
public? This is obviously what everyone thinks in the eastern world in
which the apostle is trying to start militant groups. For Paul, what is im
portant is that a woman "prays or prophesies" (that a woman be able to
"prophesy," which for Paul means publicly declare her faith, is something
quite considerable). Thus, he admits that "any woman who prays or
prophesies with her head unveiled dishonors her chief" (Cor. I.r1.5). The
argument is that women's long hair indicates something like the natural
character of
veiling, and that it is appropriate to emphasize this natural
veil with an artificial sign that ultimately pays witness to an acceptance of
the difference between the sexes. As Paul says, for a woman, true shame
consists in being shorn, and this is the one and only reason why, being
summoned to declaration, she must veil herself in order to show that the
universality of this declaration includes women who con
firm that the
y are
women. It is the power of the universal over difference as difference that
is at issue here.
It will be objected that this constraint applies solely to women, and
hence that it is flagrantly unequal. But such is not the case, on account of
the subsequent symmetrization. For Paul is careful to specify that "any
man who prays or prophesies with his head covered dishonors his chief"
(Cor. I.r1.4), and that it is as shameful for a man to have long hair as it is
for a woman to have short hair. The necessity of
traversing and testifying
to the difference between the sexes in order
for it
to become indifferent in
the universality of
the declaration culminates in symmetrical, rather than
unilateral, constraints within the contingent realm of customs.
Perhaps echoing a hierarchical vision of
the world that was ubiqui
tous at the time, and whose Roman version was the cult of the emperor,
I06
Universality and the Ti"aversal a
/Differences
Paul does declare that "the chief of every man is Christ, the chief of a
woman is her husband, and the chief of Christ is God" (Cor. I.11.3) .
Moreover, it is precisely the ambiguity of the word ke
phale (still audible
in the ancient word "chief") that allows him to move from this theo
logico-cosmic disquisition to an examination of the perilous question of
the women's veil. As expected, the basis is provided by the narrative in
Genesis: "For man was not made from woman, but woman from luan"
(8). The question seems settled: Paul proposes a solid religious basis for
the subjugation of women. Well actually, not at all. Three lines further
down, a vigorous "nevertheless" (plen) introduces the subsequent sym
metrization, which, opportunely reminding us that every man is born of
a woman, leads the whole of
this inegalitarian edifice back to an essential
equality: "Nevertheless, in the Lord woman is not independent of man,
nor man of woman; for as woman was made from man, so man is now
born of
woman" (Cor. Lu.u).
Thus, Paul remains faithful to his twofold conviction. With regard
to what has happened to us, to what we subjectivate through a public
declaration (faith), to what we universalize through a fidelity (love), and
with which we identifY our subjective consistency in time (hope), differ
ences are indifferent, and the universality of the true collapses them.
With regard to the world in which truth proceeds, universality must ex
pose itself to all differences and show, through the ordeal of their divi
sion, that they are capable of welcoming the truth that traverses them.
What matters, man or woman, Jew or Greek, slave or free man, is that
differences carr
y the universal that happens to them Iilee
a grace. Inversely,
only by recognizing in differences their capacity for carrying the univer
sal that comes upon them can the universal itself
verifY its own reality: "If
even lifeless instruments, such as the flute or the harp, do not give dis
tinct notes, how will anyone know what is being played on the flute or
the harp?" (Cor. 1.14-7).
Differences, like instrumental tones, provide us with the recogniza
ble univocity that mal<:es up the melody of the True.
1 1
In Conclusion
We gave this book the subtitle The Foundation a
/Universalism. It is,
of course, an excessive title. Real universalism is already entirely present
in this or that theorem of
Archimedes, in certain political practices of the
Greeks, in a tragedy of Sophocles, or in the amorous intensity to which
the poems of Sappho bear witness. It is JUSt as present in the Psalms, or,
inverted into nihilism, in the lamentations of Ecclesiastes.
Nevertheless, there occurs with Paul, on this very issue, a powerful
breal<, one that is still illegible in the teaching ofJesus, insof
ar we have ac
cess to it. Only this break illuminates the immense echo of
the Christian
foundation.
The difficulty for us is that this break has no bearing on the explicit
content of the doctrine. The Resurrection, after all, is just a mythological
assertion. The claim "there is a limitless succession of prime numbers"
possesses an indubitable universality. The claim "Christ is resurrected" is
as though subtracted from the opposition between the universal and the
particular, because it is a narrative statement that we cannot assume to be
historical.
In reality, the Pauline break has a bearing upon the formal condi
tions and the inevitable consequences of
a consciousness-of-truth rooted
in a pure event, detached from every objectivist assignation to the partic
ular laws of a world or society yet concretely destined to become in-
108
In Conclusion
scribed within a world and within a society. What Paul must be given ex
clusive credit for establishing is that the fidelity to such an event exists
only through the termination of communitarian particularisms and the
determination of
a subject-of-truth who indistinguishes the One and the
"for all." Thus, unlike effective truth procedures (science, art, politics,
love), the Pauline break does not base itself upon the production of
a uni
versal. Its bearing, in a mythological context implacably reduced to a sin
gle point, a single statement (Christ is resurrected), pertains rather to the
laws of universality in general. This is why it can be called a theoretical
break, it being understood that in this instance "theoretical" is not being
opposed to "practical," but to real. Paul is a founder, in that he is one of
the very first theoreticians of
the universal.
A second difficulty is then that Paul could be identified as a
philosopher. I have myself maintained that what is proper to philosophy
is not the production of
universal truths, but rather the organization of
their synthetic reception by forging and reformulating the category of
Truth. Auguste Comte defined the philosopher as one who "specialized
in generalities." Is not Paul someone who specializes in the general cate
gories of all universalism?
We will suspend this objection by claiming that Paul is not a
philosopher precisely because he assigns his thought to a singular event,
rather than a set of conceptual generalities. That this singular event is of
the order of
a fable prohibits Paul from being an artist, or a scientist, or a
revolutionary of the State, but also prohibits all access to philosophical
subjectivity, which either subordinates itself to conceptual f
oundation or
auto-foundation, or places itself under the condition of real truth proce
dures. For Paul, the truth event repudiates philosophical Truth, while for
us the fictitious dimension of this event repudiates its pretension to real
truth.
Accordingly, we must say: Paul
is
an anti
philosophical theoretician o
f
universality. That the event (or pure act) invoked by antiphilosophers is
fictitious does not present a problem. It is equally so in Pascal (it is the
same as Paul's), or in Nietzsche (Nietzsche's "grand politics" did not break
the history of the world in two; it was Nietzsche who was broken).
Antiphilosopher of genius, Paul warns the philosopher that the
conditions for the universal cannot be conceptual, either in origin, or in
destination.
In Conclusion
So far as the origin is concerned, it is necessary that an event, which
is a sort of
grace supernumerary to every particularity, be what one pro
ceeds from in order to cast off differences.
So far as the destination is concerned, it can be neither predicative
nor judicial. There is no authority before which the result of
a truth pro
cedure could be brought to trial. A truth never appertains to Critique. It
is supported only by itself and is the correlate of a new type of subject,
neither transcendental nor substantial, entirely defined as militant of
the
truth in question.
This is why, as Paul testifies in exemplary fashion, universalism,
which is an absolute (nonrelative) subjective production, indistinguishes
saying and doing, thought and power. Thought becomes universal only
by addressing itself
to all others, and it effectuates itself as power through
this address. But the moment all, including the solitary militant, are
counted according to the universal, it follows that what takes place is the
subsumption of
the Other by the Same. Paul demonstrates in detail how
a universal thought, proceeding on the basis of the worldly proliferation
of alterities (the Jew, the Greek, women, men, slaves, free men, and so
on), produces a Sameness and an Equality (there is no longer either Jew,
or Greek, and so on). The production of equality and the casting off, in
thought, of differences are the material signs of the universal.
Against universalism conceived of
as production of
the Same, it has
recently been claimed that the latter found its emblem, if not its culmi
nation, in the death camps, where everyone, having been reduced to a
body on the verge of death, was absolutely equal to everyone else. This
"argument" is fraudulent, for two major reasons. The first is that, in read
ing Primo Levi or Shalamov, one sees that, on the contrary, the death
camp produces exorbitant differences at every instant, that it turns the
slightest fragment of reality into an absolute difference between life and
death, and this incessant differentiation of the minute is a torture. The
second, more directly relevant to Paul, is that one of the necessary condi
tions of
thought as power (which, let us remind ourselves, is love) consists
in he who is a militant of the truth identifYing himself, as well as every
one else, on the basis of the universal. The
production of the Same is itself
internal to the law o
f
the Same. But the Nazis' production of extermina
tory abattoirs obeyed the opposite principle: the "meaning" proper to the
mass production of}ewish corpses was that of
delimiting the existence of
no
In Conclusion
the master race as absolute difference. The address to the other of
the "as
oneself" (love the other as yourself) was what the Nazis wanted to abol
ish. The German Aryan's "as oneself" was precisely what could not be
projected anywhere, a closed substance, continuously driven to verifY its
own closure, both in and outside itself, through carnage.
Paul's maxim, which is that of the dissolution of the universalizing
subject's identity in the universal, mal(es of
the Same that which must be
achieved, even if it includes, when necessary, altering our own alterity.
For the subject, this subjective logic culminates in an indifference
to secular nominations, to whatever allocates predicates and hierarchical
values to particular subsets. Hope outstrips these nominations. The epis
tle to the Philippians (2.9) speaks of Christ as "the name which is above
every name." It is always to such names, rather than to the closed names
proper to particular languages and sealed entities, that the subject of a
truth lays claim. All true names are "above every name." They let them
selves be inflected and declared, just as mathematical symbolism does, in
every language, according to every custom, and through the traversal of
all diff
erences.
Every name from which a truth proceeds is a name from before the
Tower of Babel. But it has to circulate in the tower.
Paul, we have insisted, is not a dialectician. The universal is not the
negation of
particularity. It is the measured advance across a distance rel
ative to perpetually subsisting particularity. Every particularity is a con
formation, a conformism. It is a question of maintaining a nonconfor
mity with regard to that which is always conforming us. Thought is
subjected to the ordeal of conformity, and only the universal, through an
uninterrupted labor, an inventive traversal, relieves it. As Paul magnifi
cently puts it, "Do not be conformed to the present century, but be trans
formed by the renewal of
your thought [nous here, and not pneuma, so
that it is better not to translate it as "spirit"]" (Rom. 12.2).
Far from fleeing from the century, one must live with it, but with
out letting oneself be shaped, conformed. It is the subject, rather than
the century, who, under the injunction of his faith, must be trans
formed. And the key to this transformation, this "renewal," lies in
thought.
Paul says to us: it is always possible for a nonconformist thought to
In Conclusion
III
think in the century. This is what a subject is. It is he who maintains the
universal, not conformity.
Only what is in immanent exception is universal.
But if everything depends on an event, must we wait? Certainly
not. Many events, even very distant ones, still require us to be faithful to
them. Thought does not wait, and it has never exhausted its reserve of
power, unless it be for him who succumbs to the profound desire to con
form, which is the path of
death.
Besides, waiting is pointless, for it is of the essence of the event not
to be preceded by any sign, and to catch us unawares with its grace, re
gardless of
our vigilance.
In Zarathustra's dialogue with the fire-dog, Nietzsche says that true
events arrive on doves' feet, that they surprise us in the moment of great
est silence. On this point, as on many others, he should have acknowl
edged his debt to that same Paul upon whom he pours out his scorn. First
epistle to the Thessalonians (5.2) : "The day of the Lord will come like a
thief in the night."
PHILOSOPHY/RELI
GrON
"This book i s a daring and provocative confrontation of religion and
secular practice, the aim of which is to recover the radical core of
Paul's militant philosophical, or 'antiphilosophical,' project."
- James 1. Porter, University of Michigan
In this bold and provocative work, French philosopher Alain Badiou proposes a
startling reinterpretation of St. Paul. For Badiou, Paul is neither the venerable
saint embalmed by Christian tradition, nor the venomous priest execrated by
philosophers like Nietzsche: he is instead a prof
oundly original and still revolu
tionary thinker whose invention of Christianity weaves truth and subjectivity
together in a way that continues to be relevant for us today.
In this work, Badiou argues that Paul delineates a new figure of
tlle subject:
the bearer of a universal truth that simultaneously shatters the strictures of
Judaic Law and the conventions of the Greek Logos. BadioLl shows that the
Pauline figure of the subject still harbors a genuinely revolutionary potential
today: ilie subject is that which refuses to submit to the order of the world as we
Imow it and struggles f
or a new one instead.
C U LT U R A L M E M O RY I N T H E P R E S E N T
ALain Badiou hoLds the Chair o
f
Philosoph
y at the EcoLe Normale Superieure in Paris.
Many o
f
his books have been pubLished in EngLish, including Manifesto for Philo
sophy, Deleuze: The Clamor of
Being, and
Ethics: An Essay on the Understanding
of Evil.
S TA N F O R D U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S
www.sup.org
ISBN 0-8°47-4471-8
Cover desi
gn: Preston Thomas
111111111111111111111111
9 780804 74471 3
90000
1111111111111111choice A
Fixed identities should be transformed into dynamic identities
choice B
The problem with contemporary politics is devaluation and neutralization
choice C
The problem with contemporary politics is cultural relativism
choice D
Ideology promotes the formation of subjective consciousness
difficulty
hard
domain
Multi-Document QA
length
medium
sub domain
Academic
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